布莱尔演讲 联合国大会演讲稿
布莱尔演讲稿：《IDidWhatIThoughtWasRight我问心无愧》中英
布莱尔演讲稿：《I Did What I Thought Was Right我问心无愧》中英I Did What I Thought Was RightResignation Speech (May 10, 2007)Thank you very much, indeed.It’s a great privilege to be with you here again today and to thank all of you, too, for such a wonderful and warm welcome, especially Maureen and her friends, who gave me such a wonderful welcome. The only thing is theywhen I was coming in"Four more years,I was saying, "Maureen, that’s not our message for today."I’d just like to say, also, if I might, just a special word of thanks to John Burton. John has been my agent here for many years now. He’s still the best political adviser that I’ve got. He’sall the years I’ve known him, he’s been steadfast in his loyalty to me, to the Labour Party, and to the Sunderland Football Club, not necessarilyin that order. We won’t get into that.But, you know, it’s been my great good fortune at certain points in my life to meet exceptional people, and he is one very exceptional person.And also, if I may refer to another exceptional person, who’s my wife, friend and partner Cherie.And the children, of course, Euan and Nicky and Kathryn and Leo, who make me never forget my failings... but give me great love and support.So I’ve come back here to Sedgefield to my constituency, where my political journey began and where it’s fitting that it should end.Today I announce my decision to stand down from the leadership of the Labour Party. The party will now select a new leader. On the 27th of June, I will tender my resignation from the office of prime minister to the queen.I’ve been prime minister of this country for just over 10 years. In this job in the world of today, I think that’s long enough for me, but more especially for the country. And sometimes, the only way you conquer the pull of power is to set it down.It’s difficult in a way to know how to make this speech. There are obviously judgments to be made on my premiership, and in the end, that is for you the people to make.I can only describe what I think has been done over these last10 years and, perhaps more important, why I tried to do it. And I’ve never quite put it in this way before.I was born almost a decade after the Second World War. I wasa young man in the social revolution of the ‘60s and ‘70s. I reached political maturity as the Cold War was ending, and the world was going through a political and economic and technological revolution.And I looked at my own country: a great country, wonderful history, magnificent traditions, proud of its past, but strangely uncertain of its future, uncertain about the future, almostold-fashioned.And all that was curiously symbolized, you know, in the politics of the time. You had choices. You stood for individual aspiration and getting on in life or social compassion and helping others. You were liberal in your values or conservative. You believed in the power of the state or the efforts of the individual. Spending more money on the public realm was the answer or it was the problem.And none of it made sense to me. It was 20th-century ideology in a world approaching the new millennium.Of course, people want the best for themselves, and their families, but in an age where human capital is the nation’s greatest asset, they also know it’s just and sensible to extend opportunities to develop the potential to succeed for all our people, not just the elite at the top. And people today are open-minded about race and sexuality, they’re averse to prejudice, and yet deeply, rightly, conservative with a small c when it comes to good manners, respect for others, treating people courteously. They acknowledge the need for the state and the responsibility ofthe individual. And they know spending money on our public services matters. And they know it’s not enough: How they are run and organized matters, too.So 1997 was a moment for a new beginning, the sweeping away of all the detritus of the past. And expectations were so high. Too high, probably. Too high in a way for either of us.And now, in 2007, you could easily point to the challenges or the things that are wrong or the grievances that fester. But go back to 1997. Think backno, really think back.Think about your own living standards then in May 1997 and now. Visit