3 《布什告别演讲》(Bush Farewell Address)英文版

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华盛顿《告别演说》英汉双语版

《告别演说》- 英文原稿GEORGE WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS To the People of the United States. FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS: The period for a new election of a citizen, to administer the executive government of the United States, b eing not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when y our thoughts must be employed designating the person, who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct e xpression of the public voice, that I should now apprize yo u of the resolution I have formed, to decline being conside red among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made. I beg you at the same time to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been t aken without a strict regard to all the considerations apper taining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to hi s country; and that in withdrawing the tender of service, w hich silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced b y no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no defici ency of grateful respect for your past kindness, but am sup ported by a full conviction that the step is compatible wit h both. The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, t he office to which your suffrages have twice called me, hav e been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your de sire. I constantly hoped, that it would have been much earl ier in my power, consistently with motives, which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement, fro m which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my i nclination to do this, previous to the last election, had e ven led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and criti cal posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the un animous advice of persons entitled to my confidence impelled me to abandon the idea. I rejoice, that the state o f your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer re nders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentim ent of duty, or propriety; and am persuaded, whatever partia lity may be retained for my services, that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my d etermination to retire. The impressions, with which I f irst undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the prop er occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only s ay, that I have, with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. N ot unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qua lifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more i n the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffi dence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of yea rs admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retiremen t is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied, that, if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to b elieve, that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit t he political scene, patriotism does not forbid it. In loo king forward to the moment, which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitu de, which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast co nfidence with which it has supported me; and for the opport unities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable a ttachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in us efulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to o ur country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our anna ls, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearan ces sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discourag ing, in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. Profou ndly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me t o my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its benef icence; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpe tual; that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained; that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; than, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by s o careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this bles sing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nati on, which is yet a stranger to it. Here, perhaps I o ught to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, na tural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to rec ommend to your frequent review, some sentiments which are th e result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation , and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. T hese will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a part ing friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bia s his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it , your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion. Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendati on of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachmen t. The unity of Government, which constitutes you one peo ple, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, t he support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very Liberty, which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that, from different causes and from different quarters, mu ch pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batterie s of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimat e the immense value of your national Union to your collecti ve and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordi al, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming you rselves to think and speak of it as of the Palladium of y our political safety and prosperity; watching for its preserv ation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may sugg est even a suspicion, that it can in any event be abandone d; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the r est, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of american, which belongs to yo u, in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pr ide of Patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you ha ve the same religion, manners, habits, and political principl es. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed togethe r; the Independence and Liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels, and joint efforts, of common dangers, suffe rings, and successes. But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are g reatly outweighed by those, which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the Union of the whole. The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds, in the productions of the latter , great additional resources of maritime and commercial enter prise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The S outh, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand . Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the N orth, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and, wh ile it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increa se the general mass of the national navigation, it looks fo rward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which it self is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improve ment of interior communications by land and water, will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West de rives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and co mfort, and, what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of th e Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest a s one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own sepa rate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connexion w ith any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious. While, then, every part of our country thus feels an imme diate and particular interest in Union, all the parts combin ed cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and ef forts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greate r security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and, what is of inesti mable value, they must derive from Union an exemption fromthose broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighbouring countries not tied together by the sam e governments, which their own rivalships alone would be suf ficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, att achments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown m ilitary establishments, which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded a s particularly hostile to Republican Liberty. In this sense it is, that your Union ought to be considered as a main p rop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought t o endear to you the preservation of the other. These con siderations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting a nd virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary object of Patriotic desire. Is there a doubt, whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope, tha t a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary ag ency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will aff ord a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a f air and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious moti ves to Union, affecting all parts of our country, while exp erience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, ther e will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those , who in any quarter may endeavour to weaken its bands.In contemplating the causes, which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground sho uld have been furnished for characterizing parties by Geograp hical discriminations, Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Wes tern; whence designing men may endeavour to excite a belief, that there is a real difference of local interests and vi ews. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence, w ithin particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions a nd aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart-burnings, which spring from these misrepresentations; they ten d to render alien to each other those, who ought to be bo und together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this hea d; they have seen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that even t, throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy i n the General Government and in the Atlantic States unfriend ly to their interests in regard to the mississippi; they ha ve been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that wi th Great Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not b e their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advant ages on the union by which they were procured? Will they n ot henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with aliens? To the efficacy and permanency of your Uni on, a Government for the whole is indispensable. No alliance s, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate sub stitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions, which all alliances in all times have experien ced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upo n your first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of G overnment better calculated than your former for an intimate Union, and for the efficacious management of your common c oncerns. This Government, the offspring of our own choice, u ninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and m ature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, a nd containing within itself a provision for its own amendmen t, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. R espect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiesce nce in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true Liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their C onstitutions of Government. But the Constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to e stablish Government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established Government. All obstructions to th e execution of the Laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They ser ve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extrao rdinary force; to put, in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, accordin g to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make t he public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than th e organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common counsels, and modified by mutual interests. However combi nations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunn ing, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subv ert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves t he reins of government; destroying afterwards the very engine s, which have lifted them to unjust dominion. Towards th e preservation of your government, and the permanency of you r present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledg ed authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pre texts. One method of assault may be to effect, in the form s of the constitution, alterations, which will impair the en ergy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be d irectly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as nec essary to fix the true character of governments, as of othe r human institutions; that experience is the surest standard, by which to test the real tendency of the existing consti tution of a country; that facility in changes, upon the cre dit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual cha nge, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember, especially, that, for the efficient management of our common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the pe rfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself wi ll find in such a government, with powers properly distribut ed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. I have already in timated to you the danger of parties in the state, with pa rticular reference to the founding of them on geographical d iscriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, a nd warn you in the most solemn manner against the banefuleffects of the spirit of party, generally. This spirit, u nfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists un der different shapes in all governments, more or less stifle d, controlled, or repressed; but, in those of the popular f orm, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly the ir worst enemy. The alternate domination of one faction o ver another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightf ul despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal an d permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries, which resu lt, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this dispositio n to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of P ublic Liberty. Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely ou t of sight,) the common and continual mischiefs of the spir it of party are sufficient to make it the interest and dut y of a wise people to discourage and restrain it. It se rves always to distract the Public Councils, and enfeeble th e Public Administration. It agitates the Community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and ins urrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corrup tion, which find a facilitated access to the government itse lf through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy an d will of another. There is an opinion, that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the Government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of Lib erty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in G overnments of a Monarchical cast, Patriotism may look with i ndulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in Governments purely e lective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their n atural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And, there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by for ce of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire n ot to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to preven t its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, itshould consume. It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution, in those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach up on another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to crea te, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A ju st estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity o f reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the Guardian of the Public Weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments anc ient and modern; some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to in stitute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distrib ution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way, which the constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for, though this, in one instance , may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapo n by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent mus t always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial o r transient benefit, which the use can at any time yield. Of all the dispositions and habits, which lead to political prosperity, Religion and Morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of Patriotism, w ho should labor to subvert these great pillars of human hap piness, these firmest props of the duties of Men and Citize ns. The mere Politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace a ll their connexions with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation d esert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in Courts of Justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined educa tion on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience b oth forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle. It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or les s force to every species of free government. Who, that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon att empts to shake the foundation of the fabric ? Promote, t hen, as an object of primary importance, institutions for th e general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the struc ture of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened. As a very important source of strength and security, cherish pub lic credit. One method of preserving it is, to use it as sparingly as possible; avoiding occasions of expense by culti vating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disburs ements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of de bt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigor ous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts, whic h unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously thro wing upon posterity the burthen, which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your repres entatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should co operate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty , it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be Revenue; that to have Revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes ca n be devised, which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment, inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a ch oice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in ma king it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at an y time dictate. Observe good faith and justice towards al l Nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion an d Morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be, that good p olicy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great Nation , to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benev olence. Who can doubt, that, in the course of time and thi ngs, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temp orary advantages, which might be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a Nation with its Virtue? The experi ment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its v ices ? In the execution of such a plan, nothing is m ore essential, than that permanent, inveterate antipathies aga inst particular Nations, and passionate attachments for others , should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The Nat ion, which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or a n habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a s lave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its in terest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hen ce frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody conte sts. The Nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the Government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The Government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopt s through passion what reason would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projec ts of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sin ister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perh aps the liberty, of Nations has been the victim. So like wise, a passionate attachment of one Nation for another prod uces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite Nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing i nto one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, w ithout adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite Nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the Nation making t he concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from w hom equal privileges are withheld. And it gives to ambitious , corrupted, or deluded citizens, (who devote themselves to the favorite nation,) facility to betray or sacrifice the in terests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opi nion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or fool ish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation. As。

