The Economist - manufacturing in China(1)
中国的进步与发展英语新闻摘抄
中国的进步与发展英语新闻摘抄An English News Digest":China's rapid economic growth and technological advancements have been the subject of extensive global attention in recent years. As the world's second-largest economy, China's progress has had a significant impact on the global landscape, transforming not only its own society but also the international community. This essay aims to provide an overview of some of the key developments in China's progress and development, drawing from recent English news reports.One of the most notable aspects of China's progress has been its sustained economic growth. According to a report by the World Bank, China's GDP grew by 8.1% in 2021, outpacing the global average and demonstrating the resilience of the Chinese economy despite the challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic. This growth has been driven by a range of factors, including the country's continued investment in infrastructure, the expansion of its manufacturing and service sectors, and the rise of its burgeoning tech industry.The growth of China's tech sector has been particularly impressive, with the country emerging as a global leader in areas such as artificial intelligence, e-commerce, and renewable energy technology.A recent article in The Economist highlighted the rapid development of China's electric vehicle (EV) industry, noting that the country now accounts for over 50% of global EV sales. This progress has been driven by government policies that incentivize the adoption of EVs, as well as significant investments in research and development by Chinese tech companies.Another area of progress in China has been its efforts to address environmental challenges. The country has made significant stridesin transitioning to renewable energy sources, with a report by the International Energy Agency indicating that China is the world's largest producer and consumer of renewable energy. This shift has been driven by ambitious government targets for renewable energy production, as well as the rapid expansion of the country's solar and wind power industries.China's progress has also been evident in its efforts to improve the quality of life for its citizens. A recent article in The New York Times highlighted the country's investments in public transportation, noting that China has built the world's largest high-speed rail network, connecting major cities and reducing travel times for millions of people. Additionally, the government has madesignificant investments in healthcare and education, with the goal of improving access to these essential services for all Chinese citizens.However, it is important to note that China's progress has not been without its challenges. The country has faced criticism from the international community on issues such as human rights, trade practices, and geopolitical tensions. Additionally, the rapid pace of economic and social change has led to widening income inequality and environmental degradation in some regions.Despite these challenges, China's progress and development over the past several decades have been truly remarkable. The country's transformation from a largely agrarian economy to a global powerhouse has been a testament to the resilience and ingenuity of the Chinese people, as well as the effectiveness of the country's economic and social policies. As China continues to evolve and adapt to the changing global landscape, it will undoubtedly play an increasingly important role in shaping the future of the world.。
外刊每日精读 Making trouble
外刊每日精读 | Making trouble文章脉络【1】看重制造业的国家都有工业战略,但是英国没有。
【2】英国对自己的可再生能源产业非常自满。
【3】安迪·霍尔丹称英国很可能在这场再工业化军备竞赛中落后。
【4】与中国相比,西方在绿色技术方面觉醒地太晚了。
【5】英国想要成为一个制造业“超级大国”还有一段路要走。
【6】英国不再是一流的制造业经济体,而且几十年以来都不是。
【7】戴森最近宣布将把电池工厂建在新加坡,这也完美诠释了英国现在正面临的挑战。
【8】戴森没有选择在英国建厂有多重原因。
【9】英国进行高价值的脑力劳动,其他国家负责生产的想法已经不再符合实际。
【10】国家相关战略的缺失让制造商处于竞争劣势。
【11】缺少合适的、有规划的工业战略是英国的致命弱点。
【12】从行动来看,英国似乎并没有参与竞争。
经济学人原文Making trouble:UK needs an industrial strategy to compete in manufacturing【1】Countries that are serious about manufacturing have industrial strategies.The US and China have one. So do Germany and France. Britain does not . Rishi Sunak talks about turning the UK into a “science and technology superpower” but that’s all it is: talk. It is a PR strategy masquerading as an industrial strategy.【2】Faced with the challenge presented by Joe Biden’s inflation reduction act (IRA), the government says it has no need to respond to the package of green subsidies being provided by Washington because Britain has already established a thriving renewables sector and the Americans are playing catch up. The complacency is staggering.【3】Andy Haldane , once the Bank of England’s chief economist and now the chief executive of the Royal Society of Arts, last week said: “The world is facing right now an arms race in re-industrialisation. And I think we’re at risk of falling behind in that arms race unless we give itthe giddy-up.”【4】China, Haldane added, had been focusing on green technology for many, many years and had forged ahead in tech such as solar and batteries. “The west has belatedly woken up,” he said. “The IRA is throwing cash to the wall on that. The cost of that [is] almost certainly north of half a trillion dollars. Possibly north of $1tn. The EU is now playing catch up, [and] the UK currently is not really in the race at any kind of scale.”【5】A quick glance at the latest trade figures shows Britain has some way to go to be a manufacturing“superpower”.manufacturing’s share of the economy shrank from more than 30% to less than 10% of national output in Elizabeth II’s reign. The goods deficit, last in surplus in the early 1980s, stood at £55bn in the first three months of this year, with imports more than 50% higher than exports. A £40bn quarterly surplus in services was not enough to close the trade gap.【6】Those who supported Brexit say the UK now has the freedom to export more to faster growing parts of the world economy . Those who opposed it say exporting to the EU has become more burdensome. Both are right, but both are missing the point. Before Britain can take advantage of export opportunities it has to have stuff to export. The fact is the UK is no longer a firstrank manufacturing economy and hasn’t been for decades.【7】Dyson’s recent announcement that it will build a battery factory in Singapore is a perfect illustration of the challenge facing the UK. There was never the remotest possibility that the plant would be in the UK due to what its founder James Dyson, a prominent Brexit supporter, called in a letter to the Times, t he “scandalous neglect” of science and technology businesses.【8】Only part of the company’s reluctance to manufacture in the UK is due to the recent jump in corporation tax, though that wipes out any benefit from tax breaks for research and development. It is also the planning system, the lack of trained engineers, the disdain shown for science and technology, and government interference in the way businesses are run.【9】The company says the UK will remain a centre for R&D, and it will invest £100m in a new tech centre in Bristol for software and AI research. But the idea that Britain can do all the high-value brain power stuff while other countries do the production is an illusion. Increasingly, Dyson’s R&D happens in Singapore, the site of its global HQ, and in the Philippines.【10】Dyson is by no means alone. A report by the lobby group Make UK found that six in 10manufacturers thought government had never had a longterm vision for manufacturing, while eight in 10 considered the absence of a strategy put their company at a competitive disadvantage compared with other manufacturing nations. It is no surprise that AstraZeneca recently announced it was building its new factory in Ireland .【11】Stephen Phipson, Make UK ’s chief executive , said last week the US was spending 1.5% of national output on its IRA. The equivalent sum in the UK would be £33bn. It was not just the money, though. “A lack of a proper, planned industrial strategy is the UK’s achilles heel ,” Phipson said. “Every other major economy, from Germany, to China, to the US, has a long-term national manufacturing plan, underlying the importance of an industrial base to the success of its wider economy. The UK is the only country to not have one.“If we are to not only tackle our regional inequality, but also compete on a global stage, we need a national industrial strategy as a matter of urgency.”【12】One option is to concentrate instead on sectors where the UK does have global clout: financial and business services, for example. In that case, the pretence has to stop that levelling up will be delivered by new factories turning out world-beating products.The government can either make Britain an attractive place for manufacturing companies to invest or it can decide not to compete. Judged by its actions rather than by its rhetoric, it seems to have chosen the latter option.。
中国制造的现状英语作文
中国制造的现状英语作文英文回答:Current State of Manufacturing in China。
China's manufacturing sector has undergone asignificant transformation over the past several decades, evolving from a primarily labor-intensive industry to a highly competitive, technology-driven engine of growth.Labor Costs and Competitiveness。
Historically, China's manufacturing competitiveness has been driven by its abundant and relatively low-cost labor force. However, as the country's economy has developed and wages have increased, labor costs have become a less significant factor. Chinese manufacturers have responded by investing in automation and technology to enhance productivity and remain competitive globally.Technology and Innovation。
In recent years, China has made substantial investments in research and development, leading to the emergence of a growing number of innovative manufacturing companies. These companies are leveraging cutting-edge technologies such as artificial intelligence, robotics, and additive manufacturing to optimize production processes and create value-added products.Industrial Upgrading。
高考英语时事新闻语法填空---货币多极化日趋明晰,如何辨认AI作画破绽
The rising use of the RMB helps boost world financial stability货币多极化趋势日益明晰Recently, there 1___________(be) a rise in the global use of the Chinese renminbi in trade, financing and reserve management.China and Brazil reached a deal to trade in their own currencies (货币) on March 29. This means that people can exchange the Chinese renminbi for reais (雷亚尔) and vice versa (反之亦然), instead of going through the US dollar.The Brazilian central bank said on March 31 that the renminbi 2___________(surpass) (超过) the euro and is now the second-biggest share of Brazil’s international exchange reserves.China serves 3_________ a manufacturing powerhouse (制造业大国) and the renminbi’s value is stable. These two factors have contributed to the growing role of the renminbi, experts said.The 4_________(rise) use of the renminbi will contribute to global financial 5 ______________(stable) . A more diversified international monetary (货币的) system – as opposed to a dollar-centered one –_6__________(help) reduce the risks brought by fluctuations (波动) in the dollar’s value caused by ongoing US financial turmoil (混乱) and increasing US government debt, according to Shao Yu, chief economist at Orient Securities.What’s more, the use of the renminbi creates a win-win situation for China as well as its trade and investment partners. It can reduce the losses 7___________(cause) by exchange rate fluctuations.According to Huang Yiping, an expert at Peking University, if a country uses its own currency to trade, it can also solve the problem of currency mismatch (货币错配). Huang said that many developing countries usually have debts in foreign currencies, mainly the US dollar.8_________, their assets (资产) are generally in their own currencies. “Normally it’s balanced, but 9_______ something happens and a country’s currency depreciates (贬值), its assets will be not enough 10 ___________(pay) for the debts, which might lead to panic and financial crisis,” Huang said.参考答案:1 has been 2 had surpassed 3 as 4 rising 5 stability 6 caused 7 helps 8 However 9 if 10 to pay重点词汇积累1 reach a deal达成协议2 trade贸易3 exchange交流,交换4 share 份额5 reserve储备6 manufacturing7 stable---stablility稳定8 contribute to导致9 global全球10 financial金融的11 diversified多元化122 ongoing持续的13 Securities14 investment投资15 loss损失16 debt债务17 generally一般18 asset资产19 panic恐慌20 crisis危机PS:However, experts noted that there remains a big gap between the renminbi’s global profile anddeveloped economies’ currencies. The renminbi’s share of global foreign exchange reserves (外汇储备) stood at 2.69 percent in the fourth quarter of 2022. It ranked fifth among all reserve currencies but was much less than the dollar’s 58.36 percent, data from the International Monetary Fund (国际货币基金组织) showed on March 31.Ways to tell if an image is made by AI 如何一眼识破人工智能画作的“破绽”?Artificial intelligence (AI) has been increasingly good at fooling people. A series of photos 1_____________(show) former US president Donald Trump being aggressively arrested by police have caught people’s attention. They were fake 2__________ very convincing.Created by the AI program Midjourney, the photos were highly realistic, from the characters’ movements 3 ________ the surroundings.4 ___________, many details can give away the fact that they 5 ____________(make) by AI. The Washington Post’s technology writer Shira Ovide shared her tips. The main idea is to spot the glitches – anything 6___________ would look strange in a photo.AI software has a history of generating human hands incorrectly. It sometimes can create hands with more than five fingers. This is7 __________AI isn’t sure what a “hand” exactly is, according to Popular Science. The data AI uses to learn often show hands and fingers in various gestures, which can be very 8_____________(confuse) for AI.AI-generated images also usually contain details that defy (违背) reality. 9_________(spot) this, focus on items like accessories. For example, people in an image may be missing earrings or one part of their sunglasses.Another thing AI is terrible at handling is the background. If there’s a crowd in the image, people’s faces in the background are 10____________(usual) blurry – or they don’t have faces at all!参考答案:1 showing 2 but 3 to 4 However 5 are made 6 that 7 because 8 confusing 9 To spot 10 usuallyPS:The development of AI-generated art also raises alarm bells about how these fake images could be used to spread misinformation (不实信息). “I think misinformation is going to hit an all-time high,”Jamie Cohen, a digital culture and AI expert in the US, told New York Post. Generating an AI artwork is to “create reality”, Cohen argued, adding that being able to tell whether the work is real or not requires high media literacy (素养) skills. “The world may not be ready for how realistic the images have become,” Shane Kittelson, a US researcher, told The Washington Post.英国百年剧院于3月末关闭The Oldham Coliseum in the UK brought down the curtain for the final time 1________March 31 after Arts Council England (ACE) axed (削减) its £1.8 million (about 15.14 million yuan) grant, reported The Guardian.This news made many people feel heartbroken.2_____________( establish) in 1885, the Oldham Coliseum established itself as an important place for _3_______________(entertain) before World War I. According to the website About Manchester, the famous comedian Charlie Chaplin once performed pantomime (默剧) in front of audiences numbering around 2,000 there. It was also a stage for opera and melodrama (情节剧) 4__________brought much delight for residents in the city.The Oldham Coliseum was “not just theater,5__________ a community center and a safe haven,” BBC News noted. “[It gave] the population an identity, hope, pride and an outlet to express and to witness.”Though the cotton town of Oldham declined 6________the early 20th century and many local people couldn’t afford tickets 7_____________(attend) shows, the theater “rose from the ashes (废墟)” once again as a receiving house for touring productions, visiting companies and special one-night events later on. That helped “launch the careers of local actors”, reported The Guardian.At that same time, the theater produced some of 8_________best work and was hard at work representing the local community with various shows, events and gigs (现场演出).“The Oldham [was] a new kind of people’s theater. It’s 9___________(true) ‘owned’ by its audience, its artists and its participants,” stated Ian Tabbron, former senior relationship manager of ACE, on the theater’s website.Though its closure 10_____________(upset) many, there’s still good news to give them comfort. As The Guardian noted, a new venue will be opened to carry on Oldham Coliseum’s cultural legacy (遗产).参考答案:1 on 2 Established 3 entertainment 4 which 5 but 6 in 7 to attend 8 its 9truly 10 upsets。
经济学人信息部3月30日发布:纵观中国的海外并购
© Economist Intelligence Unit 2010
3
勇闖新天地 縱觀中國的海外併購
編者按
諸
多迹象顯示中國經濟實力呈持續增長態勢,其中一個現象就是尋求在海外收購資產的 中國公司數量急劇增長。2009年,當發達經濟體仍然在全球金融危機的泥沼中舉步維
艱時,中國公司進行跨國收購的數量卻創下了新的歷史記錄,總數約298宗。許多中國投資都 深受資金短缺的西方企業歡迎,因為如果沒有中國的投資,它們將面臨嚴峻的生存危機。然 而,中國的大肆收購卻引發了諸多憂慮,尤其當有中國國有企業參與海外競購時,這種擔憂 便愈發強烈。與此前的西方同行一樣,中國企業逐漸意識到要順利完成併購絕非易事,進行 跨國併購尤為如此。 在《勇闖新天地:縱觀中國的海外併購》(A brave new world: The climate for Chinese M&A abroad)報告中,我們試圖瞭解這些計劃進行海外資產收購的中國企業的擔憂與期望,並試圖 為這些企業提供一個視角,讓它們能夠瞭解潛在併購對象和國外監管機構所存在的關切。 以下是我們調查研究得出的一些重要結論:
• 調整思路,下調收購股權。過去中國競購企業總是尋求對其收購對象的完全控股,或至少
在管理上對其實施掌控。我們對2004年至2009年的5,000萬美元以上的交易進行分析,其中 半數交易涉及收購對象50%-100%的股權,另外13%的交易涉及收購對象25%-50%的股權(中 方企業雖為少數股東,但仍占相當股份)。但是諸多迹象表明,中國競購企業已經意識到由 於種種原因,這種收購思路也許並非最佳,特別是因為它可能引起外國公眾和監管機構的警 惕。在表示確定進行或很有可能進行海外投資的受訪者中,47%的受訪者表示他們傾向於成立 合資企業(占29%)或企業聯盟(占18%),只有27%的人表示他們會採取收購的方式。
Unit 1 The three sectors of the economy
• The economist J.K. Galbraith • He don't think it is possible to stop this progressive change in the patterns of human consumption. It is inevitable.
2. The secondary sector manufacturing industry, in which raw materials are turned into finished products. All of manufacturing, processing and construction. (smelting iron, cutting mental,milling mental, pressing metal, wilding mental,assembling,building)
3. The tertiary sector the commercial services that help industry produce and distribute goods to the final consumer, as well as activities such as education, health care, leisure, tourism, and so on.
1 . Small investment, method to expend employment ,to ensure social stability,improve people's living standards and the quality of life.