your local school, any of them around here or anywhere in modern Britain. Ask when you last had to wait a year or more on a hospital waiting list or heard of pensioners freezing to death in the winter, unable to heat their homes.There is only one government since 1945 that can say all of the following: more jobs, fewer unemployed, better health and education results, lower crime, and economic growth in every quarter. Only one government: This one.But we don’t need statistics. There’s something bigger than what can be measured in waiting lists or GSCE results or the latest crime or jobs figures.Look at the British economy, at ease with globalization; London, the world’s financial center; visit our great cities in this country and compare them with 10 years ago. No country attracts overseas investment like we do.And think about the culture in Britain in the year 2007. I don’t just mean our arts that are thriving. I mean our values: the minimum wage, paid holidays as a right, amongst the best maternity leave and pay in Europe, equality for gay people.Or look at the debates that reverberate around the world today: the global movement to support Africa in its struggle against poverty, climate change, the fight against terrorism. Britain is not a follower today. Britain is a leader. It gets the essential characteristic of today’s world: It’s interdependence.This is a country that today for all its faults, for all the myriadof unresolved problems and fresh challenges, it is a country comfortable in the 21st century, at home in its own skin, able not just to be proud of its past, but also confident of its future.And I don’t think Northern Ireland would have been changed unless Britain had changed, or the Olympics won if we were still the Britain of 1997.And as for my own leadership, throughout these 10 years, where the predictable has competed with the utterly unpredicted, right at the outset, one thing was clear to me: Without the Labour Party allowing me to lead it, nothing could have ever been done.But I also knew my duty was to put the country first. That much was obvious to me when, just under 13 years ago, I became Labour’s leader.What I had to learn, however, as prime minister, was what putting the country first really meant.Decision-making is hard. You know, everyone always says in politics,"Listen to the people,and the trouble is, you find,they don’t always agree.And when you’re in opposition, you meet this group and they say,"Why can’t you do thisand you say, "It’s a really good question, thank you,and they go away and say, "It’s great; he really listened."And then you meet that other group, and they say, "Why can’t you do that and you say, "It’s a really good question, thank you,and they go away happy that you listened.In government, you have to give the answer; not an answer, the answer.And in time, you realize that putting the country first doesn’t mean doing the right thing according to conventional wisdom or the prevailing consensus or the latest snapshot of opinion. It means doing what you genuinely believe to be right; that your duty as prime minister is to act according to your conviction.And all of that can get contorted so that people think that you act according to some messianic zeal.Doubt, hesitation, reflection, consideration, reconsideration: These are all the good companions of proper decision-making. But the ultimate obligation is to decide.And sometimes the decisions are accepted quite quickly. Bank of England independence was one which, gave us our economic stability.Sometimes, like tuition fees or trying to break up old monolithic services, the changes are deeply controversial, hellish hard to do, but you can see you’re moving with the grain of change around the world.And sometimes, like with Europe, where I believe Britain should keep its position strong, you know you are fighting opinion, but you’re kind of content with doing so.And sometimes, as with the completely unexpected, you are alone with your own instinct.In Sierra Leone and to stop ethnic cleansing in Kosovo, I tookthe decision to make our country one that intervened, that did not pass by or keep out of the thick of it.And then came the utterly unanticipated and dramatic September the 11th, 2001, and the death of 3,000 or more on the