布什告别演说中英文对照

Bush's presidency began with the worst terrorist attack on U.S. soil and ends with the worst economic collapse in three generations.
他说，“对于辛勤工作的千万家庭来说，这些都是非常艰难的日子，但是如果我们不采取行动，后果会不堪设想。”
布什看上去志得意满——不时地咧着嘴笑——他总结了任内工作，准备卸下椭圆形办公室的工作重担。
Bush appeared content — grinning at times — as he summed up his presidency and prepared to be relieved from the burdens of the Oval Office.
布什说，底线就是，在他任内，“既有好日子，也有艰难的日子”。
The bottom line, Bush said, is there have been "good days and tough days" during his term.
布什讲完离开了讲台，自信开始让位于怀旧。
பைடு நூலகம்
"These are very tough times for hardworking families, but the toll would be far worse if we had not acted," he said.
“所有美国人都参与进来了。团结起来，用决心，用辛勤的工作，我们定能让经济走上复兴之路。”
布什将带着自理查德-尼克松总统之后最低的民意支持率卸任。他说，“也许，你不赞成我做的那些艰难的决定，但我希望你能认为我愿意做出那些艰难的决定。”

布什就职演说英文版

布什就职演说英文版下面介绍的是布什就职演说英文版,希望对您有所帮助！首席大法官伦奎斯特,卡特总统,布什总统,总统克林顿,尊敬的来宾们,我的同胞们,和平的权力移交在历史上很少见,但在我国却很普遍。

随着一个简单的誓言,我们肯定旧的传统,创造新的开始。

首先,我感谢克林顿总统为我们国家做出的贡献。

我感谢副总统戈尔以精神和以优雅结束。

我很荣幸也很谦卑地站在这里,许多美国领导人在我之前,会有很多人跟随。

在一个漫长的故事中,我们都有自己的位置一个我们继续的故事,但是我们看不到他的结局。

这是一个新世界的故事旧时代的朋友和解放者,一个蓄奴社会的故事成为自由的仆人,一个权力进入世界的故事保护而不是占有,捍卫而不是征服。

这是美国的故事一个有缺陷和易犯错的人团结一致的故事一代又一代伟大而持久的理想。

这些理想中最伟大的是正在展现的美国承诺每个人都是渴望每个人都有机会,没有一个微不足道的人曾经出生。

美国人被要求在我们的生活和法律中实现这一承诺。

t尽管我们的国家有时停止,有时拖延,但我们必须跟随no其他课程。

在上个世纪的大部分时间里,美国对自由和民主的信念是汹涌大海中的一块岩石。

现在它是风中的一粒种子,扎根于许多国家。

我们的民主信念不仅仅是我们国家的信条,它是天生h希望我们的人性,一个我们拥有但不拥有的理想,一个我们拥有的信任走开。

即使过了将近225年,我们还有很长的路要走旅行。

虽然我们的许多公民繁荣昌盛,但其他人怀疑这一承诺,甚至怀疑正义,我们自己国家的正义。

一些美国人的雄心是有限的失败的学校和隐藏的偏见以及他们所处的环境出生。

有时我们的分歧如此之深,似乎我们有一个共同之处大陆,但不是一个国家。

我们不接受,也不会允许。

我们的团结,我们的联盟每一代领导人和公民的严肃工作。

这是我庄严的誓言我将努力建设一个正义的国家机遇。

我知道这是我们力所能及的,因为我们被一种比在他的形象中创造我们平等的我们自己。

我们对团结和带领我们前进的原则充满信心。

布什就职演说英文版

布什就职演说（英文版）Chief Justice Rehnquist, President Carter, President Bush, PresidentClinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens, the peacefultransfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. Witha simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation.And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit andended with grace.I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leadershave come before me, and so many will follow.We have a place, all of us, in a long story -- a story we continue, butwhose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became afriend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society thatbecame a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the worldto protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer.It is the American story -- a story of flawed and fallible people, unitedacross the generations by grand and enduring ideals.The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise thateveryone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person waseverborn.Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws.And though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we mustfollow no other course.Through much of the last century, America's faithin freedom and democracywasa rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root inmany nations.Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is theinborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear andpass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet totravel.While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even thejustice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limitedby failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of theirbirth. And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share acontinent, but not a country.We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, isthe serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation. And this ismy solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice andopportunity.I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger thanourselves who creates us equal in His image.And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound byideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interestsand teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taughtthese principles. Every citizen must uphold them. And every immigrant, by embracing theseideals, makes our country more, not less, American.Today, we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise throughcivility, courage, compassion and character.America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern forcivility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect,fair dealing and forgiveness.Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, ina time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small.But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not leadthe cause of freedom, it will not be led. If we do not turn the hearts ofchildren toward knowledge and character, we willlose their gifts andundermine their idealism. If we permit our economy to drift and decline,the vulnerable will suffer most.We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or asentime nt. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, ofcommunity over chaos. And this commitment, if we keep it, is a way toshared accomplishment.America, at its best, is also courageous.Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, whendefending common dangers defined our common good. Now we must choose ifthe example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. Wemust show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead ofpassing them on tofuture generations.Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathyclaim more young lives.We will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children fromstruggles we have the power to prevent. And we will reduce taxes, torecover the momentum of our economy and reward theeffort and enterpriseof working Americans.We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invitechallenge.We will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century issparednew horrors.The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake: Americaremains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balanceof power that favors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests. We willshow purpose without arrogance. We will meet aggression and bad faith withresolve and strength. And to all nations, we will speak for the valuesthat gave our nation birth.America, at its best, is compassionate. In the quiet of Americanconscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of ournation's promise.And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at riskare not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not actsof God, they arefailures of love.And the proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute forhope and order in our souls.Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are notstrangers, they are citizens, not problems, but priorities. And all of usare diminished when any are hopeless.Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health,for civil rights and common schools. Yet compassion is the work of anation, not just a government.And some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor'stouch or a pastor's prayer. Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lendour communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in ourplans and in our laws.Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen tothose who do.And I can pledge our nation to a goal: When we see that wounded traveleron the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side.America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valuedand expected.Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call toconcience. And though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeperfulfillment. We find the fullness of life not only in options, but incommitments. And we find that children and community are the commitmentsthat set us free.Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and familybonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonoredacts of decency whichgive direction to our freedom.Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of ourtimes has said, every day we are called to do small things with greatlove. The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.I will live and lead by these principles: to advance my convictions withcivility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greaterjustice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it aswell.In all these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care ofour times.What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seeka common good beyond your comfort; to defend needed reforms against easyattacks;to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor.I ask you to becitizens:citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens,building communities of service and a nation of character.Americans are generous and strong and decent, notbecause we believe inourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spiritof citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When thisspirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman JohnPage wrote to Thomas Jefferson: "We know the race is not to the swift northe battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind anddirects this storm?"Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived forhis inauguration. Theyears and changes accumulate. But the themes of this day he would know:our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity.We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with hispurpose.Yet his purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled inservice to one another.Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purposetoday, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignityof our lives and every life.This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in thewhirl wind and directs this storm.God bless you all, and God bless America.。