国际经贸高级英语
《国际经贸高级英语(精读与翻译)》参考答案罗汉主编key to ExercisesUnit OneⅠ/1. the accumulation of physical capital indispensable to economic growth2. to import advanced equipment and know-how from abroad3. license trade accounting for 90 per cent of the total volumeof the world s trade of technology4. lack of human capital reflected in economic development5. the great impact of high technology on the adjustment of industries6. key factors driving economic growth7. the transformation from an agricultural nation into an industrial one8. the tangible and intangible factors making up the total factor productivity growth9. the improvement of educational systems lurking in technological progress10. the ratio of capital to labour in this industry11. expand the labour force and increase its education and training12. the role of the R&D department in the operations of multinational corporations13. a study report analyzing variations in technical progress across a large number of countries14. to incorporate quantity and models into economic analysis15. great gap in incomes between developed and developing nationsⅡ/1. Many economists attributed the rapid economic growth rate of someland desiring areas, such as HongKong and Singapore, to the enhancement of educational levels of their population. Based on this, they drew their conclusion that knowledge is the key to their economic development.2. In the 1960s, on the basis of importing much sophisticated technology andknow how from developed countries, Japan expanded its e conomy in large scales, enabling its economy to keep up with the most advanced level of the world in 20 years.3. The development of new economic theories has raised many subjects to statistics. For example, high rates of school enrollment may not translate into high rates of economic growth if the quality of education is poor, or if educated people are not employed at their potential because of distortion in the labor market.4. In 1994, after a long period of investigation and research, the famous economist Krugman presented a study report analyzing variations in technical progress across a large number of countries. He said in the report that the economic development of Asia was not based on the progress of technology, so the economy contained much foam in it. Three years later, the sudden break out of southeast Asian Economic Crisis verified his conclusion.5. People haven't hitherto come up with an ideal method to put a value on science and technology, for it is intangible to some degree.Ⅲ. In the information age, knowledge, rather than physical assets or resources, is the key to competitiveness. This is as true for the obviously konwledge intensive sectors,such as software or biotechnology, as it is for industrial age manufacturing companies or utilities.For the knowledge intensive sectors,knowledge which feeds through from research and development to innovative products and processes is the critical element. Butwith industrial age manufacturing companies or utilities, using knowledge aboutcustomers to improve service is what counts.What is new about attitudes to knowledge today is the recognition of the need to harness, manage and use it like any other asset. This raises issues not only of appropriate processes and systems, but also of how to account for knowledge in the balance sheet.In future, the value of intellectual capital will be more widely measured and reported. The measurement and reporting of key performance indicators related to intellectual capital will become a more widespread practice among major organizations, completing the financial accounts.Unit TwoⅠ/1. to crack the FORTUNE Global 5002. a collective enterprise supervised by workers3. be pessimistic about the factory s ability to absorb technology4. the incorporation (mix)of foreign management practices and Chinese nationalism5. a leading guru of Japanese quality control6. to transfer the management concepts to new acquisitions7. the dominant position in China s refrigerator market8. a case study of the management art9. to let shoddy products released to the market in large quantities10. to set the stage for the renovation of the enterprise11. the wholly-owned companies and holding companies under the control of the parent company12. to soak up the laid-offs released from state owned companies13. to sell modern refrigerator making technolog y to the factory14. the state-owned enterprises accounting for the majority of industrial enterprises15. the development of domestic pillar industriesⅡ/1. Although this joint venture has been growing very fast, it still has a long way to go to realize its goal of cracking the Fortune Global 500.2. Haier once tried to place the sample products in sight of the assembly line workers to improve the quality of the products, but now it has outgrown thispractice.3. In the early 1980s, out of every 1000 urban Chinese households, there were only two or three that owned refrigerators. With the enhancement of people's livingstandard, refrigerators have become the first big item in the households buy of many families.4. The company has 70 subsidiaries around the world, one third of which arewholly-owned, with their products sold to 108 countries and areas. In recent years, it has averaged an increase of 50% a year in revenues.5. The rapid development of collective and private enterprises will help to soak up the labour force released from poorly operated state-owned enterprises and to relieve the nation's employment burden.Ⅲ. Many managers feel uncomfortable if not actively involved in accomplishing a given job. This is said to result from a“low tolerance for ambiguity”. The manager desires to know what is happening on a moment by moment basis. A wise manager should know clearly what work must be delegated, and train employees to do it. If after training, an employee is truly unable to perform the work, then replacement should be considered. A manager should avoid reverse delegation.This happens when an employee brings a decision to the manager that the employee should make. An acceptance of reverse delegation can increase the manager'swork load and the employee is encouraged to become more dependent on the boss. Unit ThreeⅠ/1. to issue a vast amount of short term government bonds2. plenty of capital inflow to the security market in the recent period3. the preference of investors to the inflation protected treasury bonds4. to decrease the risk by hedging5. diversified portfolio6. to reach more than 50% of the initial public offering7. dilution of securities caused by the distribution of shares8. the trigger event that causes the imploding on market index9. short maturity U.S. government and corporate fixed income secu r ities10. real assets like commodities and real estate11. to avoid insider-trading charges through legal windows12. some trigger events that will charge the interest rate in the capital market13. reflect investors' wary view of the market14. shepherd the funds every step of the way15. the agriculture bonds that come back in the stock marketⅡ/1. During the past several months, the interest rate and the exchange rate have fluctuated greatly, which has brought enormous loss to many investors. But this institution overrode the adverse factors in the market and still obtained a big profit by wise hedging investments.2. The diversification of portfolio can decrease the non-systematic riskof individual securities in the portfolio efficiently, but it is unable to remove the systematic risk of the market.3. During the period of high inflation in capitalist countries between the late 1960s and late 1970s, many people tended to convert their money incomes into goods or real estate.4. One of the Bundesbank council members said that the central bank is under no immediate pressure to cut interest rates and that it needs more time to study the economic data before making a decision.5. Many experts consider that the interest rates would trend higher, because, although it is true that there is not much inflation now, wage inflation is evidentand the entire economy is in such high gear right now.Ⅲ. For all the similarities between the 1929 and 1987 stock market crashes, there are one or two vital differences. The most important of these was the reaction of the financial authorities. In 1929, the US Federal Reserve reacted to the crash by raising interest rates, effectively clamping down on credit. This caused manyotherwise healthy companies to fail simply due to cash flow problems. If onecompany failed leaving debts, many others down the line would meet the same fate. In 1987, the authorities were quick to lower interest rates and to ensure that ample credit was made available to help institutions overcome their difficulties. There were no widespread business failures and, more importantly, the economy did not enter another depression. There was a period of recession(milder than a 1930s-style depression), but this was largely due to a resurgence of inflation. The sharp interest rate cuts, and excessively hasty financial deregulation, pushed inflation higher, which in turn forced governments to reverse earlier interest rate cuts, prompting an economic slow-down.Unit FourⅠ/1. to rely heavily on monetary flexibility to reign in inflation2. to execute tight monetary policy3. to implement fiscal policy in the form of social insurance and national taxes4. to pour into economically expanding regions5. to replace their individual currencies with a single currency6. to bode well for the future of the EMU7. to control government deficits to meet Maastricht conditions8. the overvalued currency as a main barrier to export9. to refrain from dumping surplus goods abroad10. the influence of integrated economy on capital flow11. the balance-of-payments deficit warranting the devaluation policy adopted by the monetary authority12. to eliminate the economic costs associated with holding multiple currencies13. costs that must be taken into account when estimating profits14. to take advantage of the small difference between the central bank's pegged rates and market rates15. to hedge against risks coming from volatile exchange ratesⅡ/1. Ironically, Europe will see an increase in economic specialization along with the European unification process.2. The European Central Bank will face a dilemma when two member countries both badly need certain monetary policies to regulate their economies but the policies they need are of opposite directions.3. A person will be called an“arbitrageur"if, to gain profits, he takes advantage of the different exchange rates on different markets, or at different times on a same market.4. The national economies of many European countries have recently been forced to fit Maastricht conditions and arbitrary deadlines, and such actions have created unnecessary economic turmoils.5. As a central bank, the Federal Reserve System currently uses its control over the money supply to keep the national inflation rates low and to expand national economies in recession.Ⅲ. Even before construction of the euro is complete, governments can point to one notable success. The past year has seen extraordinary turmoil in global financial markets. Rich country stock markets and currencies have not been spared. Yet Europe has been, comparatively speaking, a safe haven, Intra-European movements in exchange rates have been tiny. This is something that the euro-11 governments had committed themselves to, but their success could not have been taken for granted a year ago. The fact is, at a time of unprecedented financial turbulence, theforeign exchange markets regarded the promise to stabilize intra-European exchange rates as credible. Currencies have held steady and interest rates have converged: it augurs well for the transition to the new system.Unit FiveⅠ/1. a major engine of growth in Asian economy2. the structural weakness in South Korea's financial system3. to execute economic policies which adhere to IMF-aid programs4. a sharp decline in the price competitiveness of that country's exports5. the slump in the Japanese stock market6. a more advantageous position than its rivals in terms of price competitiveness7. trade disputes sparked by price distortion8. the financial panic triggered by the devaluation of Japanese yen9. to stabilize the recently turbulent capital flows10. the advantageous position of industrial countries in the world trade system11. the serious welfare losses for all nations resulted from a full scale trade war12. a USD 58 billion bailout which South Korea was forced to seek from the IMF13. the great expenditure caused by huge government institutions14. technology intensive and knowledge intensive products with high competitiveness15. the country's economy which remains mired in recessionⅡ/1. While the Asian economy regained stability, the possibility of devaluation of the HongKong dollar will be an important variable affecting the recurrence of similar economic crises in Asia.2. In order to connect the improvement of price competitiveness brought about bythe currency depreciation to a better balance of payment, internationalcooperation is as essential as are internal reforms.3. The Asian financial crisis owing to the heavily indebted banking systems,excessive government spending and over reliance on foreign loans has damaged the world economy seriously.4. Some Japanese companies began to fall out of their over reliance on loansfrom the banking system, focusing on profits and cutting out wasteful spending.5. Erupted in July 1997, the Asian financial crisis reflected the defectsin the fragile financial systems of Asian countries.Ⅲ. Like death and taxes, international economic crises cannot be avoided. Theywill continue to occur as they have for centuries past. But the alarmingly rapid spread of the 1997 Asian crisis showed these economies' vulnerability to investor skittishness. Unfortunately, there is no international“911" that emerging markets can dial when facing economic collapse. Neither the IMF nor a new global financial architecture will make the world less dangerous. Instead, countries that want toavoid a rerun of the devastating 1997—98 crisis must learn to protect themselves. And liquidity is the key to financial self help. A country that has substantial international liquidity—large foreign currency reserves and a ready source offoreign currency loans—is less likely to be the object of a currency attack. Substantial liquidity also enables a country already under a speculative siege to defend itself better and make more orderly financial adjustments. The challenge is to find ways to increase liquidity at reasonable cost.Unit SixⅠ/1. capital flight depleting a country s foreign exchange reserves2. domestic hyperinflation caused by devaluation3. to adopt expansionary fiscal policy to increase national income4. be faced with the danger of increasingly shrinking aggregate demand5. capital market harassed by liquidity trap6. to rule out the possibility of massive speculative activities7. to drive down domestic prices at the expense of economic stagnation8. the international gold standard system characterized by fixed exchange rates9. the pressure of hot money flow on currencies10. the neoclassical theory centering on the spontaneous adjustments of market11. intelligent policy makers who will use variable means to achieve economic goals12. flexible fiscal and financial policies that can help the economy out of depression13. the different dilemmas that the developing countries and the mature economies are faced with14. to sacrifice full employment to achieve high output rate15. the increased demand for this currency that will lead to the devaluation of another currencyⅡ/1. The economic turmoil in that country made the central bank and the treasury department take each other to task, which reflected the importance of the collaboration of a country s monetary and fiscal policies.2. The government has now slipped into such a dilemma that if it wants toimprove its balance of payment, it will need to lower the exchange rate, but to lower the exchange rate will lead to inflation.3. Although devaluation will magnify exports, it can also lead to the increasing foreign curren cy denominated debt;it can even cause the collapse of people's confidence in the government. Therefore, the government did not dare to adopt the devaluation policy without careful consideration.4. The increase of foreign currency denominated debt is not necessarilythe indispensable cost of economic development. Because, although it may promote economic growth in the short run, it will increase the burden of domestic enterprises and lead to imbalanced balance of payment in the long run.5. Major capitalist countries had been seeing gold standard as a symbol of strong economic power, but they were forced to give it up for good during the Great Depression.Ⅲ. Troubled Asian Economies have turned out to have many policy and institutional weaknesses. But if America or Europe should get into trouble next year or the year after, we can be sure that in retrospect analysts will find equally damning things to say about Western values and institutions. And it is very hard to make the case that Asian policies were any worse in the 1990s than they had been in previous decades, so why did so much go so wrong so recently?The answer is that the world became vulnerable to its current travails not because economic policies had not been reformed, but because they had. Around the worldcountries responded to the very real flaws in post Depression policy regimes bymoving back toward a regime with many of the virtues of pre-Depressionfree-market capitalism. However, in bringing back the virtues of old fashioned capitalism, we also brought back some of its vices, most notably a vulnerability both toinstability and sustained economic slumps.Unit SevenⅠ/1. government reforms compatible with a country's development program2. lay emphasis on the resolution of government involvement3. the state induced transfer of wealth from the rich to the less fortunate4. to finance the development of public sectors5. a sharp decrease in the subsidy expenditure of a welfare state6. to minimize the public expenditure of this country7. the growth rate of gross fixed asset formation8. heavy interest obligations resulting from huge interest payments9. a certain share of shadow economy in the government performance10. to avoid increasing government spending and lowering the economic growth rates11. the benchmark to assess the scope for reducing the size of government12. be of growing importance in government reforms13. to facilitate adjustment to the new economic environment14. the detrimental short-run effects of reforms on some groups15. the protectionist and competitive devaluation policies administered by some industrial countriesⅡ/1. Over the years, opinions about the role of state have been changing, andpolitical institutions have been changing as well, to accommodate the demand for more state involvement in the economy.2. It's generally believed that even if welfare states cut down the hugewelfare expenditures, they can't necessarily solve their serious economic problems such as large budget deficits and hyperinflation.3. The government carried out the expansionary fiscal policy, which resulted inthe increase of budget deficits. To compensate the deficits, it should take certain measures, such as issuing bonds or increasing the money supply.4. Many industrial countries face the dilemma during their reforms between high inflation rates and low unemployment rates, so they must consider all around to minimize the losses.5. Radical reforms must aim at maintaining public sector objectives while reducing spending. In this process, the role of the government will change from the provider to the overseer or the regulator of activities.Ⅲ. Modern societies have accepted the view that governments must play a larger role in the economy and must pursue objectives such as income redistribution andincome maintenance. The clock cannot be set back and, in fact, it should not be. For the majority of citizens, the world is certainly a more welcoming place now than it was a century ago. However, we argue that most of the important social and economic gains can be achieved with a drastically lower level of public spendingthan that which prevails today. Perhaps the level of public spending does not needto be much higher than, say, 30 percent of GDP to achieve most of the importantsocial and economic objectives that justify government intervention. Achievingthis expenditure level would require radical reforms, a well-functioning private market, and an efficient regulatory role for the government.Unit EightⅠ/1. winds of reform in Japan s banking sector2. the amended Bank of Japan Law in line with the global standards for autonomy and transparency3. touch on the paramount goal in the sphere of monetary policies4. charge the central bank with maintaining price stability and nurturing a secure credit system5. generate unnecessary panics in the financial markets6. the execution of monetary policies independent of the bureaucracy7. the institutions in charge of formulating the interest rate policies8. a discount rate at a historical low of 0.5%9. to keep maintaining and nurturing the credit system in accordance with the state policy10. in the spheres of fiscal and monetary policies11. the new economic law entering force this year12. in the context of propelling economic reforms13. to strengthen the government s functions through fiscal policies14. key measures which have won confidence from the market15. the implementation of a merit based promotion systemⅡ/1. It is no overstatement to say that the bad accounts in Japan's banks have accumulated to a very high level.2. The central bank's quasi-bureaucratic status has stymied its normal operations, so many economists call for the enhancement of its autonomy in accordance with the global standards.3. It has been normal for bank shares to march in line with movements in net interest margins, which means bank shares tend to rise as net margins widen and fall as the latter narrow.4. Japan's bank shares are in a different position from their American counterparts: America s bank shares have already risen sharply thanks to the country's full-fledged economic recovery, while Japan's bank shares are still weak as the banks struggle to get to grips with their bad debts.5. Runs on the banks proliferated and a sharp fall in bank loans followed, before the non-performing loans, amounting to 30% of bank assets, were taken over by the state in 1997.