streets of New York. And I decided we should stand shoulder to shoulder with our oldest ally, and I did so out of belief. And so Afghanistan, and then Iraq, the latter, bitterly controversial.And removing Saddam and his sons from power, as with removing the Taliban, was over with relative ease, but the blowback since from global terrorism and those elements that support it has been fierce and unrelenting and costly. And for many, it simply isn’t and can’t be worth it.For me, I think we must see it through. They, the terrorists who threaten us here and around the world, will never give up if we give up. It is a test of will and belief, and we can’t fail it.So some things I knew I would be dealing with. Some I thought I might be, some never occurred to meor to youon that morning of the 2nd of May 1997 when I came into Downing Streetfor the first time.Great expectations, not fulfilled in every part for sure.Occasionally, people say, as I said earlier, "The expectations were too high. You should have lowered them.But to be frank, I would not have wanted it any other way. I was and remain, as a person and as a prime minister, an optimist. Politics may be the art of the possible, but at least in life give the impossible a go.So, of course, divisions are painted in the colors of the rainbow and the reality sketched in the duller tones of black and white and gray. But I ask you to accept one thing: Hand on heart, I did what I thought was right. I may... I may have been wrong. That’s your call. But believe one thing, if nothing else: I did what I thought was right for our country.And I came into office with high hopes for Britain’s future, and you know, I leave it with even higher hopes for Britain’s future. This is a country that can today be excited by the opportunities, not constantly fretful of the dangers.And people say to me, "It’s a tough job.Not really. A tough life is the life led by the young severely disabled children and their parents who visited me in Parliament the other week. Tough is the life my dad had, his whole career cut short at the age of 40 by a stroke.Actually, I’ve been very lucky and very blessed.And this country is a blessed nation. The British are special. The world knows it. In our innermost thoughts, we know it. This is the greatest nation on Earth.So it has been an honor to serve it.I give my thanks to you, the British people, for the times that I’ve succeed, and my apologies to you for the times I’ve fallen short. But good luck.我问心无愧[1]辞职演说(2007年5月10日)非常感谢诸位。
联合国英语演讲稿
联合国英语演讲稿尊敬的联合国大会主席、各位代表：大家好！我非常荣幸能够在这里发表演讲，分享一些关于全球合作和可持续发展的观点。
此刻，全球正面临着许多严峻挑战，如气候变化、贫困和武装冲突等，而这些挑战需要全球合作来应对。
唯有通过联合国这个平台，我们才能协同努力，为全球和平与发展作出贡献。
首先，我要强调的是气候变化问题。
气候变化已经成为世界范围内最紧迫的挑战之一。
持续的温室气体排放导致地球变暖、极端天气事件增多。
我们必须采取积极措施，降低温室气体排放，保护我们的地球家园。
各国应该共同遵守《巴黎协定》，实施减排措施，并加大投资于可再生能源和节能技术的发展。
同时，我们需要加强国际合作，分享科技和经验，在应对气候变化问题上携手前行。
其次，贫困和不平等问题也需要我们的关注。
目前，世界上有很多国家和地区仍然面临极度贫困。
我们必须一起努力，消除贫困，实现可持续发展目标。
为了达到这个目标，我们需要加强国际援助，帮助那些最需要帮助的人。
同时，我们还需要加强全球合作，创建一个公平的国际贸易体系，促进经济发展和就业机会的增长。
第三，武装冲突是全球和平的威胁。
战争和冲突给人们带来了痛苦和破坏，破坏了社会稳定和经济发展。
为了实现可持续和平，我们必须加强国际安全合作，解决潜在冲突和纠纷，寻求政治解决办法。
同时，我们应该加大对冲突国家和地区的援助，帮助他们恢复和重建。
此外，我认为科技合作是非常重要的。
科技进步已经改变了我们的生活方式，并且在全球合作中发挥着重要作用。
我们应该加强科技交流与合作，促进创新和技术共享，推动可持续发展和减贫。
最后，为了实现全球合作和可持续发展，我们需要全球领导力的支持。
各国政府应该加强协调，制定共同的发展议程。
我们需要强有力的领导者，勇于作出艰难的决策，推动全球合作的进程。
在结束之前，我想提醒大家：只有通过团结合作，我们才能应对全球挑战，建设一个更加和平、繁荣和可持续的世界。
让我们携手并肩，为实现这个共同目标而努力吧！谢谢大家！尊敬的联合国大会主席、各位代表：前面我已经提到了一些重要的全球挑战，如气候变化、贫困和武装冲突等，现在我将继续探讨这些问题，并提出一些解决方案。
乌克兰联合国大会发言稿
乌克兰联合国大会发言稿
尊敬的主席先生/女士，尊敬的各位代表，女士们，先生们：
我代表乌克兰，向联合国大会作了此次发言。
首先，我想对所有代表团表示我最衷心的祝贺和最美好的祝福。
借此机会，我还想向联合国大会表示由衷的感激，感谢各国代表为我们共同的目标而努力。
近年来，乌克兰一直在推动和平与稳定的努力中前行。
然而，我们仍然面临来自各方面的挑战，对于这些挑战，我们不能漠视或者疏忽大意。
除此之外，我们也明白到，乌克兰面临的挑战仅仅是该地区和全球的挑战的一部分。
在这个全球化的时代，国际社会必须团结起来，共同应对我们面临的各种挑战，包括气候变化、恐怖主义、贫穷和武装冲突等等。
乌克兰全力支持联合国的使命，致力于维护国际法和人权，促进和平与稳定。
在这个关键时刻，乌克兰呼吁国际社会加强合作，推动冲突的和平解决方案。
我们坚信，通过对话、妥协和理解，我们能够找到解决当前冲突的途径。
我们强调，尊重国家主权和领土完整是解决任何冲突的基础。
此外，乌克兰也认识到可持续发展对于全球未来的重要性。
我们致力于实施《2030可持续发展议程》，并采取行动以减轻气候变化的影响。
乌克兰将进一步加强与其他国家的合作，以推动可持续发展和环境保护。
最后，我强调乌克兰坚定致力于维护全球的和平与稳定，并将继续为实现这一目标付出努力。
我相信，通过合作、沟通和共同努力，我们能够克服当前的挑战，创造一个更加和平繁荣的世界。
谢谢大家。
英国首相布莱尔02系列演讲之21