演讲致辞-布什就职演说(英文版) 精品

布什就职演说(英文版)

President Bush Bids Farewell to the Nation

President Bush Bids Farewell to the Nation布什告别演说回顾过去展望未来U.S. President George Bush delivered his farewell address to the nation Thursday night. Mr. Bush used the occasion to reflect on the past and look toward the future.美国总统布什星期四晚上向全国发表告别演说，利用这个机会回顾过去，展望未来。

This has been a week of "lasts" for President Bush - the last press conference, the last cabinet meeting, and the last broadcast speech to the nation.对布什总统来说，这个星期有许多的“最后一次”-- 最后一次记者会，最后一次内阁会议，还有最后一次向全国发表广播讲话。

"Tonight, with a thankful heart, I have asked for a final opportunity to share some thoughts on the journey we have traveled together and the future of our nation," he said.布什说：“今晚，怀着一颗感恩的心，我要用这最后一次机会，和大家一起回顾我们走过的路程，并展望我们国家的未来。

”He reflected on his first national address from the White House, a speech to a country reeling in shock, grief and anger from the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks.布什谈到他在白宫向全国发表的第一次讲话，那是2001年9-11恐怖袭击之后向一个沉浸在震惊、悲伤和愤怒中的国家发表的讲话。

小布什离职的中英文演讲稿（经典）

小布什离职的中英文演讲稿（经典）第一篇：小布什离职的中英文演讲稿(经典)小布什离职中英文演讲稿!八年的总统生涯，是美国人民赋予我的荣耀！21世纪的前10年是一个并不寻常的时期.今晚，我带着一颗感恩的心来到这里，并且我希望你们能给我最后一次机会，因为我想和你们分享我对过去八总统生涯的想法，以及我对国家未来的展望.5天以后，全世界就将会看到美国民主的活力.我即将把我的工作交由你们心目中的理想总统，奥巴马！能够接受全美人民崇敬的人，必须能够为你们，为这片土地带来希望.对于我们的国家来说，这是一个充满希望和自豪的时刻.并且，我渴望与美国人民一道为奥巴马，他的妻子和两个漂亮的女儿送去美好的祝愿.今天，我满怀感激之情，感谢我的副总统切尼以及我所有的政府成员.我还要感谢我的妻子劳拉和我的女儿芭芭拉，詹娜，是她们给我的生活带来了无尽的快乐和爱意.我感谢我的父母，是他们给予了我前进的动力.最重要的是，我感谢美国人民给予我的信任.，我感谢你们给予我的勇气、宽容.今晚，我的思绪回到了2001年的9月11日.当天早晨，恐怖分子带走了近3000人的生命.自珍珠港事件后，恐怖分子制造了美国历史上最严重的一次恐怖袭击.我想起了3天后我站在世贸中心废墟前的情景，那时，我诚挚地与那些夜以继日抢救伤者的救援工人们交谈，他们不顾自己的危险，在浓烟滚滚的五角大楼的走廊里抓紧工作.同时，我也为不幸遇难的人感到痛心，他们是我们的英雄！我想起了阿琳-霍华德，他当时把他死去儿子的警察盾牌交给了我，以表达对逝者的思念之情.而现在，我仍然珍藏着他的徽章.随着时间的推移，大部分的美国人民能够从悲痛中解脱出来，并重归“9.11”之前正常的生活.然而，我还没有解脱.每天清晨，我都会收到简报，获知是什么还在威胁着我们国家的安全，并且我发誓一定会竭尽全力来维护你们的安全.在过去的7年中，我们成立了新的国土安全部.我们的军队，军事情报部门，以及FBI都进行了改革.为了监视恐怖分子的行动，我们已经做了充分的准备，我们冻结了恐怖分子的账户，并屡屡打破了他们的图谋.我们身边也有强大的同盟国，并且我们携起手来共同打击恐怖分子以及那些支持恐怖分子的人.在我们的帮助下，阿富汗已经由恐怖主义的天堂转变成了一个尚未成熟的民主国家，那里的人们正和恐怖主义战斗.此外，女孩子上学也得到了应有的尊重.伊拉克也已经摆脱了萨达姆的残酷统治，并且其不再是美国人民的敌人.相反，伊拉克已经成为了中东地区阿拉伯民主的核心和美国的朋友.针对我的许多决策，有人对其合法性表示出怀疑.但是，当我们看到结果时这些人就不会再发出疑问了.在过去的七年多来，美国本土再也没有遭受过恐怖袭击.这要归功于那些日夜辛劳保护我们安全的人们：执法人员、情报分析员、国土安全人员、外交人员、以及美军的士兵们.受上帝的恩典，美国有这些愿意在国家危难之际挺身保护他人的公民.我非常珍惜美国可以拥有这些无私的爱国者及其家庭.美国感激你们.对于那些正在收听的演讲的美军士兵们来说，没有什么荣誉要比让你当上总司令还要崇高.美军正在从事的战争从属于两种系统之间的冲突，而这两种系统又有天壤之别.在其中的一种系统中，一小撮狂热分子要求所有人都服从于他们所制定的暴虐的意识形态，这些人让妇女屈从，而对那些不相信他们暴政的人进行谋杀.而另一种系统则相信自由是上帝给予全世界的礼物，自由与正义是通往和平的道路.美国，正是基于这样的信念诞生的.从长远来看，推广这种理念是保护我们公民的唯一选择.当人们生活在自由之中时，他们就不愿再去选择那些追求恐怖活动的领导者.当人们对未来怀有希望时，他们就不会将自己的生命交给暴力和极端主义.环视全球，美国正在推动人类自由、人权及人的尊严的发展.我们同持有不同政见者以及年轻的民主国家同在，我们为挽救生命而提供治疗艾滋病的药物，我们避免母亲和自己的孩子染上疟疾.自由是美国成立的唯一基石，并且领导世界向一个自由普照全球的时代发展.过去的八年，我们努力扩大美国人民所拥有的机会与希望.在美国，学生不断上进，以求符合公立学校更高的标准.对于老人和残疾人来说，一种新的医疗处方药福利令他们颇感舒心.每个纳税人缴纳了更少的税款.通过以信仰为基础的治疗项目，那些瘾君子和痛苦的人们找到了新希望.过去八年来的工作更好地保护了人脆弱的生命.对于退伍老兵的补助几乎增加了一倍.美国的一山一水都真切地变得更为干净.睿智的山姆-阿力拓、首席法官约翰-罗伯茨加入到联邦法院中.当美国的繁荣遇到挑战时，我们勇敢地去面对.当金融危机发生时，我们采取果断措施来保护我们的经济.对于那些辛勤工作的家庭来说，这些都是十分艰难的时期.但是如果我们不采取行动的话，结果将会更为糟糕.所有的美国人都站在了一起.凭借着我们的决心和辛勤工作，我们将美国经济重新拉回到增长的车道上.我们将向世界再次展现美国自由企业制度的复兴.正如所有前任总统一样，我也曾经历过挫折.如果可能的话，我会采取不一样的方式来应对这些措施.但是，我总是为国家利益的最大化来行动.你也许会不同意我所做出的一些决定，但我希望你能理解我是愿意采取这些措施的.未来的几十年，美国将面对更多的艰难抉择，而有一些指导性原则可以塑造我们的道路.尽管我们的国家要比7年前更为安全，但目前美国最严峻的威胁仍然是另一场恐怖袭击.我们的敌人十分耐心，并且决心要再次发动袭击.美国没有故意挑起冲突.但是我们肩负着庄严的责任，必须同恐怖主义作斗争.我们不能骄傲自满，我们要坚定决心，我们绝不能放松警惕.与此同时，我们必须带着信心和清晰的目标参与世界事务.面对来自海外的威胁，在国内寻求安慰是一种诱人的举措.但是我们必须拒绝孤立主义与保护主义.退缩只会找来危险.在21世纪，国内的安全和繁荣需要依靠国外自由的扩展.如果美国不领导自由事业，那么自由事业就将无所适从.一方面我们在处理这些眼前和未来的挑战，另一方面美国必须保持自己在道义上的明确性.我经常谈及善恶问题，这令一些人颇感不适.但是目前这个世界确实存在着善恶双方，而且双方之间无法达成妥协.通过谋杀无辜来宣扬某种意识形态无论在何时何地都是错误的.将人们从压迫与绝望中解救出来是永远正确的.美国必须坚持为正义与真理而呼喊，我们必须保护正义与真理，并且推动和平事业的发展.托马斯-杰斐逊曾写到：“相比于过去的历史，我更喜欢未来的梦想.”随着我马上要离开白宫，我赞同杰斐逊这样的乐观精神.美国是一个年轻的国家，充满了活力，不断发展与更新.即便在最艰难的时候，美国仍然没有放弃对未来的梦想.我了解我们民族的特质，因此我也相信美国的明天会更美好.这是一个鼓励移民们为自由的梦想而去尝试一切事情的国家，这是一个在面对危险使仍然镇定的国家，这是一个面对苦难仍抱有同情心的国家.我们在身边的每一个人身上都可以看到美国的特征.今晚，受我和夫人劳拉的邀请，一切代表也来到了白宫.我在外科医生克里索夫身上看到了美国人民的伟大个性.克里索夫的儿子，一名海军，在伊拉克光荣地献出了自己的生命.当我见到克里索夫和他家人的时候，他告诉了我一个惊人的消息：他告诉我，为了缅怀儿子，他希望加入美国海军医疗团.克里索夫已经60岁了，超过了年龄限制，但是他的申请得到了批准.在过去的一年中，克里索夫接受了良好的训练，但已经荣升少校的他今晚不能来到这里，他很快就会前往伊拉克，在那里他可以救助我们受伤的勇士并继续他儿子为完成的事业.同时，从美国公民身上，我看到了我们国家优秀的一面—我们的国家充满关怀和希望，这样的优点令我对国家有着坚贞的信念.我们面临着危险和审判，而且在未来我们仍将需要应对更多的挑战.然而，依靠你们的勇气和信心，伟大的美国永远会稳如磐石，从来不会走向没落.对我来说，能够担任你们的总统，是我一生的荣耀.我有过欢乐也有过困苦.但是，每天我都会受到伟大祖国的鼓舞，并且我也一直在为我们的国家祈祷.在以后的时光里，我会永远珍视这样一段话：美利坚合众国的公民.我亲爱的同胞们，我的演说就到这里了，晚安！愿上帝保佑奥巴马！愿上帝保佑你和我们美好的国家！Fellow citizens: For eight years, it has been my honor to serve as your President.The first decade of this new century has been a period of consequence--a time set apart.Tonight, with a thankful heart, I have asked for a final opportunity to share some thoughts on the journey that we have traveled together, and the future of our nation.Five days from now, the world will witness the vitality of American democracy.In a tradition dating back to our founding, the presidency will pass to a successor chosen by you, the American people.Standing on the steps of the Capitol will be a man whose history reflects the enduring promise of ourland.This is a moment of hope and pride for our whole nation.And I join all Americans in offering best wishes to President-Elect Obama, his wife Michelle, and their two beautiful girls.Tonight I am filled with gratitude--to Vice President Cheney and members of my administration;to Laura, who brought joy to this house and love to my life;to our wonderful daughters, Barbara and Jenna;to my parents, whose examples have provided strength for a lifetime.And above all, I thank the American people for the trust you have given me.I thank you for the prayers that have lifted my spirits.And I thank you for the countless acts of courage, generosity, and grace that I have witnessed these past eight years.This evening, my thoughts return to the first night I addressed you from this house--September the 11th, 2001.That morning, terrorists took nearly 3,000 lives in the worst attack on America since Pearl Harbor.I remember standing in the rubble of the World Trade Center three days later, surrounded by rescuers who had been working around the clock.I remember talking to brave souls who charged through smoke-filled corridors at the Pentagon, and to husbands and wives whose loved ones became heroes aboard Flight 93.I remember Arlene Howard, who gave me her fallen son's police shield as a reminder of all that was lost.And I still carry his badge.As the years passed, most Americans were able to return to life much as it had been before 9/11.But I never did.Every morning, I received a briefing on the threats to our nation.I vowed to do everything in my power to keep us safe.Over the past seven years, a new Department of Homeland Security has been created.The military, the intelligence community, and the FBI have been transformed.Our nation is equipped with new tools to monitor the terrorists' movements, freeze their finances, and break up their plots.Andwith strong allies at our side, we have taken the fight to the terrorists and those who support them.Afghanistan has gone from a nation where the Taliban harbored al Qaeda and stoned women in the streets to a young democracy that is fighting terror and encouraging girls to go to school.Iraq has gone from a brutal dictatorship and a sworn enemy of America to an Arab democracy at the heart of