Ⅲ. How fast Japan's financial system seems to be reforming. Barely a week goes by without news of another merger between Japan s huge but troubled financial firms. Deregulation is the spur. Three years ago the government announced a “Big Bang"for the country's financial-services industry. This would tear down firewallsthat had largely stopped insurance companies, banks and stockbrokers from competing in each other's patches. It was also meant to put an end to arbitrary, stiflingand often corrupt supervision.The biggest reason for deregulation in this way was that Japan's incestuous,Soviet'style financial system was hopelessly bad at allocating credit around the economy. The massive bad-loan problems that have plagued the country's banks for most of the 1990s are merely one symptom of an even bigger ill. Even so, there was wide spread scepticism that the government would go through with the cure. It deserves some credit, therefore, for largely sticking to its plans.Unit NineⅠ/1. the most commonly used measures of income distribution2. the shift from labour to capital markets3. specialization in production and the dispersion of specialized production processes4. the widening gap between the wages of skilled workers and those of unskilled workers5. new production techniques biased toward skilled labor6. economic inefficiency and distortions retarding growth7. sustainable growth and a viable balance of payments policy8. a broadly based, efficient and easily administered tax system9. reduce disparities in human capital across income groups10. targeted programs consistent with the macroeconomic framework11. constitutional rules on revenue sharing12. to promote equality of opportunities through deregulating economy13. cash compensation in lieu of subsidies14. stimulate the use of public resources and the overall economic growth15. take effective measures to promote employment and equityⅡ/1. Much of the debate about income distribution has centered on wage earnings, which have been identified as an important factor in the overall distribution of incomes. But in Africa and Latin America, unequal ownership of land is a factor that cannot be ignored.2. Globalization has linked the labor, product and capital markets of theeconomies around the world and has indirectly led to specialization in production and the dispersion of specialized production processes to geographically distant locations.3. Although fiscal policies are usually viewed as the principal vehicle for assisting low-income groups and those affected by reform programs, quite a number of countries have adopted specific labor market policies in an effort to influence income distribution.4. Measures governments can take to promote equality of opportunities include deregulating the economy;setting up strong and responsible institutions, including a well functioning judicial system;reducing opportunities for corrupt practices;and providing adequate access to health and education services.5. Another important issue is whether governments should focus on outcomes—such as decreasing the number of people living in poverty, or ensuring that all members of society have equal opportunities.Ⅲ. One theory on wealth distribution indicates that irrational distribution andcorruption are the major reasons for the uneven income level. According to this theory, wealth goes through four stages of distribution—the market, the government, non governmental organizations and unlawful activities, mainly corruption. Usually the first stage of distribution—the market—will result in an uneven spread of resources, which should be redressed by the second distribution stage, the government. In the third stage, the distribution of wealth is realized through contributions and donations made by non governmental organizations. The contributions are given to the poor in the form of charity activities. Thenfollows illegal grabbing of wealth, such as robbery, embezzlement, tax evasion andbribery. Their harm to social equality and stability is enormous and cannot really be measured.Unit TenⅠ/1. to facilitate the establishment of a new form of leadership in today's corporations2. to link a corporation's developing prospective to its present business performance3. companies which forge ahead in the rather changeable world economy4. to encourage domestic enterprises to seek out opportunities to enter foreign markets5. to instill development strategies of new products into employees at all levels6. to consider the promotion in the company the criteria to judge whether one is successful or not。
中国制造业上市企业 英语
中国制造业上市企业英语The Chinese manufacturing industry has seen a meteoric rise in recent decades, propelling many companies to become publicly listed enterprises with significant global influence. These manufacturing firms, with their deep roots in innovation, technology, and scalability, are not only driving China's economic growth but also shaping the global manufacturing landscape.The rise of Chinese manufacturing companies can be traced back to several key factors. Firstly, the country's commitment to industrialization and technology development has created a fertile ground for innovation. Secondly, the vast pool of skilled labor and affordable production costs has made China a preferred destination for manufacturing activities. Lastly, the government's policies promoting domestic and foreign investments have furthered the growth of these enterprises.One of the most remarkable aspects of Chinese manufacturing companies is their ability to adapt to changing market conditions. Whether it's embracing digital transformation, developing smart manufacturing capabilities, or entering into strategic partnerships, these companies have demonstrated remarkable agility and resilience. This adaptability has enabled them to capitalize on new opportunities and overcome challenges, thereby maintaining their competitive edge.The impact of Chinese manufacturing companies on the global economy cannot be overstated. Their products,ranging from consumer electronics to automotive components, are exported to markets across the globe, fueling growthand creating employment opportunities. Furthermore, the technological advancements made by these companies areoften shared with their global partners, driving innovation and progress in the manufacturing sector.The rise of Chinese manufacturing companies has also been accompanied by a growing interest in international collaboration and investment. Many of these companies have expanded their operations beyond China, setting upproduction facilities and research centers in other countries. This trend not only helps them tap into new markets but also enables them to leverage global resources and expertise.However, the rise of Chinese manufacturing companies has not been without its challenges. Trade tensions and protectionist measures implemented by some countries have created obstacles for these enterprises. Additionally, the increasing costs of production and rising competition from other regions have made it necessary for these companies to 不断创新 and improve their operational efficiencies.Despite these challenges, the future of Chinese manufacturing companies looks bright. The country's commitment to technology development and innovation, coupled with its vast pool of skilled labor and expanding global footprint, positions these companies well for continued growth and success. Moreover, their increasing involvement in international collaborations and investments is likely to further enhance their global influence and competitiveness.In conclusion, the Chinese manufacturing industry has emerged as a key player in the global manufacturing landscape. The rise of publicly listed manufacturing companies, their adaptability to changing market conditions, and their growing global influence, all point to apromising future for this sector. As these companies continue to innovate and expand, they will play a crucial role in driving global economic growth and progress.**中国制造业上市企业的全球影响力**中国制造业在近几十年来实现了迅猛的发展,推动了许多企业成为具有全球影响力的上市企业。
国际经济与贸易英语论文
国际经济与贸易论文The contribution of foreign trade to China's economic growth analysis Summary:Although in recent years, China's exports continued strong growth, rapid expansion of trade surplus, rising position in international trade, import and export commodity structure further optimize. But our economy still shows four uncoordinated: uncoordinated, uncoordinated merchandise trade and trade in services, foreign trade of the eastern and western uncoordinated, uncoordinated trade and industrial speed and efficiency. These uncoordinated has seriously affected China's foreign trade growth in the quality and efficiency of foreign trade $ 2 trillion by 2020, by the number of goals, the traditional mode of growth is difficult to achieve. This paper analyzes the status of China's trade from the start, to clarify the new situation adhere to quality realistic options strategies to improve the quality awareness of products and services, changes in competitive strategy of low prices, and strive to build the core competitiveness of Chinese enterprises, China's manufacturing to China from the realization of create change.Keywords: international trade, our manufacturing, our creationFirst, the current development of China's foreign tradeChina's foreign trade has made remarkable achievements. China's current trade growth mode presents the following characteristics:(一)To expand the number of typeSince the reform and opening up, China's foreign trade developed rapidly, with an average annual growth over the same period the average annual growth rate in the world of international trade. Scale to promote the export of China's ranking inworld exports(二)the processing tradeAfter China's reform and opening up, the development of processing trade very quickly, once reached more than 50 percent of China's total imports and exports, up 56.9 percent. In the 21st century, the processing trade has been gradually replaced by general trade, became the dominant position in China's foreign trade. And the concern is the rapid rise of China's processing trade and foreign direct investment behavior is closely related.(三)"three capital" enterprises have become the main exportSince the reform and opening up, China's foreign trade by guiding policy and industrial policy, foreign direct investment continues to grow. Foreign investment in China is mainly to fancy our huge market and low labor costs.Foreign-invested enterprises to adopt the great quantities of production, procurement of raw materials in foreign countries, domestic processing, production and export of products. Foreign exports accounted for more than 50% of the country's exports.(四)the export market structure is relatively simpleWith the development of economic globalization and regional economic integration, China and neighboring countries and regions and regional economic cooperation with other trade partners booming market diversification to achieve greater development. However, the proportion of the top ten trading partners of China's total imports and exports, total exports andtotal imports are still relatively large, top ten trading partners trade has accounted for more than 80% of China's total imports and exports, have declined until 2011 . The United States remained China's largest export market, Japan is still the largest source of imports.Second, the contribution of foreign trade to economic growth and the main problem of the existence of(一)Contribution of the Foreign Trade and Economic Growth1 imported factors of production can directly increase the supply of factors ofa country, for most countries, due to differences in resource endowments, the production can not completely have all the elements required for production, then the imports of production factors become a prerequisite for economic growth; for most developed countries, in the course of its economic take-off, without exception, have obtained through imports from less developed countries stable and cheap industrial raw materials, importing large quantities of these factors of production, on the one hand make up the lack of domestic supply of relevant elements, it also greatly increased the production of corporate profit margins, which is to maintain the level of domestic investment and thus promote economic growth played a significant role in promoting; for most developing countries, not only with the Like developed countries, the need to import some domestic scarce natural resources, and more importantly, developing countries generally lack the ability to produce modern machinery and equipment, advanced equipment imported by obtained from thedeveloped countries, its economic development played a crucial role.China's foreign trade in the process of rapid development, some enterprises lack of scientific management, the overall strength is weak; single means to participate in international competition; product non-price competitiveness is not strong, the lack of its own brand and marketing network;low export levels, many products are still in the low end of the international division of the value chain links, the added value is not high. Extensive trade growth mode has not changed fundamentally, economic and social benefits to be further improved.2 export development can be "driven" to increase domestic and foreign investmentFactor income of a country's export sector factor income is much higher than import-competing sectors. That is, the average profit margin of the export sector level higher than the average profit margin of import-competing sectors.Thus, it will have a substantial increase in domestic investment, "cause" part of the domestic export sector inflows factor in domestic factor mobility mechanism is relatively smooth conditions, a large number of elements of the inflow means export sector. In addition to the increase driven by domestic investment outside the rapid development of the export sector will attract some foreign investors to enter. As an important component of the foreign demand for capital formation, which directly affects the formation of capital, which is directly related to the speed of economic growth. Coupled with the operation of foreign capital into the domestic counterpart funds, so active inthe entire national chain and become an incentive for economic growth.3 can be driven by the expansion of exports to increase domestic employmentForeign trade impact on a country's domestic employment levels, especially as our country such a large developing country with rich labor resources, the significance is undoubtedly a far-reaching and significant. American economist Anne. Kruger has made ??a study of this system. Professor Kruger that the choice of open trade strategy will also help job growth in developing countries. 30 years of reform and opening up, China's foreign trade to GDP growth rate higher than the rate of rapid development, while the export commodity structure has also undergone major changes, from the export of primary products to manufactured goods into the main productive labor time intensive products industry has developed rapidly. Exports increased requirements to increase production, increase production and thus increasing employment needs. Professor Kruger believes compatible with different trading strategies trade policies will directly affect technology choice for all industries, thus affecting the industrial capital / labor ratio.4 Foreign trade can promote the formation of economies of scaleTraditional international trade theory usually assumes constant returns to scale, that foreign trade does not exist economies of scale. In practice, however, the reality is assumed that the development of international trade is not consistent. U.S. economist Paul Krugman ·R ·believes that countries are increasingly similar, more imperfect market competition today, instead of the economies of scale factorendowments differences have become the main reason for the promotion of trade development. We know that many industry only reach a certain size in order to reduce costs, relying solely on the size of a small domestic market often can not be achieved. And one country to vigorously promote exports, expand the international market, the domestic industry can be formed that economies of scale to create the conditions.(二)At present the problems of China's foreign trade1. A low price competition caused by the gradual increase in anti-dumpinginvestigationAccording to China's Ministry of Commerce statistics, in June 2011, China's state-sponsored by other anti-dumping investigations has reached more than 600 since. In 2010 alone, China's anti-dumping investigation of 51 cases, involving 1.79 billion U.S. dollars, has for 13 consecutive years as the world's anti-dumping investigations than any other country. Anti-dumping is for dumping purposes, the so-called dumping refers to the export price of a product at a price lower than the normal value of the market into another country. Dumping appeared, some countries are considered to be unfair trade practices and to be resisted by the legislative anti-dumping measures to protect the domestic industry. According to "Anti-Dumping Agreement," the implementation of anti-dumping measures must have three basic elements: dumping, the causal link between the damage, dumping and injury.Because our products generally have a clear price advantage, making international competitors and trading partners to take defensive or offensive trademeasures against Chinese products, and anti-dumping measures is most likely to be used. Also according to "Anti-Dumping Agreement" provides for products from non-market economy countries, the normal price in determining the dumping, the importing countries generally use the price "alternative country" as the base price. Many trading partner of our products, as a non-market economy country, in determining the margin of dumping of the product is often deviated from WTO rules, select the price of other "alternative country" as determined in accordance with the normal price of the product. As the "alternative country" system flexibility and irrationality, so as to abuse of the importing country, "cut right amount of freedom" in determining the dumping country when looking for an alternative to open the door.2.Economies of scale and social imbalanceCurrently, there are 172 kinds of commodity production in the world, "China's manufacturing" has been in many countries around the world, penetrated into every corner of life, many countries consumers irresistible products. The scale of China's manufacturing expanded rapidly in the rapid increase in the share of world manufacturing the same time, there is a lot of regret: product exports nearly 30% share in total exports, the common feature of these products is the low value-added, the price is very low , net of costs, the profit is very low, some products even price gains of only a few cents. U.S. exports equivalent to a Boeing airliner of 200 000 -30 million color TV sets exports.China's economic development is still stuck on to consume natural resources atthe expense of environmental quality development model. Rely on putting in a lot of natural resources and social resources in many areas has made the world's market share, but also caused a rather severe environmental problems. Environmental pollution and ecological destruction is increasingly becoming the impact of global economic and social development issues, and to become the focus of people's attention.Third, adhere to the "quality win" strategyImprove the quality of trade growth quality and efficiency of export goods is a sign of the national spirit, not only related to the efficiency of enterprises, but also related to the international image of our products. To better implement the "quality win" strategy, companies must the consumer's point of view, the product selectivity in durability, aesthetics, functionality, reliability, service, compliance, reputation and other aspects of comprehensive improve product and service quality, and increase the added value of export products, and further optimize the export structure, to create its own brand of high-value and enhance the international competitiveness of export enterprises.(一)increase the export of non-price competitivenessProvided to meet the needs or desires of the target consumer products is the key to successful operation. Products are anything to offer to the market to meet the needs and desires in the market include physical goods, services, experiences, events, people, places, property, organization, information and ideas. Non-marketing guru Philip. Kotler believes Products include coreinterests, basic product, expected product, additional products and potential products five levels, each level adds more customer value, customer value hierarchy constituted. From the essence of today's product competitiveness is not what companies in factory production, but other than that they increase the plant in the form of other values?, such as packaging, services, advertising, customer advice, financing, delivery arrangements and people seriously. Consumers generally from the factor characteristics and quality of products, product mix and quality of service, product prices and other judges he contacted products.1.Grasp customer price psychology, clever set commodity pricesAs the product information asymmetry, as well as non-professional consumers to buy, consumers in the purchase of goods, especially in the less familiar items to buy their own, always consciously or unconsciously, with the price and quality of goods intrinsic value linked to the price of goods as an important yardstick to measure the quality of the merits and value of size. They tend to believe that commodity prices are high, it means that the product is good quality, great value; low commodity prices, then the difference in the quality of goods, small value. Enterprises in the correct pricing strategy, the price must be in-depth study of the psychological impact on consumers, their prices grasp the psychological characteristics and can not take the low-price strategy.2 manufacturing customer perceived valueConventional wisdom is that as long as the price of the product is lower than competitors can seize more market . Reflect changes in the market price is the most sensitive factor for competitive products on the market position and market share has a direct impact . However, this effect is only limited in the industrial economy era , when corporate mission is to manufacture products and sell products , but in the knowledge economy era , the task has become a manufacturing enterprise value and transfer value to the enterprise market competition into energy consumer competitive price competition rather than the value created by the product . The key goal of marketing is to correctly determine the customer's needs and desires , and more effective than competitors better target customers transferred the desired product or service , these products or services to meet consumer needs or solve the problems they face tool. If the competition between enterprises blindly stuck in price competition stage , it will not only damage the interests of enterprises , and consumers are not necessarily derive a higher value because of price competition is necessarily accompanied by low-quality products and services and may also undermine the corporate image. With differentiated products , high value-added services , such as core technical capabilities to compete , the benefits accruing to compete more generous than the low bleed . Companies can earn huge profits , but also to compete for market share is more than the low significance. With the success of the enterprise should be a strength , corporate profits should be derived from the value of the market, but neveragainst opponents should be the purpose of business .Combined with the status quo of China's specific national conditions and development of enterprises, the paper argues that treat green, technical barriers and trade friction from abroad, to calmly. On the one hand should change their concepts, trade friction is clearly in the process of rapid economic development, a normal phenomenon, it is difficult to avoid, and objectively rational measure friction, the impact of barriers to trade and the economy. On the other hand should take this as an opportunity to improve the capability of independent innovation, enhance scientific and technological content of products. In addition, from the perspective of consumer psychology, low price competition for corporate branding strategy with hazards, Chinese enterprises should make full sense of urgency and mission, and strive to improve the value of the products, attention to technology investment, enhance product development and management, led export products.References:1.LiYushi.Changes in China's foreign trade2.LiJiaqin:On the Realization of Foreign Trade both a fundamental shift several issues3.YiShuoxiang:Changes in the competitive and comparative advantage of the growth mode4.JianXinghua:On China's foreign trade growth mode transformation5.LongGuoqiang:Foreign trade growth mode where to start6.ZhaoShuiqin:Reflections transformation of foreign trade growth mode 7.LiJunsheng:China's foreign trade and economic growth8.LiYuju:Accelerate the transformation of China's foreign trade growth 9.GuoKesha:The contribution of foreign trade to China's economic growth analysis10.XuJianbin: the current development of China's foreign trade。