It is a pleasure to be here in Ghana today - part of a four-day visit I am making to West Africa, including Nigeria, Sierra Leone and Senegal. I am accompanied by Clare Short, who will be well known to many of you as the UK's International Development Secretary. Yesterday, I spoke to the Nigerian Assembly and today it is my pleasure and privilege to have the opportunity of speaking to your Parliament. Right across the African continent, countries are emerging from military rule and dictatorship. You are rightly proud of your own democratic institutions, including the elections that took place just over a year ago which saw a peaceful change of government. The strength and vitality of this assembly is proof of the strength and health of your young democracy. The theme of my visit this week is partnership - the necessity and the possibility of a greatly strengthened partnership between reforming African governments and the world's richer countries. A partnership based on shared responsibility and mutual interest. A partnership in which both sides commit to the policy reforms required for Africa to secure poverty reduction and development. I believe that the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) creates an unprecedented opportunity for progress. It is clear that Africans themselves must drive the process of reform. If we have learned anything in development over the last decade it is that development strategies imposed from the outside, in the absence of local leadership and commitment, will fail. But you and I also know that poor countries need support if they are to promote development and consolidate their democratic institutions. Today, I want to focus on this - on our responsibilities to you. The efforts we can make to support your efforts. There are three dimensions to this. First, we need to be clear about the purpose of our development co-operation. There are too many mixed motives in aid and development. Indeed one of the reasons that many people in the West are cynical about aid and development is because a lot of aid has been misused over the years, feeding the elites and corrupt rulers like Mobutu, rather then helping the poor in developing countries. We need a very different approach. At the UN Millennium Assembly the governments of the world have endorsed a set of Millennium Development Targets. These include halving the proportion of the world's population living in poverty, universal primary education, a reduction by two-thirds in child mortality, and a cut of three-quarters in maternal mortality - all to be achieved by 2015. These are the world's agreed development goals. While there has been progress in recent years, the efforts of the international community are still falling well short of their potential. Too much of global aid is still used to sweeten commercial contracts or tied to the purchase of goods from the donor country. If we are going to make faster progress in development, we need to strengthen the international focus on achieving the Millennium development goals. Second - if we are to achieve this progress - we need a fundamental conceptual shift in our approach to aid. Not aid as a hand-out but aid as a hand-up, to help people to help themselves. Not aid to create dependence but to create sustainable independence, so that the relationship between the developed and the developing world is not one of donor and passive recipient but one of equal partners in building prosperity for all. This is aid as investment in our collective economic and political security. Over the years, a great deal of aid has sapped rather than strengthened the capacity of the government locally. This is the very opposite of what is needed. We need investment to help countries put in place more effective states, capable of generating higher levels of economic growth, creating the resources to fund better health, education and public services. In many developing countries institutions are weak, including systems of financial management, increasing the risk of corruption. Our new approach to partnership in development is to provide technical assistance and financial resources to enable you to build capable states. This is why NEPAD is such an important initiative. It is a real chance - the best chance in a generation - to do development differently, and more effectively. You will understand that there is often concern amongst the publics of developed countries about the way in which development resources