the Middle East and a friend of the United States.There is legitimate debate about many of these decisions.But there can be little debate about the results.America has gone more than seven years without another terrorist attack on our soil.This is a tribute to those who toil night and day to keep us safe--law enforcement officers, intelligence analysts, homeland security and diplomatic personnel, and the men and women of the United States Armed Forces.Our nation is blessed to have citizens who volunteer to defend us in this time of danger.I have cherished meeting these selfless patriots and their families.And America owes you a debt of gratitude.And to all our men and women in uniform listening tonight: There has been no higher honor than serving as your Commander-in-Chief.The battles waged by our troops are part of a broader struggle between two dramatically different systems.Under one, a small band of fanatics demands total obedience to an oppressive ideology, condemns women to subservience, and marks unbelievers for murder.The other system is based on the conviction that freedom is the universal gift of Almighty God, and that liberty and justice light the path to peace.This is the belief that gave birth to our nation.And in the long run, advancing this belief is the only practical way to protect our citizens.When people live in freedom, they do not willingly choose leaders who pursue campaigns of terror.When people have hope in thefuture, they will not cede their lives to violence and extremism.So around the world, America is promoting human liberty, human rights, and human dignity.We're standing with dissidents and young democracies, providing AIDS medicine to dying patients--to bring dying patients back to life, and sparing mothers and babies from malaria.And this great republic born alone in liberty is leading the world toward a new age when freedom belongs to all nations.For eight years, we've also strived to expand opportunity and hope here at home.Across our country, students are rising to meet higher standards in public schools.A new Medicare prescription drug benefit is bringing peace of mind to seniors and the disabled.Every taxpayer pays lower income taxes.The addicted and suffering are finding new hope through faith-based programs.Vulnerable human life is better protected.Funding for our veterans has nearly doubled.America's air and water and lands are measurably cleaner.And the federal bench includes wise new members like Justice Sam Alito and Chief Justice John RobertsWhen challenges to our prosperity emerged, we rose to meet them.Facing the prospect of a financial collapse, we took decisive measures to safeguard our economy.These are very tough times for hardworking families, but the toll would be far worse if we had not acted.All Americans are in this together.And together, with determination and hard work, we will restore our economy to the path of growth.We will show the world once again the resilience of America's free enterprise system.Like all who have held this office before me, I have experienced setbacks.There are things I would do differently if given the chance.Yet I've always acted with the best interests of our country in mind.I have followed my conscience and done what I thought was right.Youmay not agree with some of the tough decisions I have made.But I hope you can agree that I was willing to make the tough decisions.The decades ahead will bring more hard choices for our country, and there are some guiding principles that should shape our course.While our nation is safer than it was seven years ago, the gravest threat to our people remains another terrorist attack.Our enemies are patient, and determined to strike again.America did nothing to seek or deserve this conflict.But we have been given solemn responsibilities, and we must meet them.We must resist complacency.We must keep our resolve.And we must never let down our guard.At the same time, we must continue to engage the world with confidence and clear purpose.In the face of threats from abroad, it can be tempting to seek comfort by turning inward.But we must reject isolationism and its companion, protectionism.Retreating behind our borders would only invite danger.In the 21st century, security and prosperity at home depend on the expansion of liberty abroad.If America does not lead the cause of freedom, that cause will not be led.As we address these challenges--and others we cannot foresee tonight--America must maintain our moral clarity.I've often spoken to you about good and evil, and this has made some uncomfortable.But good and evil are present in this world, and between the two of them there can be no compromise.Murdering the innocent to advance an ideology is wrong every time, everywhere.Freeing people from oppression and despair is eternally right.This nation must continue to speak out for justice and truth.We must always bewilling to act in their defense--and to advance the cause of peace.President Thomas Jefferson once wrote, “I like the dreams of the future better than the history of the past.” As I leave thehouse he occupied two centuries ago, I share that optimism.America is a young country, full of vitality, constantly growing and renewing itself.And even in the toughest times, we lift our eyes to the broad horizon ahead.I have confidence in the promise of America because I know the character of our people.This is a nation that inspires immigrants to risk everything for the dream of freedom.This is a nation where citizens show calm in times of danger, and compassion in the face of suffering.We see examples of America's character all around us.And Laura and I have invited some of them to join us in the White House this evening.We see America's character in Dr.Tony Recasner, a principal who opened a new charter school from the ruins of Hurricane Katrina.We see it in Julio Medina, a former inmate who leads a faith-based program to help prisoners returning to society.We've seen it in Staff Sergeant Aubrey McDade, who charged into an ambush in Iraq and rescued three of his fellow Marines.We see America's character in Bill Krissoff--a surgeon from California.His son, Nathan--a Marine--gave his life in Iraq.When I met Dr.Krissoff and his family, he delivered some surprising news: He told me he wanted to join the Navy Medical Corps in honor of his son.This good man was 60 years old--18 years above the age limit.But his petition for a waiver was granted, and for the past year he has trained in battlefield medicine.Lieutenant Commander Krissoff could not be here tonight, because he will soon deploy to Iraq, where he will help save America's wounded warriors--and uphold the legacy of his fallen son.In citizens like these, we see the best of our countrycitizen of the United States of America.And so, my fellow Americans, for the final time: Good night.May God bless this house and our next President.And may God bless you and ourwonderful country.Thank you.(Applause.)第二篇：员工离职证明书(中英文)三才（上海）水处理工程设备有限公司员工离职证明书Employee Demission Certification姓名：________ 性别：____ 出生年月：_______________ Name Sex Born Date 文化程度:________________ 住址：_____________________ 弄______号______室 Education Address__________先生/女士于______年______月______日到本公司工作。