中国制造的现状英语作文
中国制造的现状英语作文The Current Status of Made in China: A Comprehensive Analysis。
In recent decades, the phrase "Made in China" has become ubiquitous, symbolizing both the prowess and the challenges of the global manufacturing industry. As the world's largest exporter, China's manufacturing sector plays a crucial role in the global economy. However, the label "Made in China" also carries connotations of cheap labor, environmental concerns, and quality issues. In this essay, we will delve into the current status of "Made in China," examining its strengths, weaknesses, and the ongoing efforts to address its challenges.Strengths of Made in China:One of the primary strengths of "Made in China" lies in its vast manufacturing capabilities. China's abundant labor force, coupled with its infrastructure development andtechnological advancements, has enabled the country to produce a wide range of goods at competitive prices. From electronics to textiles, China's manufacturing sector has established itself as a global leader, supplying products to markets around the world.Additionally, China's strategic focus on industrialization and export-led growth has propelled its manufacturing sector to new heights. Government policies promoting foreign investment, trade liberalization, and industrial upgrading have created a conducive environment for manufacturing expansion. This has led to the emergence of manufacturing clusters and special economic zones, fostering innovation, efficiency, and economies of scale.Moreover, China's integration into global supply chains has further strengthened its position in the manufacturing landscape. By participating in international trade agreements and establishing partnerships with multinational corporations, Chinese manufacturers have gained access to foreign markets and technologies, enhancing their competitiveness on a global scale.Challenges Facing Made in China:Despite its strengths, the "Made in China" label faces several challenges that undermine its reputation and competitiveness. Chief among these challenges are concerns related to product quality, intellectual property rights, and environmental sustainability.Quality control has been a persistent issue for Chinese manufacturers, with reports of counterfeit goods, substandard products, and safety hazards tarnishing the reputation of "Made in China." Instances of product recalls and scandals have eroded consumer trust, leading to calls for stricter regulations and enforcement measures to ensure product safety and quality standards.Furthermore, China's reputation as a hub forintellectual property infringement has been a source of contention in international trade relations. Allegations of copyright infringement, patent violations, and forced technology transfer have strained diplomatic ties and ledto trade disputes with major trading partners. Addressing these concerns requires comprehensive legal reforms, enforcement mechanisms, and greater protection of intellectual property rights.Environmental sustainability is another critical challenge facing "Made in China." The rapidindustrialization and urbanization of the country have resulted in widespread pollution, resource depletion, and ecological degradation. From air and water pollution to deforestation and habitat destruction, China's manufacturing activities have exacted a heavy toll on the environment. Recognizing the urgency of the situation, the Chinese government has implemented various environmental regulations, initiatives, and green technologies to promote sustainable development and reduce the environmental impact of manufacturing operations.Efforts to Address Challenges:In response to the challenges facing "Made in China," the Chinese government has undertaken proactive measures toenhance the quality, innovation, and sustainability of its manufacturing sector. This includes initiatives such as the "Made in China 2025" plan, which aims to upgrade the country's manufacturing capabilities through innovation, automation, and advanced technologies. By prioritizing key industries such as robotics, biotechnology, and clean energy, China seeks to transition from being the world's factory to a global leader in high-tech manufacturing.Moreover, the Chinese government has stepped up efforts to enforce stricter regulations and standards to improve product quality and safety. This includes strengthening oversight mechanisms, conducting inspections, and imposing penalties on non-compliant manufacturers. By holding companies accountable for their products and practices, China aims to rebuild consumer trust and confidence in "Made in China" products.Additionally, China has pledged to address intellectual property concerns and enhance intellectual property rights protection through legal reforms, enforcement actions, and international cooperation. By strengthening intellectualproperty laws, cracking down on infringement activities, and promoting innovation and creativity, China aims to foster a more conducive environment for investment, research, and development.Furthermore, China has made significant investments in environmental protection and sustainability initiatives to mitigate the environmental impact of its manufacturing activities. This includes promoting renewable energy sources, improving energy efficiency, and implementing pollution control measures. By embracing green technologies and sustainable practices, China seeks to reduce its carbon footprint, conserve natural resources, and preserve the environment for future generations.Conclusion:In conclusion, the "Made in China" label represents both the strengths and challenges of China's manufacturing sector. While China has achieved remarkable success in becoming the world's factory, it faces ongoing challenges related to product quality, intellectual property rights,and environmental sustainability. However, through concerted efforts to enhance quality control, protect intellectual property, and promote sustainable development, China is poised to overcome these challenges and emerge as a global leader in manufacturing innovation and excellence. By embracing technological advancements, fostering innovation, and adopting sustainable practices, China can redefine the narrative of "Made in China" and shape the future of global manufacturing.。
MISALLOCATION AND MANUFACTURING TFP IN CHINA AND INDIA
NBER WORKING PAPER SERIESMISALLOCATION AND MANUFACTURING TFP IN CHINA AND INDIAChang-Tai HsiehPeter J. KlenowWorking Paper 13290/papers/w13290NATIONAL BUREAU OF ECONOMIC RESEARCH1050 Massachusetts AvenueCambridge, MA 02138August 2007We are indebted to Ryoji Hiraguchi and Romans Pancs for phenomenal research assistance. We gratefully acknowledge the financial support of the Kauffman Foundation. Hsieh thanks the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation and Klenow thanks SIEPR for financial support. The research in this paper on U.S. manufacturing was conducted while the authors were Special Sworn Status researchers of the U.S. Census Bureau at the California Census Research Data Center at UC Berkeley. Research results and conclusions expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Census Bureau or the National Bureau of Economic Research. This paper has been screened to insure that no confidential data are revealed.© 2007 by Chang-Tai Hsieh and Peter J. Klenow. All rights reserved. Short sections of text, not to exceed two paragraphs, may be quoted without explicit permission provided that full credit, including © notice, is given to the source.Misallocation and Manufacturing TFP in China and IndiaChang-Tai Hsieh and Peter J. KlenowNBER Working Paper No. 13290August 2007JEL No. O11,O47,O53ABSTRACTResource misallocation can lower aggregate total factor productivity (TFP). We use micro data on manufacturing establishments to quantify the extent of this misallocation in China and India compared to the U.S. in recent years. Compared to the U.S., we measure sizable gaps in marginal products of labor and capital across plants within narrowly-defined industries in China and India. When capital and labor are hypothetically reallocated to equalize marginal products to the extent observed in the U.S., we calculate manufacturing TFP gains of 25-40% in China and 50-60% in India.Chang-Tai HsiehDepartment of EconomicsUniversity of California, Berkeley549 Evans Hall, #3880Berkeley, CA 94720-3880and NBERchsieh@Peter J. KlenowDepartment of Economics579 Serra MallStanford UniversityStanford, CA 94305-6072and NBERPete@I. IntroductionLarge differences in output per worker between rich and poor countries have been attributed, in no small part, to differences in Total Factor Productivity (TFP).1 The natural question then is: what are the underlying causes of these large TFP differences? Research on this question has largely focused on differences in technology within representative firms. For example, Howitt (2000) and Klenow and Rodríguez-Clare (2005) show how large TFP differences can emerge in a world with slow technology diffusion from advanced countries to other countries. In these models, the inefficiencies preventing low TFP countries from reaching the frontier are internal to firms. They are models of within-firm inefficiency, with the inefficiency varying across countries.A recent paper by Restuccia and Rogerson (2007) takes a different approach. Instead of focusing on the efficiency of a representative firm, they suggest that the misallocation of resources across firms can potentially have important effects on aggregate TFP. For example, imagine an economy with two firms that have identical technologies but in which the firm with political connections benefits from subsidized credit (say from a state-owned bank) and the other firm (without political connections) can only borrow at high interest rates from informal financial markets. Assuming that both firms equate the marginal product of capital with the interest rate, the marginal product of capital of the firm with access to subsidized credit will be lower than the marginal product of capital of the firm that only has access to informal financial markets. This is a clear case of capital misallocation: aggregate output would be higher if capital was reallocated from the firm with a low marginal product of capital to the firm with a high marginal product of capital. The misallocation of capital results in low aggregate output per worker and TFP.More broadly, there are many institutions and policies that will potentially result in a misallocation of resources across firms. For example, the McKinsey Global Institute (1998) argues that a key factor behind low productivity in the retail sector in Brazil is that labor market regulations drive up the cost of labor for supermarkets, but do not affect retailers in the informal sector. Therefore, despite their low productivity, the lower cost1 See Caselli (2005), Hall and Jones (1999), and Klenow and Rodríguez-Clare (1997).of labor faced by informal sector retailers makes it possible for them to command a large share of the Brazilian retail sector. Lewis (2004) describes many similar case studies from the McKinsey Global Institute.Our goal in this paper is to provide quantitative evidence on the impact of resource misallocation on aggregate TFP. We use a standard model of monopolistic competition with heterogeneous firms, essentially Melitz (2003) without international trade, to show how distortions that drive wedges between the marginal products of capital and labor across firms will lower aggregate TFP.2 A key result we exploit is that revenue productivity should be equated across firms in the absence of distortions. Therefore, to the extent that revenue productivity differs across firms, we can use this to recover a measure of the firm-level distortions.We use this framework to measure the contribution of resource misallocation to aggregate manufacturing productivity in China and India versus the U.S. China and India are of particular interest not only because of their size and relative poverty, but because they have carried out reforms that may have contributed to their rapid growth in recent years.3 We use plant-level data from the Chinese Industrial Survey (1998-2005), the Indian Annual Survey of Industries (1987-1994) and the U.S. Census of Manufacturing (1977, 1987, 1997) to measure dispersion in the marginal products of capital and labor within individual 4-digit manufacturing sectors in each country. We then measure how much aggregate manufacturing output in China and India would increase if capital and labor were to be reallocated to equalize marginal products across plants within each 4-digit sector to the extent observed in the U.S. The U.S. is a critical benchmark for us, as there may be measurement error and factors omitted from the model (such as adjustment costs and markup variation) that generate gaps in marginal products even in a comparatively undistorted country such as the U.S.2 In terms of the resulting size distribution, the model is a cousin to the Lucas (1978) span of control model. Atkeson and Kehoe (2005) show that these models are isomorphic along some dimensions.3 See Kochar et al. (2006), Aghion et al. (2006) and The Economist (2006b), for discussion of Indian reforms, and Young (2000, 2003) and The Economist (2006a) for Chinese reforms. Farrell and Lund (2006) discuss how capital continues to be misallocated in China and India, while Allen, Chakrabarti, De, Qian and Qian (2006) study India in particular, and Dobson and Kashyap (2006) and Dollar and Wei (2007) examine capital misallocation in China.We find that moving to “U.S. efficiency” would increase TFP by 30-45% in China and 40-50% in India. The output gains would be roughly twice as large if capital accumulated in response to aggregate TFP gains. We find little evidence that India reaped efficiency gains from 1987 to 1994, but China may have boosted its TFP by 1% per year from 1998-2005 by winnowing its distortions. In both India and China, larger plants within industries appear to have higher marginal products, suggesting they should expand at the expense of smaller plants. The pattern is much weaker in the U.S., suggesting it is not simply due to adjustment costs or markups increasing in size.Although Restuccia and Rogerson (2007) is the closest predecessor to our investigation in model and method, there are many others.4 In addition to Restuccia and Rogerson (2007), there are three papers in particular that our work builds upon. First, we follow the lead of Chari, Kehoe and McGrattan (2007) in inferring policy distortions from residuals in equilibrium conditions. Second, the distinction between a firm’s physical productivity and its revenue productivity highlighted by Foster, Haltiwanger, and Syverson (2007) is central to our estimates of resource misallocation. Third, Banerjee and Duflo (2006) emphasize the importance of resource misallocation in understanding aggregate TFP differences across countries, and present suggestive evidence that gaps in marginal products of capital in India could play a large role in India’s low manufacturing TFP relative to the U.S.5The rest of the paper proceeds as follows. We sketch a model of monopolistic competition with heterogeneous firms to show how the misallocation of capital and labor lowers aggregate TFP. We then take this model to the Chinese, Indian, and U.S. plant data to try to quantify the drag on productivity in China and India due to misallocation in manufacturing. We lay out the model in section II, describe the datasets in section III,4A number of other authors have focused on specific mechanisms that could result in resource misallocation. Hopenhayn and Rogerson (1993) studied the impact of labor market regulations on allocative efficiency; Lagos (2006) is a recent effort in this vein. Caselli and Gennaioli (2003) and Buera and Shin (2007) model inefficiencies in the allocation of capital to managerial talent, while Guner, Ventura and Xu (2006) model misallocation due to size restrictions. Parente and Prescott (2000) theorize that low TFP countries are ones in which vested interests block firms from introducing better technologies.5 See Bergoeing, Kehoe, Kehoe, and Soto (2002), Galindo, Schiantarelli, and Weiss (2007), Bartelsman, Haltiwanger, and Scarpetta (2006), and Alfaro, Charlton and Kanczuk (2007) for related empirical evidence in other countries.and present empirical results in section IV. In section V we carry out a number of robustness checks, and we offer some tentative conclusions in section VI.II. Resource Misallocation and TFPThis section sketches a standard model of monopolistic competition with heterogeneous firms to illustrate the effect of resource misallocation on aggregate productivity. In addition to differing by their level of efficiencies (as in Melitz, 2003), we assume that firms potentially face different output and capital distortions.We assume that there is a single final good Y produced by a representative firm facing perfectly competitive output and factor markets. This firm combines the output s Y of S manufacturing industries using a Cobb-Douglas production technology:(2.1) 11,where1s SS s s s s Y Y θθ====.∑∏Cost minimization implies:(2.2)s s s P Y PY θ=.Here, s P refers to the price of industry aggregate output S Y and 1s S s s s P P θθ=⎛⎞≡⎜⎟⎝⎠∏representsthe price of the final good (we set the final output good as the numeraire, so P =1). Aggregate industry output s Y is itself a CES aggregate of s M differentiated products: (2.3)111.s M s si i Y Y σσσσ−−⎛⎞⎜⎟⎜⎟=⎝⎠=∑The production function for each differentiated product is given by a Cobb-Douglas function of firm TFP, capital, and labor:(2.4) 1s s si si si si Y A K L αα−=Note that capital and labor shares are allowed to differ across industries (but not across firms within an industry).6Since there are two factors of production, we can separately identify distortions that affect both capital and labor from distortions that change the marginal product of one of the factors relative to the other factor of production. We will denote distortions that increase the marginal products of capital and labor by the same proportion as an output distortion Y τ. For example, Y τ would be large for firms that face government restrictions on size or high transportation costs, and low in firms that benefit from public subsidies. In turn, we will denote distortions that raise the marginal product of capital relative to that of labor as the capital distortion K τ. For example, K τ would be large for firms that do not have access to credit, but small for firms with access to cheap credit (by business groups or state-owned banks).Profits are given by(2.5) (1)(1)si Ysi si si si Ksi si P Y wL RK πττ=−−−+.Profit maximization yields the standard condition that the firm’s output price is a fixed markup over its marginal cost:(2.6) ()1(1).111s s s Ksi si s s si Ysi w R P A ααατσσαατ−⎛⎞⎛⎞+=⎜⎟⎜⎟−−⋅−⎝⎠⎝⎠The capital-labor ratio is given by(2.7) 1,1(1)si s si s Ksi K w L R αατ=⋅⋅−+6 In section V below, on robustness checks, we relax this assumption by replacing the plant-specific capital distortion with plant-specific factor shares.the allocation of labor by(2.8)1(1)(1)(1)s si Ysi si Ksi A L σσασττ−−−∝+,and firm output by(2.9) (1)(1)s si Ysi si Ksi A Y σσασττ−∝+.As can be seen, the allocation of resources across firms will not only depend on firm TFP levels, but also on the output and capital distortions they face. To the extent resource allocation is driven by distortions rather than firm TFP, this will result in differences in the marginal revenue products of labor and capital across firms. The marginal revenue product of labor is proportional to revenue per worker:(2.10) .1si si i Ysisi P Y w MRPL L τ=∝−The marginal revenue product of capital is proportional to the revenue-capital ratio: (2.11) 1.1Ksi si si i Ysi siP Y MRPK R K ττ+=⋅∝−Intuitively, the after-tax marginal revenue products of capital and labor are equalized across firms. The before-tax marginal revenue products must be higher in firms that face disincentives, and can be lower in firms that benefit from subsidies. If labor and capital were allocated efficiently across firms, the allocation of labor and capital would only depend on firm TFP and the marginal revenue product of labor and capital would be the same for all firms.How much lower is aggregate TFP and output due to the misallocation of capital and labor? We proceed as follows. First, we solve for the equilibrium allocation of resources across sectors:7(2.12) 1''''1(1)(1)(1)(1)s M s s Ys s si Si s s Ys s L L L αθταθτ==−−≡=−−∑∑ (2.13) 1''''11111Ys s sS Ks s si i S Ys s s s Ks K K K ταθτταθτ==−+≡=−+∑∑.Here, 1S s s L L =≡∑ and 1S s s K K =≡∑ represent the aggregate supply of labor and capital, respectively, and 1s M si si Ys Ysi i s s P Y PY ττ=⎛⎞≡⎜⎟⎝⎠∑ and 1s M si Ks Ksi i s K K ττ=⎛⎞≡⎜⎟⎝⎠∑ denote the weightedaverage output and capital distortions in sector s . We can then express aggregate output as a function of S K , S L , and aggregate TFP in a sector: 8(2.14) ()11ss s Ss s s s Y TFP K L θαα−==⋅⋅∏,where aggregate TFP in sector s is given by:(2.15) 111111111s s M Ysi Ksi s si i s Ys Ks TFP A M σσαττττ−−−=⎛⎞⎧⎫⎛⎞⎛⎞−+⎪⎪⎜⎟=⎨⎬⎜⎟⎜⎟⎜⎟−+⎝⎠⎝⎠⎪⎪⎩⎭⎝⎠∑.Thus aggregate TFP in sector s is a weighted average of si A , where the weights are the firm-specific distortions.7To derive s K and s L , we proceed as follows. First, we derive the aggregate demand for capital and laborin a sector by aggregating the firm-level demands for the two factor inputs. We then combine the aggregate demand for the factor inputs in each sector with the allocation of total expenditure across sectors. 