布什告别演讲

Bush's Farewell Address（Chinese version）各位公民：八年来，我有幸担任你们的总统。

新世纪的第一个十年是一段意义重大的时期——一个时间分界点。

今晚，我怀着一颗感谢的心，请求一个最后的机会，就我们一起走过的旅程以及国家的未来，与诸位分享一些想法。

五天后，世界将目睹美国民主的活力。

按照我们立国时的传统，总统之位将传给你们——美国人民所选择的继任者。

站在国会山的台阶上的，将是一个其故事可以说明我们国家持久承诺的人。

这是我们全国的希望与骄傲的深刻。

我和所有美国人一起，向总统当选人奥巴马、他的妻子米歇儿以及他们两个美丽的女儿致以最美好的祝愿。

今晚，我满怀感激——感激副总统切尼以及行政成员们；感谢劳拉，她给这个家带来欢乐，给我的生活带来爱；感谢我们了不起的女儿芭芭拉和詹娜；感谢我的父母亲，他们的榜样为我提供了毕生的力量。

最重要的是，我感谢美国人民给我的信任。

我感谢你们的祈祷鼓舞了我的灵魂。

我感谢你们在过去八年让我目睹了无数体现勇气、慷慨与仁慈的行动。

今晚，我的思绪回到我站在这个地方向你们致辞的第一个晚上——2001年9月11日。

那天早上，恐怖分子夺走了近3000性命，这是自珍珠港事件以来，美国遭遇的最严重的袭击。

我记得于三天后站在世贸中心的废墟中的情形，周围是全天候工作的救援人员。

我记得我跟那些在五角大楼烟雾弥漫的走廊里工作的勇敢灵魂谈话，跟那些登上93号航班最终成为英雄的人们的妻子们谈话。

我记得阿琳·霍华德（Arlene Howard），她把已经陨落的儿子的警察勋章给了我，提醒我我们失去了什么。

我仍然戴着他的徽章。

随着时间的流逝，大多数美国人可以回归911之前的生活，但我就不能。

每天早上，我都收到一份关于我国面临威胁的简报。

我发誓要尽我所能保证我们的安全。

在过去七年，一个新的国土安全部成立了。

军队、情报界以及FBI已经警告改造。

我们的国家装备了新的工具去监控恐怖分子的活动，冻结他们的金融，打破他们的阴谋。

名人演讲稿布什演讲稿(中英对照)

名人演讲稿布什演讲稿（中英对照）Thank you!Chief Justice Rehnquist, President Carter, President Bush， President Clinton, distinguished guests and myfellow citizens, the peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet mon in our country. With a *** oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation.And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of Americas leaders have e before me, and so many will follow.We have a place, all of us, in a long story -- a story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer.It is the American story -- a story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals.The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant pe ([!--t资/料来.源,于:/网 ]布什演讲稿（中英对照）.ｆｗJIa.ｃoｍ】 rson was ever born.Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws. And though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.Through much of the last century, Americas faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations.Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. Theambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth. And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems weshare a continent, but not a country.We do not aept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders andcitizens in every generation. And this is my solemnpledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity.I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than our selves who creates us equal in His image.And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds,lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold them. And every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.Today, we affirm a new mitment to live out our nations promise through civility, courage, passion and character.America, at its best, matches a mitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness.Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small.But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not beled. If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerabl ( [!范;文,之.家网布什演讲稿（中英对照）(2))hTTp://wWw.fWJiａ.cOm } e will suffer most.We must live up to the calling we share. Civility isnot a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of munity over chaos. And this mitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared aomplishment.America, at its best, is also courageous.Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending mon dangers defined our mon good. Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.Together, we will reclaim Americas schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives.We will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparingour children from struggles we have the power to prevent. And we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans.We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge.We will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake:America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power thatf avors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests. We will show purpose without arrogance. We will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength. And to all nations, wewill speak for the values that gave our nation birth.America, at its best, is passionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nations promise.And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love.And the proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens, not problems, but priorities. And all of us are diminished when any are hopeless.Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and mon schools. Yet passion is the work of a nation, not (此资料转贴于范-文,家网布什演讲稿（中英对照）(3) )just a government.And some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentors touch or a pastors prayer. Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our munities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws.Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do.And I can pledge our nation to a goal: When we see that wounded traveler on the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side.America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued andexpected.Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. And though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment. We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in mitments. And we find that children and munity are the mitments that set us free.Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom.Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are calledto do small things with great love. The most importanttasks of a democracy are done by everyone.I will live and lead by these principles: to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interestwith courage, to speak for greater justice and passion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well.In all these ways, I will bring the values of ourhistory to the care of ourtimes.What you do is as important as anything government does.I ask you to seek a mon good beyond your fort; to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens: citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, building munities of service and a nation of character.Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we holdbeliefs beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenshipis missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson: "Weknow the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwindand direct{布什演讲稿（中英对照）(4)欢迎您访问范,文,家[!--titleurl--]}s this storm?"Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The yearsand changes aumulate. But the themes of this day he would know: our nations grand story of courage and its *** dream of dignity.We are not this storys author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose. Yet his purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another.Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.God bless you all, and God bless America.尊敬的芮恩奎斯特***官，卡特总统，布什总统，克林顿总统，尊敬的来宾们，我的同胞们，这次权利的和平过渡在历史上是罕见的，但在美国事平常的。

布什的卸任离职演讲

布什的卸任离职演讲布什的卸任演讲Unpopular but unbowed, President George W. Bush defended his tumultuous two terms in a farewell address to the nation Thursday night, claiming a hard-won record of achievement, AP reported.Reaching back to the Sept. 11 attacks, when the public rallied behind him, Bush declared the United States will “never tire, never falter and never fail.”Leaving office with the highest disapproval rating since Richard Nixon, Bush said, “You may not agree with some of the toughdecisions I have made, but I hope you can agree that I was willing to make the tough decisions.”A bookend to eight years indelibly marked by terrorism, two wars and recessions, the 13-minute speech was Bush’s last opportunity before he leaves office Tuesday to defend his presidency.He spoke from the East Room of the White House with just 112 hours left in office.His next scheduled public appearance will be greetingPresident-elect Barack Obama on Inauguration Day at the White House’sNorth Portico.Seemingly upbeat and confident, Bush called the inauguration of Obama, the first black president, a “moment of hope and pride” for America.Defiant until the end, the nation’s 43rd president claimed foreign policy successes in Iraq and Afghanistan while creditinghis administration with improving public schools, creating a new Medicare prescription drug benefit and finding more money for veterans.With the United States facing the worst financial crisis in generations, Bush said his White House took “d ecisive measures”to safeguard the economy.The bottom line, Bush said, is there have been “good days and tough days” during his term.Self-assurance gave way to nostalgia as soon as Bush left the podium.He walked alone down the red-carpeted hallway toward the White House residence.Then, he returned to the room — full of Cabi secretaries and allies, advisers and friends — still on their feet, cheering.Bush and first lady Laura Bush greeted the guests.Across the room, their daughter, Barbara, wiped away tears with both hands.Her sister, Jenna Hager, touched her on her shoulder as their father said his final farewell.Bush’s presidency began with the worst terrorist attack on U.S. soil and ends with the worst economic collapse in three generations.“These are very tough times for hardworking families, but the toll would be far worse if we had not acted,” he said.“All Americans are in this together. And together, with determination and hard work, we will restore our economy to the pathof growth.”“Like all who have held this office before me, I have experienced setbacks,” Bush said.“And there are things I would do differently if given the chance. Yet I have always acted with the best interests of our country in mind. I have followed my conscience and done whatI thought was right.”Bush appeared content — grinning at times — as he summed up his presidency and prepared to be relieved from the burdens of the Oval Office.On national security, he highlighted his administ ration’s efforts to equip the nation with new tools to monitor terrorists,freeze their finances and foil their plots.But he also acknowledged some of his controversial policies, including the terrorist surveillance program and harsh interrogation of suspected terrorists.Bush, the victor of the bitterly contested 2xxx election, became leader of a divided nation on a rainy Jan. 20, 2xxx. He spoke then of a need for civility and passion, pledged to overhaul Social Security and Medicare and talked of building a nation of “justice and opportunity.”The Sept. 11 attacks several months later drastically changed everything, leaving his legacy to be largely defined by the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and his terror-fighting initiatives.As he passed off a huge set of domestic and international problems to Obama, Bush said, “We have faced danger and trial,andthere is more ahead. But with the courage of our people and confidence in our ideals, this great nation will never tire, never falter, a nd never fail.”。

布什告别演讲稿精选（中英文对照）Bushsfarewellspeech

布什告别演讲稿精选（中英文对照）Bushsfarewellspeech第一篇：布什告别演讲稿精选(中英文对照)Bush's farewell speech THE PRESIDENT: Fellow citizens: For eight years, it has been my honor to serve as your President. The first decade of this new century has been a period of consequence — a time set apart. Tonight, with a thankful heart, I have asked for a final opportunity to share some thoughts on the journey that we have traveled together, and the future of our nation.Five days from now, the world will witness the vitality of American democracy. In a tradition dating back to our founding, the presidency will pass to a successor chosen by you, the American people. Standing on the steps of the Capitol will be a man whose history reflects the enduring promise of our land. This is a moment of hope and pride for our whole nation. And I join all Americans in offering best wishes to President-Elect Obama, his wife Michelle, and their two beautiful girls.Tonight I am filled with gratitude — to Vice President Cheney and members of my administration; to Laura, who brought joy to this house and love to my life; to our wonderful daughters, Barbara and Jenna; to my parents, whose examples have provided strength for a lifetime. And above all, I thank the American people for the trust you have given me. I thank you for the prayers that have lifted my spirits. And I thank you for the countless acts of courage, generosity, and grace that I have witnessed these past eight years.This evening, my thoughts return to the first night I addressed you from this house —September the 11th, 2001. That morning, terrorists took nearly 3,000 lives in the worst attack on America since Pearl Harbor. I remember standing in the rubbleof the World Trade Center three days later, surrounded by rescuers who had been working around the clock. I remember talking to brave souls who charged through smoke-filled corridors at the Pentagon, and to husbands and wives whose loved ones became heroes aboard Flight 93. I remember Arlene Howard, who gave me her fallen son’s police shield as a reminder of all that was lost. And I still carry his badge.As the years passed, most Americans were able to return to life much as it had been before 9/11. But I never did. Every morning, I received a briefing on the threats to our nation. I vowed to do everything in my power to keep us safe.Over the past seven years, a new Department of Homeland Security has been created. The military, the intelligence community, and the FBI have been transformed. Our nation is equipped with new tools to monitor the terrorists’ movements, freeze their finances, and break up their plots. And with strong allies at our side, we have taken the fight to the terrorists and those who support them. Afghanistan has gone from a nation where the Taliban harbored al Qaeda and stoned women in the streets to a young democracy that is fighting terror and encouraging girls to go to school. Iraq has gone from a brutal dictatorship and a sworn enemy of America to an Arab democracy at the heart of the Middle East and a friend of the United States.There is legitimate debate about many of these decisions. But there can be little debate about the results. America has gone more than seven years without another terrorist attack on our soil. This is a tribute to those who toil night and day to keep us safe — law enforcement officers, intelligence analysts, homeland security and diplomatic personnel, and the men and women ofthe United States Armed Forces.Our nation is blessed to have citizens who volunteer to defend us in this time of danger. I have cherished meeting these selfless patriots and their families. And America owes you a debt of gratitude. And to all our men and women in uniform listening tonight: There has been no higher honor than serving as your Commander-in-Chief.The battles waged by our troops are part of a broader struggle between two dramatically different systems. Under one, a small band of fanatics demands total obedience to an oppressive ideology, condemns women to subservience, and marks unbelievers for murder. The other system is based on the conviction that freedom is the universal gift of Almighty God, and that liberty and justice light the path to peace.This is the belief that gave birth to our nation. And in the long run, advancing this belief is the only practical way to protect our citizens. When people live in freedom, they do not willingly choose leaders who pursue campaigns of terror. When people have hope in the future, they will not cede their lives to violence and extremism. So around the world, America is promoting human liberty, human rights, and human dignity. We’re standing with dissidents and young democracies, providing AIDS medicine to dying patients — to bring dying patients back to life, and sparing mothers and babies from malaria. And this great republic born alone in liberty is leading the world toward a new age when freedom belongs to all nations.For eight years, we’ve also strived to expand opportunity and hope here at home. Across our country, students are rising to meet higher standards in public schools. A new Medicare prescription drug benefit is bringing peace of mind to seniors and the disabled. Every taxpayer pays lower income taxes. Theaddicted and suffering are finding new hope through faith-based programs. Vulnerable human life is better protected. Funding for our veterans has nearly doubled. America’s air and water and lands are measurably cleaner. And the federal bench includes wise new members like Justice Sam Alito and Chief Justice John Roberts.When challenges to our prosperity emerged, we rose to meet them. Facing the prospect of a financial collapse, we took decisive measures to safeguard our economy. These are very tough times for hardworking families, but the toll would be far worse if we had not acted. All Americans are in this together. And together, with determination and hard work, we will restore our economy to the path of growth. We will show the world once again the resilience of America’s free enterprise sys tem.Like all who have held this office before me, I have experienced setbacks. There are things I would do differently if given the chance. Yet I’ve always acted with the best interests of our country in mind. I have followed my conscience and done what I thought was right. You may not agree with some of the tough decisions I have made. But I hope you can agree that I was willing to make the tough decisions.The decades ahead will bring more hard choices for our country, and there are some guiding principles that should shape our course.While our nation is safer than it was seven years ago, the gravest threat to our people remains another terrorist attack. Our enemies are patient, and determined to strike again. America did nothing to seek or deserve this conflict. But we have been given solemn responsibilities, and we must meet them. We must resist complacency. We must keep our resolve. And we must never letdown our guard.At the same time, we must continue to engage the world with confidence and clear purpose. In the face of threats from abroad, it can be tempting to seek comfort by turning inward. But we must reject isolationism and its companion, protectionism. Retreating behind our borders would only invite danger. In the 21st century, security and prosperity at home depend on the expansion of liberty abroad. If America does not lead the cause of freedom, that cause will not be led.As we address these challenges —and others we cannot foresee tonight —America must maintain our moral clarity. I’ve often spoken to you about good and evil, and this has made some uncomfortable. But good and evil are present in this world, and between the two of them there can be no compromise. Murdering the innocent to advance an ideology is wrong every time, everywhere. Freeing people from oppression and despair is eternally right. This nation must continue to speak out for justice and truth. We must always be willing to act in their defense —and to advance the cause of peace.President Thomas Jefferson once wrote, “I l ike the dreams of the future better than the history of the past.” As I leave the house he occupied two centuries ago, I share that optimism. America is a young country, full of vitality, constantly growing and renewing itself. And even in the toughest times, we lift our eyes to the broad horizon ahead.I have confidence in the promise of America because I know the character of our people. This is a nation that inspires immigrants to risk everything for the dream of freedom. This is a nation where citizens show calm in times of danger, and compassion in the face of suffering. We see examples ofAmerica’s character all around us. And Laura and I have invited some of them to join us in the White House this evening.We see America’s character in Dr. Tony Recasn er, a principal who opened a new charter school from the ruins of Hurricane Katrina. We see it in Julio Medina, a former inmate who leads a faith-based program to help prisoners returning to society. We’ve seen it in Staff Sergeant Aubrey McDade, who charg ed into an ambush in Iraq and rescued three of his fellow Marines.We see America’s character in Bill Krissoff — a surgeon from California. His son, Nathan — a Marine — gave his life in Iraq. When I met Dr. Krissoff and his family, he delivered some surprising news: He told me he wanted to join the Navy Medical Corps in honor of his son. This good man was 60 years old — 18 years above the age limit. But his petition for a waiver was granted, and for the past year he has trained in battlefield medicine. Lieutenant Commander Krissoff could not be here tonight, because he will soon deploy to Iraq, where he will help save America’s wounded warriors — and uphold the legacy of his fallen son.In citizens like these, we see the best of our countrycitizen of the United States of America.And so, my fellow Americans, for the final time: Good night. May God bless this house and our next President. And may God bless you and our wonderful country. Thank you. (Applause.) 各位公民：八年来，我有幸担任你们的总统。