8 We combine the aggregate demand for capital and labor in a sector, the expression for the price of aggregate industry output, and the expression for the price of aggregate output.To illustrate the intuition behind the expression for aggregate TFP, it is useful to show that the firm-specific distortions can be measured by the firm’s revenueproductivity. It is typical in the productivity literature to have industry deflators but not plant-specific deflators. Foster, Haltiwanger and Syverson (2005) stress that, whenindustry deflators are used, differences in plant-specific prices show up in the customary measure of plant TFP. They therefore stress the distinction between “physicalproductivity”, which they denote TFPQ, and “revenue productivity”, which they call TFPR. The use of a plant-specific deflator yields TFPQ, whereas using an industry deflator gives TFPR.The distinction between physical and revenue productivity is vital for us too. We get1()s ssi si si si si Y TFPQ A K wL αα−≡≡ and 1(1).()1s s s si si Ksi si si si si si YsiP Y TFPR P A K wL αααττ−+≡≡∝− Unlike TFPQ, TFPR does not vary across plants within an industry unless plants face capital and/or output distortions. In this model, more capital and labor should beallocated to plants with higher TFPQ to the point where their higher output results in a lower price and the exact same TFPR as at smaller plants. To be precise, from (2.10) and (2.11), plant TFPR will be inversely proportional to a weighted average of the plant’s marginal product of capital and labor: 1(1)111s ss Ksi si Ysi si si TFPR MPL MPK αααττ−⎛⎞⎛⎞+∝=⎜⎟⎜⎟−⎝⎠⎝⎠. High plant TFPR within an industry is a sign that the plant confronts capital and output barriers that raises the plant’s marginal product of capital and labor and thus make it smaller than optimal.With the expression for TFPR in hand, we can rewrite aggregate TFP as: (2.16) 11111s M s s si i s si TFPR TFP A M TFPR σσ−−=⎛⎞⎧⎫⎜⎟=⋅⎨⎬⎜⎟⎩⎭⎝⎠∑,where (1)1s Ksi s YsiTFPR αττ+∝−. This is the key equation we use for our empirical estimates. Moreover, when A (≡ TFPQ) and TFPR are jointly log-normally distributed, there is a simple closed form expression for aggregate TFP:(2.17) ()()()111ln ln var ln var ln 2cov ln ,ln .2s M s si si si si si i s TFP A A TFPR A TFPR M σ=−=+−−⎡⎤⎣⎦∑In this case, the negative effect of distortions on aggregate TFP can be summarized by two statistics: the variance of TFPR and the covariance of TFPR with A . Intuitively, the extent of misallocation is worse when there is greater dispersion of marginal products and when high productivity firms face greater distortions. In our empirical section below, we will estimate the joint distribution of A and TFPR in China, India and the U.S to measure the effects of misallocation.We note several things about the effect of misallocation on aggregate TFP in this model. First, from (2.12) and (2.13), the shares of aggregate labor and capital devoted to a given sector are not affected by the extent of misallocation as long as Ys τ and Ks τ do not change. Our assumption of a Cobb-Douglas aggregator (unit elastic demand) is responsible for this property (an industry that is 1% more efficient has a 1% lower price index and 1% higher demand, which can be accommodated without adding or shedding inputs). We will relax this assumption when we do our robustness checks in section V.Second, we conditioned on a fixed aggregate stock of capital. Because the rental rate rises with liberalization, we would expect capital to accumulate (even with a fixed saving and investment rate). If we endogenize K by invoking a consumption Euler equation to pin down the rental rate R , the output elasticity with respect to aggregate TFP is 111S s S S αθ=−∑. When capital accumulates the effect of misallocation on output isincreasing in the average capital share. This property is reminiscent of a one sector neoclassical growth model, wherein increases in TFP are amplified by the capital accumulation they induce so that the output elasticity with respect to TFP is 1/(1)α−.Third, we will assume that the number of firms in each industry is not affected by the extent of misallocation. In an Appendix available upon request, we show that the number of firms would be unaffected by the extent of misallocation in a model of endogenous entry in which entry costs take the form of a fixed amount of labor.9III. Datasets for India, China and the U.S.Our data for India are drawn from India’s Annual Survey of Industries (ASI) conducted by the Indian government’s Central Statistical Organisation (CSO). The ASI is a census of all registered manufacturing plants in India with more than 100 workers and a random one-third sample of registered plants with more than 20 workers but less than 100 workers. For all calculations we apply a sampling weight so that our weighted sample reflects the population. The survey provides information on plant characteristics over the fiscal year (July of a given year through June of the following year). We use the ASI data from the 1987-1988 through 1994-1995 fiscal years. The raw data consists of around 40,000 plants in each year. For our computations we set industry capital shares to those in the corresponding U.S. manufacturing industry. As a result, we drop non-manufacturing plants and plants in industries without a close counterpart in the U.S. We also trim the 1% tails of both plant productivity and distortions to make the results robust to outliers.The variables in the ASI we use are the plants’ industry (4-digit ISIC), labor compensation, value-added, and book value of the fixed capital stock. Specifically, the ASI reports the plant’s total wage payments, bonus payments, and the imputed value of benefits. Our measure of labor compensation is the sum of wages, bonuses, and benefits. In addition, the ASI reports the book value of fixed capital at the beginning and end of the fiscal year net of depreciation. We take the average of the net book value of fixed capital at the beginning and end of the fiscal year as our measure of the plant’s capital.9 A critical assumption we make is that an entrant does not know its productivity or distortions ex ante. These are only known ex post, i.e., after expending entry costs. Ex ante a potential entrant knows only that they will receive a random draw from the existing joint distribution of distortions and productivity. We also follow Melitz (2003) and Restuccia and Rogerson (2007) in assuming exogenous exit.Our data for Chinese plants are from Annual Surveys of Industrial Production from 1998 through 2005 conducted by the Chinese government’s National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). The Annual Survey of Industrial Production is a census of all non-state plants with more than 5 million yuan in revenue (about $600,000) plus all state-owned plants. The raw data consists of over 100,000 plants in 1998 and grows to over 200,000 plants in 2005. Because we set industry capital shares to those in the corresponding U.S. manufacturing industry, we exclude non-manufacturing plants and plants in industries without a close counterpart in the U.S. Finally, we trim the 1% tails for plant productivity and distortions.The information we use from the Chinese data are the plant’s industry (again at the 4-digit level), wage payments, value-added, export revenues, and capital stock. We define the capital stock as the book value of fixed capital net of depreciation. As for labor compensation, the Chinese data only reports wage payments; it does not provide information on non-wage compensation. The median labor share in plant-level data is roughly 30 percent, which is significantly lower than the aggregate labor share in manufacturing reported in the Chinese input-output tables and the national accounts (roughly 50 percent). We therefore assume that non-wage benefits are a constant fraction of a plant’s wage compensation, where the adjustment factor is calculated such that the sum of imputed benefits and wages across all plants equals 50 percent of aggregate value-added. We also have ownership status for the Chinese plants, and Table 1 shows this for several years.10 Chinese manufacturing had been predominantly state-run or state-involved, but was principally private by the end of our sample (around 80% of value added). This privatization may have brought a rationalization of government policies, with reduced subsidies for the formerly state-affiliated plants.Our source for U.S. data is the Census of Manufactures in 1977, 1987 and 1997 conducted by the U.S. Bureau of the Census. Befitting their name, the Census covers all manufacturing plants regardless of size or ownership. The data consists of over 300,000 plants in each year. As with the Chinese and Indian data, we trim the 1% tails of the distributions of plant productivity and distortions. The information we use from the U.S.10 These figures may understate the extent of privatization. Dollar and Wei (2007) conducted their own survey of Chinese firms in 2005, and found 15% of all firms were officially classified as state-owned who had in fact been privatized.Census are the plant’s industry (again at the 4-digit level), labor compensation (wages and benefits), value-added, export revenues, and capital stock. We define the capital stock as the book value of the plant’s machinery and equipment and structures.IV. Empirical ResultsIn order to calculate the effects of resource misallocation, we need to back out key parameters (output shares, capital shares, the firm-specific distortions) from the data. Weproceed as follows: We set the rental price of capital (before reforms and excluding distortions) to R = 0.10. We have in mind a 5% real interest rate and a 5% depreciation rate. The cost of capital faced by plant i in industry s is (1)Ksi R τ+, so it differs from 10% if 0Ksi τ≠. Because our reforms collapse Ksi τto Ks τ in each industry, the attendant efficiency gains do not depend on R . If we have set R incorrectly, it affects only the Ks τ values, not the liberalization experiment.We set the elasticity of substitution between plant value added to σ = 3. Thegains from liberalization are increasing in σ, so we made this choice conservatively. Estimates of the substitutability of competing manufactures in the trade and industrial organization literatures typically range from 3 to 10 (e.g., Broda and Weinstein 2006, Hendel and Nevo 2006). Below we entertain the higher value of σ = 5 as a robustness check. Of course, the elasticity surely differs across goods (Broda and Weinstein report lower elasticities for more differentiated goods), so our single σ is a strong simplifying assumption.As mentioned, we set the elasticity of output with respect to capital in eachindustry (s α) to be one minus the labor share in the corresponding industry in the U.S. We do not set these elasticities based on labor shares in the Indian and Chinese data precisely because we think distortions are potentially important in the latter. We cannot separately identify the average output distortion and the production elasticity in each industry. We adopt the U.S. shares as the benchmark because we presume the U.S. is comparatively undistorted (both across plants and, more to the point here, acrossindustries). Our source for the U.S. shares is the NBER Productivity Database, based onthe Census and Annual Surveys of Manufactures. One well-known issue with these data is that payments to labor omit fringe benefits and employer Social Security contributions. The CM/ASM manufacturing labor share is about 2/3 what it is in manufacturingaccording to the National Income and Product Accounts, which incorporates non-wage forms of compensation. We therefore scale up each industry’s CM/ASM labor share by 3/2 to arrive at the labor elasticity we assume for the corresponding Indian or Chinese industry.One issue that arises when translating factor shares into production elasticities is the division of rents from markups in these differentiated good industries. Because we assume a modest σ of 3, these rents are large. We assume that these rents show up as payments to labor (managers) and capital (owners) pro rata in each industry. As a consequence, our assumed value of σ has no impact on our production elasticities.Based on the other parameters and the plant data, we infer the distortions andproductivity for each plant in each country-year as follows:(4.1)11s si Ksi s si wL RK ατα+=− (4.2)()111si Ysi s si si wL P Y στσα−=−− (4.3)11(),s s si si si s si si P Y A K L σσαακ−−=Equation (4.1) says we infer the presence of a capital distortion (subsidy) when the ratio of labor compensation to the capital stock is high (low) relative to what one would expect from the output elasticities with respect to capital and labor. Similarly, expression (4.2) says we deduce an output distortion (subsidy) when labor’s share is low (high) compared to what one would think from the industry elasticity of output with respect to labor (and the adjustment for rents). A critical assumption embedded in (4.2) is that observed value added does not include any explicit output subsidies or taxes.。
2012年中国海洋大学翻译硕士专业考研真题及答案解析
集训营、一对一保分、视频、小班、少干、强军
三、英译汉:
<As China Rolls Ahead, Fear Follows>
For nearly two years, China’s turbocharged economy has raced ahead with the aid of
rise in value. Some trading partners insist China is keeping its currency artificially
low to give Chinese exporters a competitive advantage.
Beijing contends that raising the value of its currency would hurt coastal factories
had climbed 5.1 percent in November, the sharpest rise in nearly three years.
Analysts say more tightening measures are expected in the coming months but that the
that operate on thin profit margins, forcing them to lay off millions of workers.
The most immediate challenge appears to be inflation, which some analysts say may be
the risk that a flood of cash into China, coupled with soaring inflation, could result
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经济学家英语介绍Economists are people who study how society uses its resources for production, distribution, and consumption of goods and services. They analyze the effects of government spending, taxation, and regulations, as well as international trade and global markets. Economists play an important role in business, government, and education.Economists use analytical techniques and quantitative methods to conduct research and produce empirical data. They apply theories and principles of economics to identify key factors that influence prices, market conditions, economic growth, and employment. Economists also investigate the impacts of government policies and potential changes in regulations and laws. In addition, they produce forecasts, develop models, and assess the potential risks of implementing certain strategies.Economists can use a variety of tools to analyze data, such as statistical analysis software, Econometrics software, and programming languages like Matlab, Python, and R. They can also use statistical packages such as Stata and SAS. Economists also need to be able to interpret financial reports and other documents related to their field.Economists work in a variety of industries and environments, including government, finance, health care, education, manufacturing and consulting. They may work for private businesses, nonprofit organizations, international agencies, public institutions, and universities. There are many areas of economics, including macroeconomics, microeconomics, and industrial organization.Economists can specialize in a particular area, such as labor markets, energy markets, international trade, healthcare economics, urban economics, or environmental economics. They may have expertise in specific sectors such as finance, banking, marketing, or media. Economists may hold positions in government agencies, think tanks, policy institutes, consulting firms, or academic institutions.Economists need excellent problem-solving, critical thinking, and communication skills. Highly developed research and analytical skills are also necessary for success as an economist. Those looking for employment in this field should consider obtaining a degree in economics, business, statistics, or mathematics.。
Buoyed_Confidence_Underscores_China’s_Robust_Econo
2CHINA TODAYRecently released economic data reflecting China’s brisk economic activities and vibrant foreign trade attest to a steady acceleration in the country’s economic growth. The National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) reported 5.5 percent year-on-year growth during the first two months of 2024 for retail sales of consumer goods, 4.2 percent for fixed-asset investment, and 7 percent for value-added of the industrial enterprises above the designated size. The country’s total import and export of goods, meanwhile, expanded 8.7 percent year-on-year, and its volume for this period achieved a historical high of RMB 6.61 trillion.This uplifting start to the year signifies a smooth course for Chi-nese economy toward its 2024 growth target of around five percent. Economists ascribe this impressive performance to China’s huge mar-ket potential, rapid growth of new types of consumption, applications of new technology, and supportive policies, all of which bolster global confidence in the world’s second largest economy.Such convincing testimony to China’s burgeoning economy not-withstanding, Western media’s anti-China rhetoric has nonetheless spouted dire predictions of the Chinese economy’s imminent “peak” – and indeed of the country’s “collapse.” But as senior fellow at the Chongyang Institute for Financial Studies of the Renmin University of China John Ross observed in his signed article published by Xinhua, “… you have to distinguish what the people in the West think and what various media and governments in the West think.” In 2023, the Chi-nese economy grew 5.2 percent, as compared to a 2.5 percent increase in the U.S.’s economy. Yet this disparity did nothing to dampen the U.S. media’s hyping up of China’s so-called “crisis,” and inexplicable asser-tion, which the facts overwhelmingly refute, that “the U.S. economy is doing incredibly well.”Chinese Premier Li Qiang laid out in this year's government work report a series of key tasks for 2024. These include modernizing the industrial system, and more rapid development of new quality pro-ductive forces; expanding domestic demand, and promoting sound economic flows; deepened reform and greater internal development momentum, and pursuing higher-standard opening-up, among others, all of which will undoubtedly fuel China’s high-quality development. Economists have expressed optimism in regard to China's eco-nomic outlook. UBS economist Wang Tao commended the Chinese government for its highlighting of ongoing structural changes and outlining of certain structural policies to facilitate the transition, such as developing new quality productive forces, according to Xinhua. Liu Jing, chief economist for Greater China at HSBC, is confident that China will reach its growth target of around five percent this year. LiuBuoyed Confidence UnderscoresChina’s Robust EconomyTo Our Readerssaid, in a Xinhua interview, “An array of favorable factors, including a stabilizing property market, recovering consumer sentiments, stronger manufacturing investments driven by massive equipment upgrades, and fiscal and monetary measures, will help promote a steady recovery of the economy.”Meanwhile, the steady advance of high-standard opening-up has buoyed international investors’ confidence in the Chinese market. In 2023, newly established foreign-invested enterprises in China totaled 53,766 – a year-on-year increase of 39.7 percent. An American Chamber of Commerce report, released in late February, showed that the major-ity of the 183 companies surveyed were optimistic about the Chinese market’s growth, and that 76 percent of them plan to reinvest in China in 2024. The annual output value of the German-funded enterprise Thermofin, specializing in high-end heat exchangers, since 2018, after it set up its Chinese factory, has almost doubled every year. Integrated technological support, China’s huge market, and a superb production capacity have all contributed to the German firm’s rapid growth. Last year, Thermofin commenced its plan, with an estimated investment of RMB 155 million, to build new factories in China and make the coun-try its Asia-Pacific regional headquarters. It is such buoyant foreign investment that underscores the country’s attraction as a top invest-ment destination.China is further expanding its high-standard opening-up with a view to sharing its development dividends with the rest of the world, thus promoting economic globalization. China will, according to the 2024 government work report, heighten its imports of high-quality goods, fully apply the negative list for cross-border trade in services, and abolish all market access restrictions on foreign investment in manufacturing. The country will, moreover, reduce market access restrictions in service sectors such as telecommunications and health-care, and make it easier for foreign nationals to work, study, and travel in China.As scientific and technological innovation becomes the major force empowering the country’s development, new productive forces come to the fore of its policymaking. In the first two months of 2024, China's hi-tech manufacturing industrial output posted a year-on-year growth of 7.5 percent, and its output of service robots rose by 22.2 percent year-on-year. This period also saw a 9.4 percent year-on-year increase in hi-tech industry investment. Tasks related to developing new quality productive forces also include improvement and upgrading of indus-trial and supply chains, and the cultivation of emerging and future-oriented industries, according to the government work report.Zhang Hui。
economist-咱们工人有力量
Log in Register My account Email addressPasswordRemember meForgot password? Newsletters RSS Subscribe Classifieds Saturday July 31st 2010 Search HomeWorldAll WorldUnited StatesBritainEuropeAsiaAmericasAfricaMiddle EastBusiness & FinanceAll Business & FinanceBusiness EducationWhich MBA?Science & TechnologyEconomicsAll EconomicsMarkets & DataCultureSite IndexPrint EditionWorld economyThe rising power of the Chinese workerIn China’s factories, pay and protest are on the rise. That is good for China, and for the world economyJul 29th 2010CHEAP labour has built China’s economic miracle. Its manufacturing workers toil for a small fraction of the cost of their American or German competitors. At the bottom of the heap,a “floating population”of about 130m migrants work in China’s boomtowns, taking home 1,348 yuan a month on average last year. That is a mere $197, little more than one-twentieth of the average monthly wage in America. But it is 17% more than the year before. As China’s economy has bounced back, wages have followed suit. On the coasts, where its exporting factories are clustered, bosses are short of workers, and workers short of patience. A spateof strikes has thrown a spanner into the workshop of the world.The hands of China’s workers have been strengthened by a new labour law, introduced in 2008, and by the more fundamental laws of demand and supply (see article). Workers are becoming harder to find and to keep. The country’s villages still contain perhaps 70m potential migrants. Other rural folk might be willing to work closer to home in the growing numberof factories moving inland. But the supply of strong backs and nimble fingers is not infinite, even in China. The number of 15- to 29-year-olds will fall sharply from next year. Andalthough their wages are increasing, their aspirations are rising even faster. They seem less willing to “eat bitterness”, as the Chinese put it, without complaint.Why the goons were called offRelated itemsChina's labour market: The next ChinaJul 29th 2010In truth, Chinese workers were never as docile as the popular caricature suggested. But the recent strikes have been unusual in their frequency (Guangdong province on China’s south coast suffered at least 36 strikes in the space of 48 days), their longevity and their targets: foreign multinationals.China’s ruling Communist Party has swiftly quashed previous bouts of labour unrest. This one drew a more relaxed reaction. Goons from the government-controlled trade union roughed up some Honda strikers, but they were quickly called off. The strikes were widely, if briefly, covered in the state-supervised press. And the ringleaders have not so far heard any midnight knocks at the door.This suggests three things. First, China is reluctant to get heavy-handed with workers in big-brand firms that attract global media attention. But, second, China is becoming more relaxed about spooking foreign investors. Indeed, if workers are upset, better that they blame foreign bosses than local ones. In the wake of the financial crisis, the party has concluded, correctly, that foreign investors need China more than it needs them. Third, and most important, the government may believe that the new bolshiness of its workers is in keeping with its professed aim of “rebalancing”the economy. And it would be right. China’s economy relies too much on investment and too little on consumer spending. That is mostly because workers get such a small slice of the national cake: 53% in 2007, down from 61% in 1990 (and compared with about two-thirds in America). Letting wages rise at the expense of profits would allow workers to enjoy more of the fruits of their labour.Higher Chinese wages would also be good for the West. This may seem odd, given how much the rich world has come to rely on cheap Chinese labour: by one estimate, trade with China has added $1,000 a year to the pockets of every American household, thanks to cheaper goods in the country’s stores, cheaper inputs for its businesses and stiffer competition in its markets. Just as expanding the global labour force by a quarter through the addition of cheap Chinese workers helped to keep prices down in the West, so higher Chinese wages might start to export inflation. Furthermore, from the point of view of the global economy, labour is a resource, like land or oil. It would not normally benefit from the dwindling of China’s reserves of labour any more than from the drying up of Saudi wells.Tomorrow’s global consumersBut in the wake of the financial crisis, things are different. Deflation is now a bigger threat than inflation. And with 47m workers unemployed in the OECD alone, labour is not holding back the global economy. What the world lacks is willing customers, not willing workers. Higher Chinese wages will have a similar effect to the stronger exchange rate that America has been calling for, shrinking China’s trade surplus and boosting its spending.This will help foreign companies and the workers they have idled. A 20% rise in Chinese consumption might well lead to an extra $25 billion of American exports. That could create over 200,000 American jobs.Eventually, this extra spending will help the world economy return to full employment. At that point, foreign companies and consumers may miss China’s cheap coastal workers, who kept profits high and prices low. But there will still be cheap labour to be found inland and in places like India. And Chinese wages were anyway only half the story. The other half was Chinese productivity. Chinese labour costs tripled in the decade after 1995, but output per worker quintupled.To repeat that feat, as it runs dry of crude labour, China will have to increase its supply of skilled workers. That will require a stable workforce, which stays with its employers long enough to be worth investing in. For that the government will need to relax further its system of internal passports, or hukou, which prevent migrant workers from settling formally in the city without losing their family plot back home. When labour was abundant, it suited the government to have a floating population that made few demands on urban authorities and drifted back to the family farm whenever hardship beckoned. But to maintain fast growth as the labour market tightens, China’s floating population will have to drop anchor.As the late Joan Robinson, a Cambridge economist, once wrote, “the misery of being exploited by capitalists is nothing compared to the misery of not being exploited at all”. Her quip, written in 1962, was inspired by underemployment in South-East Asia. Since then, capital has busily “exploited” workers in that region and its giant northern neighbour, much to their benefit. Now it is time for capital to invest in them.LeadersRecommend (393) E-mail ShareFacebook LinkedIn Twitter Delicious Digg more... Print Reprints & permissions Readers' commentsThe Economist welcomes your views.View all comments (146)Add your commentWant more? Subscribe to The Economist and get the week's most relevant news and analysis.Comment (146) Recommend (393) E-mail ShareFacebook LinkedIn Twitter Delicious Digg more... 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China's exchange rate and monetary policy
China’s Exchange Rate and MonetaryPolicies:Structural and InstitutionalConstraints and Reform OptionsGeng Xiao Brookings–Tsinghua Center for Public Policy and Senior Fellow Brookings Institution School of Public Policy and Management Tsinghua University Beijing,China 100084gxiao@ gxiao@ Asian Economic Papers 7:3©2008The Earth Institute at Columbia University and the MassachusettsInstitute of Technology Abstract This paper argues that declining transaction costs in exporting on the one hand and the structural and institutional barriers to im-porting and consumption on the other hand are the main causes for China’s rising current account surplus.Reforms in China’s plan-ning,financial,and regulatory systems are more important than adjustment in nominal exchange rate for balancing China’s trade and for China’s surplus capital to hire more of its surplus labor.Although structural inflation and currency appreciation are neces-sary for China’s price level to catch up step-by-step with those inthe advanced economies,the pace of inflation and appreciationneed to be compatible with China’s underlying productivitygrowth.An “inflation first and appreciation second”approachwould help China avoid the risks of both deflation and runawayinflation.The United States and China can have win–win results ifboth focus on the real constraints behind their external imbal-ances.1.IntroductionThe objective of this paper is to clarify some of the confu-sion related to the debate on China’s exchange rate policyand to identify the real barriers to greater ºexibility inChina’s exchange rate.1To my mind,there is no doubt that1The literature on China’s exchange rate policy is expanding rap-idly.Anderson (2005)provides the most comprehensive reviewand related statistics.McKinnon (2005)gives the most compre-hensive analysis on why China should adopt a ªxed exchangerate regime.A large number of articles and congressional testi-monies advise China to appreciate its currency aggressively,in-cluding Goldstein (2007),Goldstein and Lardy (2005),Cline(2005),and Makin (2007).Some experts,such as Prasad (2007),Williamson (2003),and Yu (2007)discussed the usefulness of aºexible exchange rate regime for more independent monetarypolices in China.Bhagwati (2007),Koivu and Garcia-HerreroChina’s Exchange Rate and Monetary Policieson the issues of exchange rate and global imbalance,China,the United States,and the world can have a win–win solution.However,this can only come from a stron-ger mutual understanding of the real constraints facing each side and from each side helping the other.China’s main challenge today is to develop smoothly functioningªnancial,plan-ning,and regulatory systems that can employ the remaining rural surplus labor and surplus capital—that now show up as a sustained current account surplus and ris-ing foreign exchange reserves—in an efªcient,harmonious,and environmentally friendly way.What is special for China(and perhaps a few other Asian economies) is the co-existence of both surplus(i.e.,under-employed)labor and surplus capital. Despite its extremely low capital stock per person,China actually maintains surplus capital,which it is exporting to capital-rich countries,such as the United States,to ªnance their excessive consumption.If anything,we should focus on this issue rather than the renminbi exchange rate,which is a distraction from the root prob-lems.Why does the surplus capital in China not lead to the hiring of more surplus labor, and thereby to increased wages,income,and consumption among Chinese workers? If that were to happen rapidly,it would naturally lead to the reduction of China’s global current account surplus and to the appreciation of China’s exchange rate.It is a pity that economists in developed countries tend to ignore this basic question be-cause it does not exist in their world of general equilibrium with full employment of labor and capital.The question is assumed away in the neoclassical production function framework where there are no transaction costs in getting capital and labor to work together.Too much attention has been put on the role of prices,interest rates,and exchange rates in correcting market disequilibrium.In China,both before and since the advent of market-oriented reforms,hidden transaction costs have been the single most important barrier to growth,development,and prosperity.The rapid rise in China’s global current account surplus and the slow appreciation of the renminbi has led to a strong Washington consensus:China should be pressed hard to raise the value of its currency in order to reduce its global current account surplus and its current account surplus with the United States.In U.S.congressional hearings on28March2007,Peterson Institute for International Economics scholar Morris Goldstein claimed that China’s currency was under-valued by about40per-(2007),Roach(2007),Woo(2006),and Woo and Xiao(2007)provided analysis on why ex-change rate policy alone might not be able to eliminate China’s external imbalance.Dooley, Folkerts-Landau,and Garber(2005),Sheng and Ng(2007),and Truman(2007)discussed the issue of developing a new international monetary system that could take into account the large current account surplus in China.32Asian Economic Paperscent against the dollar.He suggested,“China should deliver right away a meaning-ful ‘down payment’of a 10–15percent appreciation of the renminbi from its current level.”In my view,the current single-minded focus on the renminbi exchange rate by the Washington elite is unlikely to be helpful in addressing the imbalances in China’s trading patterns.If the suggested change is so good for China,why has China not already adopted the approach that the Washington elite are advising?What has stopped Chinese policymakers from doing something that is supposedly both good and important for China,the United States,and the world?Has the Washington elite really considered carefully the constraints faced by Chinese policymakers?Moreover,as rightly pointed out by Stephen S.Roach of Morgan Stanley in his congressional testimony on 28March 2007(Roach 2007):You in the Congress need to ask yourselves an important hypothetical question:How would you feel if you got your way on the Chinese currency adjustment but found that after three or four years the pressures bearing down on American workers had only intensiªed?(p.1)In some ways,the current situation in U.S.–Chinese economic relations can be com-pared to that of United States–European economic relations in the immediate post-war period when the Marshall Plan was designed to restore the European economy in order to beneªt both Europeans and Americans.In this context,the speech by U.S.Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson (Paulson 2007)in Shanghai on “The Growth and Future of China’s Financial Markets”is comparable to the Marshall Plan by be-ing the “Paulson Plan”for China.I certainly believe that the cooperative spirit of the Marshall Plan,if applied to China,would be much more productive than the current Washington consensus to pressure China to appreciate its exchange rate.The fact is,as I will explain in detail,China currently faces unprecedented challenges and op-portunities not dissimilar to those of post-war reconstruction in Europe.Without the help and cooperation of the United States and other developed nations,China is un-likely to be able to proceed smoothly in its economic,social,and political modern-ization.2.China’s export competitiveness:Low labor costs and declining transaction costsThe stylized facts about China and its global imbalances in trade and capital ºows are well known:the United States has run global current account deªcits in most of the last 25years.2In 2006,its current account deªcit reached US$857billion,or 33Asian Economic Papers China’s Exchange Rate and Monetary Policies2Cheong and Xiao (2003)reviews capital ºows into China in the context of global trade and foreign direct investment.China’s Exchange Rate and Monetary Policies6.5percent of GDP.The huge U.S.deªcits have beenªnanced mainly by the current account surpluses of Japan,China,and oil-exporting countries.In2006China’s global current account surplus jumped to a record high of US$184 billion,or about9percent of GDP.As a result,China’s foreign exchange reserves have reached US$1.07trillion,the largest in the world.China also became the sec-ond-largest holder of U.S.Treasury securities,holding as much as US$353.6billion, trailing only Japan,which holds US$648.8billion.On the other hand,the Chinese currency was basically pegged to the U.S.dollar from1994to2005.Starting in July 2005,the renminbi was de-linked from the dollar and has since been under a man-agedºoat with reference to a basket of currencies.However,from July2005to March2007,the renminbi appreciated only about7percent.Low wages are not the only,nor even the most important,factor in explaining China’s recent increase in export competitiveness.Wages in India,Indonesia,and many parts of Africa are probably much lower than in China today and China’s wages are increasing steadily,especially for skilled labor.Why then do foreign in-vestors still prefer to invest in China?Why do China’s exports continue to expand as the wages of its workers increase?The reason is declining transaction costs in China.The concept of transaction costs is crucial in explaining many myths in the debate about China’s currency.Unlike the costs of inputs,which are determined by supply and demand in a market,transaction costs are synthetic and determined by how well a society’s political,social,and economic institutions function.For example,be-fore China’s reforms began in1979,when foreign trade and investment by private individuals andªrms were prohibited,the transaction costs of foreign trade and in-vestment in China were artiªcially set at a prohibitively high level.Even though transaction costs are sometimes hidden,they are part of the real cost of doing business,and when they are high,they reduce the competitiveness of the economy.No country in the world worried about China’s export competitiveness before1979even though the average wage for factory workers was only US$24dol-lars a month(under the ofªcial exchange rate of1.5yuan per dollar)compared with the current monthly wage for migrant workers of about US$120dollars(under the 2006exchange rate of8yuan per dollar).Unfortunately,none of the experts testifying before the U.S.Senate Finance Commit-tee on28March2007touched upon declining transaction costs in their analyses of China’s export competitiveness.Morgan Stanley’s Stephen Roach said,“China com-petes not just on the basis of its currency but also from the standpoint of cheap labor34Asian Economic PapersChina’s Exchange Rate and Monetary Policiescosts,modern infrastructure,access to state-of-the-art technology,and increasing in-vestment in human capital and basic research.”(p.1)He was right in highlighting many factors affecting China’s export competitiveness other than currency,but even Roach missed the important factor of declining transaction costs in China’s export and foreign-invested sectors.Declining transaction costs are particularly signiªcant for China’s export and for-eign-invested sectors due to the globalization of the production process,character-ized by supply chain management technology and the active role of multinational corporations.Thanks to the information technology(IT)revolution,the supply chain management technology championed by Hong Kong trading companies is now able to identify rapidly consumer preferences for a great variety of goods across vast geographical areas.Modern logistics infrastructure allows companies to sign contracts with low-cost producers around the world for each part of the supply chain,and deliver the products on time to consumers overseas.In effect,interna-tional supply chain technology has reduced the transaction costs of exporting from China.Unfortunately,the international supply chain system does not yet work as smoothly for imports into China as for exports from China.Exports from China involve only a small part of the international supply chain,usually the labor-intensive processing or manufacturing part.As a result of China’s open-door policy and the efforts of multinational corporations located there,exporters can now handle this part of the production process efªciently,using China for reliable low-cost labor and produc-tion facilities.In particular,such exporters do not need to worry about consumerªnancing or supplier credit because these concerns are all handled outside of China through internationalªnancial markets in New York,London,or Hong Kong.In contrast,the transaction costs of importing to China are very high.The supply chain has to ascertain Chinese consumer demand and thenªnd the lowest-cost sup-plier.Consumer demand in China,however,is affected by many factors outside the control of the international supply chain,including lack of efªcient consumerªnancing,the absence of a functioning social safety net,a shortage of medical insur-ance,the weaknesses of the pension system,an absence of basic urban and rural in-frastructure for individual consumption,lack of basic regulations and enforcement of environmental protection,shortfalls in the regulation of product quality,and weak protection of intellectual property rights.Hence,the international supply chain faces tremendous obstacles when it comes to importing goods into China. Clearly many of China’s domestic economic challenges have also hindered the growth of imports and are at the root of China’s sustained global current account surplus.35Asian Economic PapersAlthough a change in the exchange rate can directly affect the relative cost of labor,it cannot affect transaction costs very much.In my view,thanks to China’s contin-ued reform and opening,including its accession to the World Trade Organization,transaction costs in China’s export sector will continue to fall in the near future;this will further enhance the competitiveness of China’s export sector even as labor costs in China are rising steadily due to expected currency appreciation,inºation,and other causes.In other words,if we take into account the rapidly declining transac-tion costs for exports in China,the hypothetical question raised by Stephen Roach earlier could become a real risk.In summary,China is likely to gain even more export competitiveness in the future due to the declining transaction costs of exporting.In order for China to balance its trade,it has to work hard to reduce the transaction costs for imports.3Exchange rate adjustments would not be as effective in addressing the trade imbalance as reducing the hidden barriers and constraints on imports.3.What is the “correct”level for China’s nominal exchange rate?Many economists would regard the purchasing power parity (PPP)exchange rate,which is a hypothetical benchmark exchange rate derived from the law of one price for the same bundle of goods,as the best theoretical deªnition of the “right”level for the nominal exchange rate.When we buy the same bundle of goods in China us-ing renminbi and in the United States using dollars,the PPP exchange rate is theamount of renminbi divided by the amount of dollars spent on the sample bundle of goods in the two locations.The usefulness of this benchmark PPP exchange rate is obvious,but the problem is how to select the same bundle of representative goods in both countries.For trad-able goods such as computers and cameras it is easy to ªnd the same bundle and,surprisingly,the PPP exchange rate calculated using only tradable goods is likely to be equal to the prevailing nominal exchange rate.For example,if you were to buy a Dell notebook computer in both Shanghai and New York today,the amount ofrenminbi spent in Shanghai divided by the amount of dollars spent in New York is likely to be close to 8yuan per dollar.Any discrepancy from this ratio should be less than the cost of ordering and shipping the notebook computer between the two lo-cales.If it were not,somebody would be able to make a fortune by buying comput-36Asian Economic PapersChina’s Exchange Rate and Monetary Policies3For a review on the transaction costs on imports into China,see USTR (2007),which exam-ines various barriers to imports into China,although the USTR report did not use the con-cept of transaction costs in its analysis and did not trace the root of the problem to China’s