美国总统乔治·赫伯特·沃克·布什就职演讲中英

美国总统乔治·赫伯特·沃克·布什就职演讲中英篇一：美国总统布什就职演讲稿(中英文对照)美国总统布什就职演讲稿（中英文对照）布什：保护与捍卫《美国宪法》。

芮恩奎斯特：上帝保佑我。

布什：上帝保佑我。

芮恩奎斯特：恭喜！谢谢大家！尊敬的芮恩奎斯特大法官，卡特总统，布什总统，克林顿总统，尊敬的来宾们，我的同胞们，这次权利的和平过渡在历史上是罕见的，但在美国是平常的。

我们以朴素的宣誓庄严地维护了古老的传统，同时开始了新的历程。

首先，我要感谢克林顿总统为这个国家作出的贡献，也感谢副总统戈尔在竞选过程中的热情与风度。

站在这里，我很荣幸，也有点受宠若惊。

在我之前，许多美国领导人从这里起步；在我之后，也会有许多领导人从这里继续前进。

在美国悠久的历史中，我们每个人都有自己的位置；我们还在继续推动着历史前进，但是我们不可能看到它的尽头。

这是一部新世界的发展史，是一部后浪推前浪的历史。

这是一部美国由奴隶制社会发展成为崇尚自由的社会的历史。

这是一个强国保护而不是占有世界的历史，是捍卫而不是征服世界的历史。

这就是美国史。

它不是一部十全十美的民族发展史，但它是一部在伟大和永恒理想指导下几代人团结奋斗的历史。

这些理想中最伟大的是正在慢慢实现的美国的承诺，这就是：每个人都有自身的价值，每个人都有成功的机会，每个人天生都会有所作为的。

美国人民肩负着一种使命，那就是要竭力将这个诺言变成生活中和法律上的现实。

虽然我们的国家过去在追求实现这个承诺的途中停滞不前甚至倒退，但我们仍将坚定不移地完成这一使命。

在上个世纪的大部分时间里，美国自由民主的信念犹如汹涌大海中的岩石。

现在它更像风中的种子，把自由带给每个民族。

在我们的国家，民主不仅仅是一种信念，而是全人类的希望。

民主，我们不会独占，而会竭力让大家分享。

民主，我们将铭记于心并且不断传播。

225年过去了，我们仍有很长的路要走。

有很多公民取得了成功，但也有人开始怀疑，怀疑我们自己的国家所许下的诺言，甚至怀疑它的公正。

名人演讲：艾森豪威尔FarewellAddress告别演说（英）

名人演讲：艾森豪威尔FarewellAddress告别演说（英）Dwight D. EisenhowerFarewell Addressdelivered 17 January 1961演讲者简介：德怀特·大卫·艾森豪威尔(Dwight David Eisenhower，1890年10月14日-1969年3月28日)，是美国陆军五星上将和第34任总统(1953年-1961年)。