weakness in planning,ªnancial sector development,and regulation.China’s Exchange Rate and Monetary Policiesers in one place and selling them in the other.In other words,claims that China’s nominal exchange rate is under-valued are nonsensical unless they are based on a PPP exchange rate derived from buying a bundle of goods that also includes non-tradable goods.The Economist calculates a PPP exchange rate based on a McDonald’s restaurant Big Mac,which is a non-tradable good because it must be consumed where it is pur-chased.According to The Economist,in2006,a Big Mac cost10.4yuan in China and US$3.15in the United States,implying a PPP exchange rate of about3.3yuan to a dollar,which suggests that the renminbi was under-valued by almost60percent considering China’s nominal exchange rate of8yuan per dollar in2006.So why does a Big Mac in China cost60percent less than in the United States?The answer is simple:the costs of non-tradable goods such as labor and rent used in pro-ducing a Big Mac are much lower in China than in the United States.In fact,the prices of non-tradable goods in a developing country are generally lower than the prices of non-tradable goods in a developed country.Hence,given the different stages of economic development prevailing in China and the United States,it should be expected that the actual nominal exchange rate of the renminbi would be under-valued compared to the Big Mac PPP exchange rate.In fact,using the Big Mac PPP exchange rate as a benchmark,the nominal exchange rates of most Asian economies are similarly under-valued.This exercise shows that it is exceptionally difªcult to claim convincingly that a country’s nominal exchange rate is under-or over-valued.The intellectual basis for such a claim is questionable at best because of the theoretical difªculties in deªning the“correct”nominal exchange rate.4.The transitory and lasting effects created by changes in the nominal exchange rateAlthough it is difªcult to deªne the“correct”level for China’s nominal exchange rate,it is still possible and important to analyze the effects of changes in the nominal exchange rate on the economy.In the short-run,changes in the nominal exchange rate will immediately redistribute wealth between exporters and importers and thereby affect their competitiveness.However,in theory,the nominal revaluation will have only temporary effects on the competitiveness of importers and exporters through a redistribution of income and will have no lasting effects on competitive-ness after the economy adjusts to the shock.37Asian Economic PapersChina’s Exchange Rate and Monetary PoliciesTo illustrate how this economic logic functions,suppose China were to revalue its currency by15percent tomorrow.This would immediately redistribute a large sum of wealth from exporters to importers in the short-run,artiªcially reducing the com-petitiveness of China’s exporters by15percent,and increasing the competitiveness of importers to China by15percent.However,the effects on the Chinese economy will not stop after this15percent revaluation.Many exportingªrms will have to close down,which may lead to deºation in China.The deºation would continue un-til it has produced a15percent decline in the price level exactly matching the reval-uation.After the deºation,wages and other costs will be15percent lower and ex-portingªrms will regain the competitiveness they had lost.Importers to China wouldªnd that the prices of domestically produced substitutes had dropped by15percent,offsetting their15percent gain in advantage from the revaluation.In reality,things are much more complicated.Fortunately,we can consult the experi-ence of Japan,which allowed its currency to appreciate steadily and signiªcantly for many years during the1980s and1990s,with little effect on reducing or eliminating its current account surplus.What Japan got from the appreciation of the yen was lit-tle more than a decade of deºation!If Japan had held its nominal exchange rate con-stant throughout1990s,it would most likely have faced inºation,but excessive ap-preciation of the yen eliminated the necessity for inºation and even required some deºation to compensate.The argument that changes in the nominal exchange rate would have a lasting effect on current account balances is misleading.If a country could gain real competitive-ness through the nominal devaluation of its currency,economic growth and devel-opment would be easy and would have occurred a long time ago in many develop-ing sting improvements in competitiveness are determined by factor costs,transaction costs,technological progress,infrastructure,human capital,and other real variables,but not by the nominal exchange rate.Sustained current ac-count imbalances have very little to do with the level of the nominal exchange rate. Current account imbalances are the results of the savings and investment gaps(Liu and Woo1994).5.The Balassa–Samuelson effect and structural inºationIn order to understand the economic role of currency appreciation,we go back to the point I made in our discussion of the Big Mac exchange rate that the prices of non-tradable goods in China are lower than in the United States.Because the prices of tradable goods in China equal the prices of tradable goods in the United States due to price arbitrage,the result of the lower prices of non-tradable goods in China38Asian Economic Papersis that the general price level in China is lower than the general price level in the United States.Bela Balassa and Paul Samuelson have found that because the productivity growth in the non-tradable goods sector is generally substantially lower than the productiv-ity growth in the tradable goods sector during the economic development process,there is the secular trend of the prices of non-tradable goods rising relative to theprices of tradable goods.In an open economy,where the prices of tradable goods are ªxed by the value of the exchange rate and by the prices of foreign substitutes,the Balassa–Samuelson effect of a relative rise in the prices of non-tradable goods is achieved by either inºation (rise in the absolute price level of non-tradable goods)or currency appreciation (fall in the absolute price level of tradable goods),or by a combination of inºation-cum-appreciation.Hence,in a growing economy with a ªxed exchange rate regime,there is an inherent structural inºation to accommodate the Balassa–Samuelson effect.The implication of this discussion is that,as long as China keeps its exchange rate ªxed,the process of economic development would naturally generate structural inºation to bring the general price level in China up to the general price level in the United States.4The underlying mechanism is that rising productivity in China’s tradable sector (manufacturing)would raise the wages of engineers.This develop-ment would then entice workers from the non-tradable sector,such as hair stylists or barbers,to shift to the manufacturing sector.As a result,if there is no surplus la-bor in the economy,wages for hair stylists will also rise even though there has been no productivity gain in haircutting.Increases in wages for all sectors will either lead to inºation or require appreciation of the currency to accommodate the increase in the general level of prices stemming from the rising productivity in the manufactur-ing sector.According to this theory,productivity growth in the tradable goods sector is the driver of structural inºation and currency appreciation.However,before inºation and currency appreciation can take off signiªcantly,the economy ªrst needs to reach a state of full employment.This process has worked smoothly previously in econo-mies like Japan,Korea,and Hong Kong,which achieved full employment after in-dustrialization started.39Asian Economic PapersChina’s Exchange Rate and Monetary Policies4The gap in price levels between China and the United States can be measured by the differ-ence between China’s nominal exchange rate and the PPP exchange rate for GDP .In 2006,the gap was 67.5percent based on China’s nominal exchange rate of 8yuan per dollar and the2.6yuan per dollar PPP exchange rate for GDP as calculated by the World Bank.China’s Exchange Rate and Monetary PoliciesFrom1950to1960,Japan’s average inºation rate was5.3percent,exceeding the2.6percent average for the United States.From1960to1971,Japan’s averageinºation rate was about5.5percent,exceeding the3.4percent average U.S.inºation. Following high inºation during theªrst oil crisis in the early1970s,however,Ja-pan’s central bank started to clamp down very hard on inºation.As a result,from 1979to1993,Japan’s inºation rate averaged about2.3percent,which was below the average U.S.rate of4.7percent.With inºation under control,the only alternative way to accommodate the continued growth in domestic price levels was through yen appreciation.The yen,previously pegged to the dollar at360yen per dollar, started to appreciate in1971and then after the1984Plaza Accord rose to approxi-mately100–120yen per dollar in the1990s.The Plaza Accord,in which a U.S.-led coalition forced Japan to appreciate its currency,would not have been necessary if Japan had allowed its domestic inºation to exceed the rate in the United States dur-ing the1970s and1980s.However,the government-engineered appreciation of the yen in the1990s was so excessive that it led to a decade of deºation in Japan.The story in Hong Kong is much simpler but is also consistent with the Balassa–Samuelson theory.With the Hong Kong dollar pegged to the U.S.dollar,Hong Kong’s inºation rate,brought about by strong productivity growth,averaged about 3percentage points above the average U.S.inºation rate from1980to2000.Annual inºation in Hong Kong was around10percent for a number of years in the1990s. The productivity gains brought about by developments in supply chain manage-ment technology in the international trade sector and by the rapid development of the Hong Kongªnancial sector pushed up prices in all sectors because labor,land, and capital were all at full employment.The unemployment rate in Hong Kong at the peak of the1990s business cycle was as low as2percent.The story for China is a bit complicated,but still appears to be consistent with the Balassa–Samuelson theory.A number of studies(Xiao and Tu2005;Xiao2006;Lu 2007,Xiao and Weiss2007)have shown that rapid labor productivity growth in China’s industrial sector has occurred and is continuing.This productivity growth has led to a steady increase in the wages of urban workers.High and rising urban wages attracted as many as119million workers from China’s rural areas to its coastal cities in recent years.However,due to the large pools of rural and migrant labor,which may amount to as many as481million people,the wages of rural and migrant workers have risen slowly until recently.As a result,inºation has been low and currency appreciation slow during the last decade despite China’s tremendous growth rates.40Asian Economic Papers。
Chinese manufacturing--poorly made
Chinese manufacturingPoorly madeMay 14th 2009From The Economist print editionWhy so many Chinese products are born to be badTHE recent scandals about poisoned baby milk, contaminated pet food and dangerous toys from China have raised questions about manufacturing standards in the country that has become factory to the world. In China’s defence, it was probably inevitable that as production grew so would the problems associated with it, at least in the short term. Similarly, it could be argued that China is going through the same quality cycle that occurred during Japan’s post-war development or America’s manufacturing boom in the late 19th century—but in an environment with infinitely more scrutiny.A response to both these observations can be found in ―Poorly Made in China‖ by Paul Midler, a fluent Chinese speaker who in 2001 moved to China to work as a consultant to the growing numbers of Western companies now replacing factories in Europe and America with subcontracting relationships in the emerging industrial zone surrounding Guangzhou. It was the perfect period to arrive. The normal problems of starting a business, such as getting clients or providing a value proposition, do not hinder Mr Midler, who had the benefit of being in the right place at the right time.Not only did he quickly, and seemingly effortlessly, find customers, they were delighted with what they found in China. Factories will do anything to please. Prices are famously low and production cycles short. His clients returned from their initial trips to China stunned by how quickly factories became proficient and puzzled by how much could be done so well, so fast, so cheaply. They were right to wonder.Most of Mr Midler’s work is coping with what he calls ―quality fade‖ as the Chinese factories transform what were, in fact, profitless contracts into lucrative relationships. The production cycle he sees is the opposite of the theoretical model of continuous improvement. After resolving teething problems and making products that match specifications, innovation inside the factory turns to cutting costs, often in ways that range from unsavoury to dangerous. Packaging is cheapened, chemical formulations altered, sanitary standards curtailed, and on and on, in a series of continual product debasements.In a further effort to create a margin, clients from countries with strongintellectual-property protection and innovative products are given favourable pricing on manufacturing, but only because the factory can then directly sell knock-offs to buyers in other countries where patents and trademarks are ignored. It is, Mr Midler says, a kind of factory arbitrage.The first line of defence against compromised products are the factory’s clients, the importers. The moment they begin suspecting a Chines e manufacturing ―partner‖ and want to discover what might be unfolding is the moment they become particularly eager to find people in China like Mr Midler. That suggests they want information. But, as Mr Midler discovers, they are finicky about what is found. When suspicions turn out to be reality, all too often they become unhappy—miserable about resolving something costly and disruptive, yet terrified about being complicit in peddling a dangerous product. This is particularly true if the problems could go undetected by customers. Better, to some extent, not to know.Aware of these dynamics, Western retailers increasingly use outside testing laboratories for Chinese products. But this too, Mr Midler writes, is more form than function, since the tests are by their very nature more limited than the ways to circumvent them. The process resembles the hunt for performance enhancements used by athletes, where a few get caught but the cleverer ones stay ahead by using products not yet on the prohibited list.It would be unfair, of course, to see all Chinese companies in this light. A few are gaining international recognition for quality, but in contrast, say, to Japan or America, this recognition comes at a cost to the firms themselves because it is accompanied by unpopular scrutiny and compliance. This odd situation became apparent when Mr Midler witnessed large, modern Chinese factories outsourcing work to smaller, grittier, facilities even though this meant forgoing the production benefits from economies of scale. The tiny outfits were in a much better position to skirt environmental controls and safety standards for products and workers.The obvious way to clean up this mess—and to know whether it is really as pervasive as this book suggests—is through broader disclosure, but by whom? The Chinese press is sometimes revealing but typically controlled, as are foreign reporters. Many production problems are well-known within local manufacturing circles, Mr Midler says, but collusion is rampant and there are no rewards in China for whistle-blowing. Most of the people in Mr Midler’s position would not dream of disclosing what they see and many testing laboratories protect their reputation by hiding, rather than revealing, what they test. As a result, if Mr Midler’s perce ptions are true, the primary source of discovery will come in the worst possible way—by consumers who buy Chinese products, only to discover their flaws themselves.Why China cannot Create Brands? (Newsweek 07/18/09)Generic GiantsChina is the world's factory, but its top firms remain oddly anonymous.Huawei may be the best company you've never heard of, and that's a big problem for China. Founded in 1988 by a former People's Liberation Army officer with less than $4,000 in startup capital, Huawei has grown from a small importer into a growing giant—revenue rose 43 percent last year to more than $18 billion—now poised to overtake Nokia Siemens as the world's second-largest maker of telecom hardware, after Ericsson. Even a decade ago, China watchers were touting Huawei as one of the companies most likely to become China's first big global brand. Its headquarters in booming Shenzhen look like a Silicon Valley transplant, with high-tech laboratories, manicured lawns, and staff swimming pools. It made BusinessWeek's latest list of the world's 10 "most influential" companies, alongside Apple, Wal-Mart, Toyota, and Google. Yet Huawei is by far the least internationally recognizable name on the list.Outside of China, even staff have trouble pronouncing its name. It should be pronounced "hwa-way," but "people say it in all sorts of ways," says Robert Fox, the chief branding officer of Huawei's wireless-product line.China is famous as the factory to the world, but even its best companies enjoy little if any fame. That paradox has become a vexing problem for China's leaders. The nation is now too rich to continue growing at a double-digit pace by simply putting more peasants to work in factories, and then underselling its Western, Japanese, and South Korean competition. The job of making cheap clothes, toys, and electronics is moving on to even cheaper labor markets, like Vietnam. In a March report, Premier Wen Jiabao called for China to create companies that can innovate and churn out"brand-name export products"—meaning companies with reputations for quality, innovation, and service so strong that customers are willing to pay a premium for their products.The global financial crisis adds urgency to the campaign, by raising the prospect of a prolonged slump in demand from Western consumers, who are turning to value brands they trust at a time when China's reputation for quality has been savaged by product-recall scandals. During a Guangdong road trip in April, Wen called the crisis an opportunity for Chinese firms to innovate and expand abroad. Beijing has ordered state banks to make tens of billions of dollars in loans available to firms eyeing the global market.Visit Huawei, however, and you get the sense that none of its executives hears the call. The company has built its success the old-fashioned Chinese way—by selling to other businesses, rather than directly to consumers around the world, and by competing on price rather than on innovation. Its founder and CEO, Ren Zhengfei, is the anti–Steve Jobs—he has never given an interview to the foreign press. (NEWSWEEK's requests for an interview were declined.) Huawei Internet routers and cell-phone switches (with names like Quidway-S9300 Series Terabit Routing Switch and GSM/UMTS Home Location Register 9820) are used by many of the world's biggest telecom carriers, including the likes of Vodafone, providing phone service to more than 1 billion people worldwide. That means one out of six people on the planet uses Huawei hardware. But because Huawei rarely sells goods directly to consumers, few people outside of China know about its products.While Huawei has invested heavily in research and development and boasts of filing the highest number of patent applications globally last year, much of its "innovation" has gone toward tweaking existing technologies to meet the demands of industrial customers. Two of its most recent products are bulletproof equipment for a Mexican telecom operator and gear capable of withstanding Russia's frigid winters, hardly items the average consumer is clamoring for. "Even when it's our product that's out there, the end user may be completely unaware," says chief branding officer Fox, adding that because the company's "whole motivation" is to serve its industrial customers, that lack of brand visibility is "a strength."Huawei is typical of China, where most multinationals still sell mainly to other businesses. The latest Boston Consulting Group list of 100 "global challengers," or firms "disrupting the established order of many industries," includes 36 Chinese companies, more than from any other country, and most even more obscure than Huawei. Wanxiang sells joint bearings, Midea sells electric fans, and so on. The few with any name recognition bought it by purchasing foreign brands, and with only limited success. Lenovo bought IBM's personal-computer manufacturing unit for $1.75 billion in 2006, but has struggled to expand sales abroad and is now focused mainly on protecting its market share at home. Haier, China's biggest manufacturer of home appliances, has carved out a share of the low-price global market, and has been trying to go upmarket by buying a foreign brand—most recently taking a 20 percent stake in Fisher & Paykel, the luxury New Zealand label. Haier's biggest problem is a perception that its products are cheap, says Paul French, chief China analyst for the Shanghai-based consultancy Access Asia. "To go into the high end, they'd have to completely rebrand."The simplest explanation for China's failure to build global brands is cutthroat domestic competition. In most product categories, hundreds or thousands of firms compete for domestic market share, leaving profit margins razor thin. China has 150 firms licensed to make cars and other motorized vehicles, and more than 500 bicycle manufacturers. And because foreign brands have taken much of the market's high end, most companies are forced to compete on cost, leaving little room for investment inR&D or marketing. China's weak protection for intellectual-property rights—the patents and ideas that are the solid core of any brand—makes it risky for companies to invest heavily in innovations that could make them famous worldwide but could easily be stolen by rivals at home. Finally, the recent string of product recalls—including poisonous pet food and faulty tires—has left consumers wary of made-in-China goods. A report last year by Interbrand, a London-based consultancy, found that 66 percent of 700 international business professionals cited "cheap" as the attribute best describing Chinese goods. Only 12 percent of respondents said that made-in-China quality was improving. Eighty percent said a "low quality" reputation "most prevents Chinese brands from succeeding in overseas markets."The mix of solid engineering and marketing razzle-dazzle that goes into a brand like Google or Nike is an art, and mastering it still evades China Inc. Buying it at auction has evaded Lenovo and