第二次世界大战期间，他担任盟军在欧洲的最高指挥官;负责计划和执行监督1944年至1945年里，进攻维希法国和纳粹德国的行动。

1951年又出任北大西洋公约组织武装力量最高司令，昵称为艾克(Ike)。

Good evening, my fellow Americans.First, I should like to express my gratitude to the radio and television networks for the opportunities they have given me over the years to bring reports and messages to our nation. My special thanks go to them for the opportunity of addressing you this evening.Three days from now, after half century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor. This evening, I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen.Like every other -- Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the nation. Myown relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-war period, and finally to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years. In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the nation good, rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the nation should go forward. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling -- on my part -- of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together.We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts, America is today the strongest, the most influential, and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches, and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace, to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity, and integrity among peoples and among nations. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure traceable to arrogance, or our lack of comprehension, or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt, both at home and abroad.Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. It commands our wholeattention, absorbs our very beings. We face a hostile ideology global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insiduous [insidious] in method. Unhappily, the danger it poses promises to be of indefinite duration. To meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather those which enable us to carry forward steadily, surely, and without complaint the burdens of a prolonged and complex struggle with liberty the stake. Only thus shall we remain, despite every provocation, on our charted course toward permanent peace and human betterment.Crises there will continue to be. In meeting them, whether foreign or domestic, great or small, there is a recurring temptation to feel that some spectacular and costly action could become the miraculous solution to all current difficulties. A huge increase in newer elements of our defenses; development of unrealistic programs to cure every ill in agriculture; a dramatic expansion in basic and applied research -- these and many other possibilities, each possibly promising in itself, may be suggested as the only way to the road we wish to travel.But each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in and among national programs, balance between the private and the public economy, balance between the cost and hoped for advantages, balance between the clearly necessary and the comfortably desirable, balance between our essential requirements as a nation and the duties imposed by the nation upon the individual, balance between actions of the moment and the national welfare of the future. Good judgment seeks balance and progress. Lack of it eventually finds imbalance and frustration. The record of many decades stands as proof that our people and theirGovernment have, in the main, understood these truths and have responded to them well, in the face of threat and stress.But threats, new in kind or degree, constantly arise. Of these, I mention two only.A vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. Our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction. Our military organization today bears little relation to that known of any of my predecessors in peacetime, or, indeed, by the fighting men of World War II or Korea.Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry. American makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well. But we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense. We have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. We annually spend on military security alone more than the net income of all United States cooperations -- corporations.Now this conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence -- economic, political, even spiritual -- is felt in every city, every Statehouse, every office of the Federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet, we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources, and livelihood are all involved. So is the very structure of our society.In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential forthe disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist. We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together.Akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial-military posture, has been the technological revolution during recent decades. In this revolution, research has become central; it also becomes more formalized, complex, and costly. A steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the Federal government.Today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his shop, has been overshadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and testing fields. In the same fashion, the free university, historically the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery, has experienced a revolution in the conduct of research. Partly because of the huge costs involved, a government contract becomes virtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity. For every old blackboard there are now hundreds of new electronic computers. The prospect of domination of the nation's scholars by Federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present -- and is gravely to be regarded.Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itself become the captive of a scientific-technological elite.It is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new and old, within theprinciples of our democratic system -- ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society.Another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time. As we peer into society's future, we -- you and I, and our government -- must avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering for our own ease and convenience the precious resources of tomorrow. We cannot mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren without risking the loss also of their political and spiritual heritage. We want democracy to survive for all generations to come, not to become the insolvent phantom of tomorrow.During the long lane of the history yet to be written, America knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate, and be, instead, a proud confederation of mutual trust and respect. Such a confederation must be one of equals. The weakest must come to the conference table with the same confidence as do we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. That table, though scarred by many fast frustrations -- past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certain agony of disarmament -- of the battlefield.Disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing imperative. Together we must learn how to compose differences, not with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose. Because this need is so sharp and apparent, I confess that I lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a definite sense of disappointment. As one who has witnessed the horror and the lingering sadness of war, as one who knows that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years, I wish I could saytonight that a lasting peace is in sight.Happily, I can say that war has been avoided. Steady progress toward our ultimate goal has been made. But so much remains to be done. As a private citizen, I shall never cease to do what little I can to help the world advance along that road.So, in this, my last good night to you as your President, I thank you for the many opportunities you have given me for public service in war and in peace. I trust in that -- in that -- in that service you find some things worthy. As for the rest of it, I know you will find ways to improve performance in the future.You and I, my fellow citizens, need to be strong in our faith that all nations, under God, will reach the goal of peace with justice. May we be ever unswerving in devotion to principle, confident but humble with power, diligent in pursuit of the Nations' great goals.To all the peoples of the world, I once more give expression to America's prayerful and continuing aspiration: We pray that peoples of all faiths, all races, all nations, may have their great human needs satisfied; that those now denied opportunity shall come to enjoy it to the full; that all who yearn for freedom may experience its few spiritual blessings. Those who have freedom will understand, also, its heavy responsibility; that all who are insensitive to the needs of others will learn charity; and that the sources -- scourges of poverty, disease, and ignorance will be made [to] disappear from the earth; and that in the goodness of time, all peoples will come to live together in a peace guaranteed by the binding force of mutual respect and love.Now, on Friday noon, I am to become a private citizen. I am proud to do so. I look forward to it.Thank you, and good night.点击查看：名人演讲：艾森豪威尔Farewell Address告别演说（汉）【我要纠错】责任编辑：明明小白。

布什就职演说(英文版)

布什就职演说（英文版）Chief Justice Rehnquist, President Carter, President Bush, PresidentClinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens, the peacefultransfer of authority is rare in history, yet mon in our country. Witha simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation.And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit andended with grace.I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leadershave e before me, and so many will follow.We have a place, all of us, in a long story -- a story we continue, butwhose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became afriend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society thatbecame a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the worldto protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer.It is the American story -- a story of flawed and fallible people, unitedacross the generations by grand and enduring ideals.The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise thateveryone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person waseverborn.Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws.And though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we mustfollow no other course.Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracywasa rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root inmany nations.Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is theinborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear andpass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet totravel.While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, eveen thejustice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limitedby failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of theirbirth. And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share acontinent, but not a country.We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, isthe serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation. And this ismy solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice andopportunity.I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger thanourselves who creates us equal in His image.And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound byideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interestsand teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taughtthese principles. Every citizen must uphold them. And every immigrant, by embracing theseideals, makes our country more, not less, American.Today, we affirm a new mitment to live out our nation's promise throughcivility, courage, passion and character.America, at its best, matches a mitment to principle with a concern forcivility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect,fair dealing and forgiveness.Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, ina time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small.But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not leadthe cause of freedom, it will not be led. If we do not turn the hearts ofchildren toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts andundermine their idealism. If we permit our economyto drift and decline,the vulnerable will suffer most.We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a>sentime nt. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, ofmunity over chaos. And this mitment, if we keep it, is a way toshared acplishment.America, at its best, is also courageous.Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, whendefending mon dangers defined our mon good. Now we must choose ifthe example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. Wemust show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead ofpassing them on tofuture generations.Together, we will reclaim America's schools,before ignorance and apathyclaim more young lives.We will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children fromstruggles we have the power to prevent. And we will reduce taxes, torecover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterpriseof working Americans.We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invitechallenge.We will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century issparednew horrors.The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake: Americaremains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balanceof power that favors freedom. We will defend our allies and ourinterests. We willshow purpose without arrogance. We will meet aggression and bad faith withresolve and strength. And to all nations, we will speak for the valuesthat gave our nation birth.America, at its best, is passionate. In the quiet of Americanconscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of ournation's promise.And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at riskare not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they arefailures of love.And the proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are notstrangers, they are citizens, not problems, but priorities. And all of usare diminished when any are hopeless.Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health,for civil rights and mon schools. Yet passion is the work of anation, not just a government.And some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor'stouch or a pastor's prayer. Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lendour munities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in ourplans and in our laws.Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen tothose who do.And I can pledge our nation to a goal: When we see that wounded traveleron the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side.America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valuedand expected.Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call toconcience. And though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeperfulfillment. We find the fullness of life not only in options, but inmitments. And we find that children and munity are the mitmentsthat set us free.Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and familybonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency whichgive direction to our freedom.Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of ourtimes has said, every day we are called to do small things with greatlove. The most important tasks of a democracy aredone by everyone.I will live and lead by these principles: to advance my convictions withcivility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greaterjustice and passion, to call for responsibility and try to live it aswell.In all these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care ofour times.What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seeka mon good beyond your fort; to defend needed reforms against easyattacks;to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor.I ask you to becitizens:citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens,building munities of service and a nation ofcharacter.Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe inourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spiritof citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When thisspirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman JohnPage wrote to Thomas Jefferson: "We know the race is not to the swift northe battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind anddirects this storm?"Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. Theyears and changes accumulate. But the themes of this day he would know:our nation's grand story of courage and its simpledream of dignity.We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with hispurpose.Yet his purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled inservice to one another.Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purposetoday, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignityof our lives and every life.This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in thewhirl wind and directs this storm.God bless you all, and God bless America.。

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