Haier, and likely will fail the latest bidders: Beijing Automotive Industry Group is making a play for GM's Opel line, and Sichuan Tengzhong Heavy Industrial Machinery has reached a tentative agreement to buy the Hummer brand—which, in any event, is largely discredited in the West for itsgas-guzzling signature vehicle. Most mergers fail when both companies are in rich countries, and mergers between the West and China are even more prone to culture clash, but that won't deter others from trying. Since last December, China's banks have given hundreds of billions in loans to help companies expand, according to state media. "If the crisis gets worse, there will be more companies with formerly strong names that will be on the block for relatively small sums," says Hong Kong design professor John Heskett. "Chinese businessmen are very pragmatic, and there could be a trend toward more brand buying."This is how the Chinese approach brands—as a fact or skill set to acquire, not an art to master. Wen's speeches on the issue, and new Beijing loan programs to address it, reflect this thinking. So do the efforts of local governments in cities like Dongguan, a major export hub that still focuses mainly on assembling products for Western brands. Officials here admit that local firms have little or no brand savvy, and they are pouring in money to fill the gaps. Using part of a $20 billion stimulus package from Beijing, they are subsidizing companies that set up R&D centers, train staff in marketing, and register trademarks. In typically deliberate Chinese fashion, the campaign includes target metrics—the eventual goal is that half of the products made in Dongguan will be sold under Chinese brand names, with an eye first to capturing the domestic market, says Cai Kang, vice director of Dongguan's Bureau of Foreign Trade and Economic Cooperation. "It would be a mistake if we didn't help our companies to tap into China's rapidly growing consumer market."Many of these firms look to Huawei, located in the nearby but more upscale city of Shenzhen, as a model. But it's an incomplete model at best. The company got its start in the early '90s by essentially reverse-engineering products and copying competitors' know-how, and has benefited massively from the growth of the domestic market. When it began selling fixed-line hardware in 1988, China had about 3 million landlinephones. Today the nation of 1.3 billion people has 271 million landlines and 647 million mobile-phone subscriptions. Once housed in a cramped downtown office, Huawei now has a sprawling campus that would make Google proud. Employees take classes in a training center designed by British architect Norman Foster. Huawei gets its pick of China's top graduates, and has done a good job of tapping foreign talent, too. The company has set up R&D centers in 14 nations—employing Indian computer programmers, Russian mathematicians, and former Ericsson engineers—in an effort to move away from the old model of mimicking competitors' technology. As recently as 2003, Cisco sued Huawei for copying computer codes used in routers, forcing the company to pull the contested products from the market before dropping the case. The moves have increased foreign sales; three quarters of Huawei's contracts (by value) came from outside of China last year, and it recently made its first big deals in the United States. Yet Huawei still makes most of its money by servicingbetter-known businesses, rather than investing in breakout products and selling them directly to consumers, where profits are highest. While the engineers of Silicon Valley have come somewhat grudgingly to respect the marketers, Huawei remains proudly a company of engineers, for engineers. It has tiny marketing and advertising departments that spend a fraction of what Western competitors do as a percentage of revenue. Chief branding officer Fox says the company makes a "microscopic" investment in product design, even in China, where some cell phones are cobranded. It's not necessary, since the focus of the business is almost solely on influencing "between 3,000 and 5,000 key decision makers working in the telecom industry," says Ross Gan, the company's chief spokesman. Those folks are swayed mainly by cost. Mark Natkin, the managing director of Beijing-based Marbridge Consulting, says that Huawei management generally offers discounts "in the range of 30 to 40 percent" to gain entry to new markets.Chinese companies that copy Huawei could go far, but only within what the industry calls the "business-to-business market." Even if Huawei wanted to, it would face big hurdles selling itself to the public, when its leadership and ownership are hidden in shadows. The company offers only a one-paragraph bio about its CEO, which leaves out details such as Ren's membership in the Communist Party. While Huawei claims to be employee-owned and hires the inter-national accounting firm KPMG to audit its books, analysts, government officials, and telecom operators question its financial health and even whether the Chinese government might have a stake. A 2007 report prepared for the U.S. Air Force by the RAND Corporation, a U.S.government–affiliated think tank, says that Huawei "maintains deep ties with the Chinese military, which serves a multifaceted role as an important customer, as well as Huawei's political patron and research development partner." It's not likely the People's Liberation Army is the kind of patron that would push Huawei to think more like Apple.The state connections of all big Chinese companies still raise red flags among customers. Huawei dropped a joint $2.2 billion bid for American telecom equipment maker 3Com last year after U.S. lawmakers called the deal a threat to national security. It withdrew an earlier bid for Marconi, a landmark British electronics and information-technology firm, after Conservative Party leaders called for an investigation of whether China's government could use Huawei ties to Marconi to spy on the British defense industry.Huawei executives say accusations that China could use their equipment to steal sensitive data are ludicrous. But, as every good marketer knows, perceptions matter. If Huawei wants only to cultivate a few hundred elite industry buyers, perhaps it can explain itself to them directly. But if China hopes to build dominant names in the global consumer market, it needs a very different role model. One that has some interest in becoming a famous name.。
英语外刊文章
An imperfect storm一场不完美的风暴Nov 13th 2009From The World in 2010 print editionBy Simon Cox, DELHIThanks partly to the monsoon, manufacturing will overtake agriculture for the first time in India一定程度上得归功于季风气候,印度的制造业总值将首次超越农业。
From the village of Vijay Pura in the Indian state of Rajasthan, the global financial crisis seems remote. The downturn is something people here read about in the newspapers, according to Dhanna Singh, a member of the Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), a union of activists and farmers. The villages have welcomed back migrant workers from neighbouring states, where people no longer find work twisting steel in Mumbai or polishing diamonds in Surat. But, by and large, India’s rural poor were protected from the crisis by the same things that make them poor. If you never had secure employment or many financial assets, you cannot lose them to the crisis.对于印度拉贾斯坦邦维杰.普拉村来说,全球性金融危机似乎很遥远。
综合英语四第4单元课文 unit 4 text A
综合英语四,第4单元unit4 text A 3D printing Bigger than the internet? 3D打印比互联网大?1 What innovations have truly changed the world forever and for the better?哪些创新真正改变了世界,使世界永远变得更好?2 Many of my fellow Texans might cite the invention of the air conditioner, but I'm talking about truly major innovations that marked a turning point in history, where almost every aspect of daily life was affected.我的许多德州同胞可能会引用空调的发明,但我说的是真正的重大创新,标志着历史的一个转折点,几乎每个方面的日常生活e受到了影响。
3 The Industrial Revolution, for example, brought the transition from hand production to machine tools. It boosted productivity, lowered costs, and raised the standard of living for hundreds of millions of people around the world.例如,3工业革命带来了从手工生产到机床的转变。
它提高了生产力,降低了成本,提高了数百亿人的生活水平世界各地的人的NS。
4 Most recently, the computer and the Internet have made possible another gigantic increase in productivity, commerce, communication, and entertainment. 最近,计算机和互联网使生产力、商业、通信和娱乐的又一次巨大增长成为可能。
亚当斯密关于中国的论述
亚当斯密关于中国的论述英文文档:Adam Smith"s Discussions on ChinaAdam Smith, a renowned economist and philosopher, briefly touched upon China in his seminal work "The Wealth of Nations." He acknowledged China"s ancient civilization, immense population, and its advanced state of manufacturing and commerce during the 18th century.In his discussions, Smith highlighted China"s long history and the efficiency of its domestic industries.He was particularly impressed by the country"s sophisticated agricultural techniques, sophisticated division of labor, and well-developed market system.Smith believed that China"s economic prosperity was a result of its efficient production methods and extensive trade networks.However, Smith also criticized China"s restrictive trade policies, which he believed hindered the country"s economic growth.He argued that China"s isolationist approach and preference for self-sufficiency limited its potential for innovation and economic development.Overall, Adam Smith"s views on China were a mix of admiration for its economic achievements and concerns about its restrictive trade practices.His observations provide valuable insights into the economic dynamics of China during the Qing Dynasty and reflect the broaderthemes of his work on free markets and economic prosperity.中文文档:亚当·斯密关于中国的论述在亚当·斯密的经典著作《国富论》中,他简要地提及了中国。
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The EconomistGlobal manufacturingMade in China?Asia’s dominance in manufacturing will endure. That will make development harder for othersMar 14th 2015BY MAKING things and selling them to foreigners, China has transformeditself—and the world economy with it. In 1990 it produced less than 3% ofglobal manufacturing output by value; its share now is nearly a quarter. Chinaproduces about 80% of the world’s air-conditioners, 70% of its mobile phones and 60% of its shoes. The white heat of China’s ascent has forged supplychains that reach deep into South-East Asia. This “Factory Asia” now makesalmost half the world’s goods.China has been following in the footsteps of Asian tigers such as SouthKorea and Taiwan. Many assumed that, in due course, the baton would pass toother parts of the world, enabling them in their turn to manufacture their way to prosperity. But far from being loosened by rising wages, China’s grip is tightening. Low-cost work that does leave China goes mainly to South-East Asia, only reinforcing Factory Asia’s dominance (see article). That raises questions for emerging markets outside China’s orbit. From India to Africa and South America, the tricky task of getting rich has become harder.Work to ruleChina’s economy is not as robust as it was. The property market is plagued byexcess supply. Rising debt is a burden. Earlier this month the government saidthat it was aiming for growth of 7% this year, which would be its lowest for more than two decades—data this week suggest even this might be a struggle (see article). Despite this, China will continue to have three formidable advantages in manufacturing that will benefit the economy as a whole.First, it is clinging on to low-cost manufacturing, even as it goes upmarket toexploit higher-value activities. Its share of global clothing exports has actuallyrisen, from 42.6% in 2011 to 43.1% in 2013. It is also making more of the things that go into its goods. The World Bank has found that the share ofimported components in China’s total exports has fallen from a peak of 60%in the mid-1990s to around 35% today. This is partly because China boastsclusters of efficient suppliers that others will struggle to replicate. It hasexcellent, and improving, infrastructure: it plans to build ten airports a year until 2020 (see article). And its firms are using automation to raise productivity, offsetting some of the effect of higher wages—the idea behind the government’s new “Made in China 2025” strategy.China’s second strength is Factory Asia itself. As wages rise, some low-cost activity is indeed leaving the country. Much of this is passing to large low-income populations in South-East Asia. This process has a dark side. Last year an NGO found that almost 30% of workers in Malaysia’s electronics industry were forced labour (see article). But as Samsung, Microsoft, Toyota and other multinational firms trim production in China and turn instead to places such as Myanmar and the Philippines, they reinforce a regional supply chain with China at the centre.The third advantage is that China is increasingly a linchpin of demand.As the spending and sophistication of Chinese consumers grows, Factory Asiais grabbing a bigger share of higher-margin marketing and customer service.At the same time, Chinese demand is strengthening Asian supply chains allthe more. When it comes to the Chinese market, local contractors have the edge over distant rivals.Deft policy could boost these advantages still further. The Associationof South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) is capable of snapping up low-endmanufacturing. China’s share—by volume—of the market for American shoeimports slipped from 87% in 2009 to 79% last year. Vietnam, Indonesia andCambodia picked up all the extra work. But ASEAN could do far more to create a single market for more complex goods and services. Regional—or, better, global—deals would smooth the spread of manufacturing networks from China into nearby countries. The example of Thailand’s strength in vehicle production, which followed the scrapping of restrictions on foreign components, shows how the right policies can weld South-East Asian countries into China’s manufacturing machine.Unfortunately, other parts of the emerging world have less cause torejoice. They lack a large economy that can act as the nucleus of a regionalgrouping. The North American Free-Trade Agreement has brought Mexicanfirms into supply chains that criss-cross North America, but not Central and South American ones. High trade barriers mean western Europe will not help north Africa in the way that it has helped central and eastern Europe.And even when places like India or sub-Saharan Africa prise production fromFactory Asia’s grasp, another problem remains. Manufacturing may no longeroffer the employment or income gains that it once did. In the past export-ledmanufacturing offered a way for large numbers of unskilled workers to move from field to factory, transforming their productivity at a stroke. Now technological advances have led to fewer workers on factory floors. China and its neighbours may have been the last countries to be able to climb up the ladder of development simply by recruiting lots of unskilled people to make things cheaply.Exports still remain the surest path to success for emerging markets.Competing in global markets is the best way to boost productivity. Butgovernments outside the gates of Factory Asia will have to rely on several engines of development—not just manufacturing, but agriculture and services,too. India’s IT-services sector shows what can be achieved, but it is high-skilled and barely taps into the country’s ocean of labour.Put policy to workSuch a model of development demands more of policymakers than competingon manufacturing labour costs ever did. A more liberal global regime for tradein services should be a priority for South America and Africa. Infrastructurespending has to focus on fibre-optic cables as well as ports and roads.Education is essential, because countries trying to break into global marketswill need skilled workforces.These are tall orders for developing countries. But just waiting forhigher Chinese wages to push jobs their way is a recipe for failure.The EconomistManufacturingStill made in ChinaChinese manufacturing remains second to noneSep 12th 2015 | From the print editionAMID ALL THE excitement about high tech and the push into services, it is easy to forget that China’s modern economy was built on the strength of a solid and often low-tech manufacturing sector. Now manufacturing is widely thought to be in trouble. Factories are squeezed, labour costs are rising and jobs are being reshored to America. Competitors such as Germany are said to be leaving China behind by using robotics. Chinese officials have responded in the only way they know. In May the State Council, China’s ruling body, approved “Made in China 2025”, a costly scheme that will use mandates, subsidies and other methods to persuade manufacturers to upgrade their factories. The plan is for China to become a green and innovative “world manufacturing power” by 2025.China is already the world’s largest manufacturer, accounting for nearly a quarter of global value added in this sector. Research by Morris Cohen of the Wharton Business School finds that the country leads in many industries and that “reshoring to the developed economies is not happening on a large scale.” Even though some production is moving to countries nearer its consumers, China remains at the heart of a network known as Factory Asia. It has an excellent infrastructure and an enormous, hard-working and skilled workforce. Though wages are rising, itslabour productivity is far higher than that of India, Vietnam and other rivals, and is forecast to keep growing at 6-7% a year to 2025.Manufacturing is almost entirely controlled by private firms, both Chinese and foreign, which unlike SOEs will not be pushed by bureaucrats into making unprofitable investments. Marjorie Yang, Esquel’s boss, says that subsidies may feel good but distort investment decisions: “The government loves to fund flashy hardware and robotics, but there’s no money for the software and data analytics needed to make proper use of it.” And in any case most of these private firms are already innovating at a cracking pace without prompting from government. Manufacturing is almost entirely controlled by private firms, both Chinese and foreignMichael McNamara, the boss of Flex, a big American contract manufacturer, says product cycles have become much faster. Factories in China used to serve export markets, but are now reorganising to concentrate on the booming local market. They are sensibly investing in automation, worker training and new methods. In the process, he says, China is “moving from work engine of the world to genuine innovator”.Liam Casey, an Irish entrepreneur who has worked in Chinese manufacturing for two decades, believes that “a huge amount of innovation” is happening around manufacturing supply chains. PCH, his firm in Shenzhen, is a supply-chain manager that now helps foreign manufacturers with design and mass customisation. A private firm with revenues of over $1 billion last year, it moves up to 10m components a day and ships merchandise worth $10 billion a year.Kirk Yang of Barclays, a bank, believes the manufacturing sector is moving from “Made in China” to “Made by China”. In the 1980s and 1990s most factories were owned by firms from Taiwan (like Foxconn) or the West (like Flex). Increasingly, he predicts, the sector will be run by Chinese firms. Taiwan used to dominate the market for upmarket electronics components, but he thinks many Chinese parts-suppliers—like BYDE, an arm of the electric-car firm BYD—are now excellent.China is the world’s largest market for industrial automation and robots. Ulrich Spiesshofer, chief executive of ABB, a Swiss engineering giant, reckons that the latest robots “elevate the nature of work” because they improve safety and eliminate the need for heavy lifting. ABB’s local engineers developed China Dragon, a robot made specifically for the computer industry, which sells well globally. In many industries China is still learning from the world, say the engineers, but its electronics manufacturing is so advanced that “the world is learning from China.”Mr Spiesshofer sees China pushing ahead with robots like YuMi, which was partly developed there. This affordable two-armed creation (pictured above) can be deployed safely next to humans on assembly lines and is able to do fine work like inspecting phones for scratches. At its factory in Shanghai, ABB is scaling up YuMi to mass production this month.Terry Gou, Foxconn’s boss, claims that within five years the 30% of his labour force doing the most tedious work will be replaced by robots, releasing them to do something more valuable. The highly inventive firm, which holds many American patents, is building all its automation in-house.Staying ahead of the game allows manufacturers to keep their best clients. Nike, a global sportswear firm, has seen a lot of its suppliers decamp to cheaper Vietnam, but still gets 30% of its components from the mainland. Eric Sprunk, its chief operating officer, looks for suppliers capable of developing novel techniquesthat can inspire new products.We have a planWhat about the government’s “Made in China 2025” plan? It might succeed on its more modest goals, says Stephen Dyer of Bain, a consulting firm. Its immediate aims are to improve quality, productivity and digitisation, and to expand the use of numerically controlled machines. All these things, he notes, are already in common use by world-class manufacturers in other countries. A push to invest might well help Chinese laggards catch up.China’s state planners also want to help companies leapfrog to the forefront of technology. Their plan involves policies to encourage the adoption of robotics, 3D printing and other advanced techniques. But factories will invest in advanced kit only if it makes commercial sense. “You can’t push this onto firms,” says Mr Dyer. “They just won’t do it if it’s irrational.”A visit to a middling factory in a middling city illustrates the point. The Guangneng Rongneng Automotive Trim Company in Chongqing is not a fancy place. Stock is piled hither and yon. Owned by a privately held firm, the factory makes injection-moulded and welded automotive parts, mostly for Ford. Chen Gang, its director of operations, says wages have gone up so much that he has to pay itinerant workers the same as they can earn in Shenzhen.He points to a fancy ABB robot on one side of an aisle that makes complex parts to go on instrument panels. Across the aisle sits a Chinese robot made by Kejie, which lacks the range and precision of the foreign model but is one-third the price. And plenty of the work at his firm is, and will remain, done by hand. “China is headed in this direction,” he says, pointing to the robots, but the pace of adoption will vary from factory to factory.Thanks to Deng’s liberalisation and China’s subsequent accession to the World Trade Organisation, the country’s manufacturers rose to become export powerhouses. Because exporters must compete in the global market, the weak and inefficient—which includes most SOEs—have been driven out.。