are used. This is not a lack of compassion. There is huge compassion and a willingness to tackle poverty and injustice across the world. But there is often scepticism that resources really get to those who need them. The reforms that NEPAD is making, and that you are making, respond to this concern. It will ensure that our development efforts are more effective. It will also help us to gain support for development across the world. The UK and other progressive development agencies are now increasingly allocating their aid resources in line with this new approach. As you know, this is also very much the thinking behind the new Poverty Reduction Strategy process, linked to the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries initiative (HIPC). Of the 24 countries that have qualified for HIPC debt relief, 20 are African, freeing up $1.2 billion this year to spend on health, education and other services. I am pleased that Ghana has opted for HIPC, and I hope that within the next month you will have reached Decision Point, and begin to get the benefits of debt relief. The UK has a 60 million development programme with Ghana. We are working with your Government on health and education, water, roads and bridges, and governance reform. I believe that on health in particular you are at the cutting edge of the new approach to development - with the UK and other donors pooling their resources in support of your own nationally-agreed health strategy. I hope that before too long, the whole of the donor community can go a step further - allocating all of their development resources in support of your Poverty Reduction Strategy. The UK is already doing this in Uganda, Tanzania and Mozambique. And I believe this approach is the way forward for development as a whole. Third - and this is critical - we need to recognise that the modern development agenda goes far wider than resource transfers, to embrace issues of trade and investment, conflict, governance and the environment. We need to look at all our policies in these areas to see what reforms are necessary to better assist the poorest countries in their development. Let me say something about two of these issues - trade and conflict. On trade, I know that Ghana has a particular interest in securing improved trading opportunities. Developed countries retain significant barriers to trade, particularly in agriculture. Access to EU agricultural markets is still restricted by the Common Agricultural Policy, including tariffs and seasonal levies. And although the market is open to tropical African agriculture and commodities, such as coffee and cocoa, tariffs of up to 300 per cent exist on some products. As I said in my speech in Nigeria yesterday, developed countries must practice what they preach, and cut these trade barriers. My other priority is conflict, a subject we have been discussing this morning We have published a paper today, setting out some proposals for the G8. Over the years, Ghana has played a crucial role in UN peacekeeping, including in Sierra Leone, and you have been an important stabilising force in the region. And of course in Kofi Annan you have an outstanding representative of your country leading the reform agenda in the UN, including its role in conflict prevention and resolution. I believe that the developed countries, particularly the G8, need to do more. Yesterday, I announced the establishment ofa special envoy for Sudan. We need similar energy and commitment to drive forward on the Lusaka peace process in the DRC. And we need to provide practical support for Africans to tackle conflict on the continent. This is a big agenda. I believe that it has never been more timely or necessary to forge such a partnership. The NEPAD process creates real potential on your side. On our side, through the G8 and in the wider international community there is a willingness and determination to work with you in new ways. Real advance is possible. Let's agree today to work together to make it happen.。
英国首相布莱尔02系列演讲之33
I would like to begin by welcoming everybody but particularly the e-envoys from the many different countries who have been kind enough to join us today. You are very welcome to the UK and I hope that you find your trip worthwhile - we are certainly grateful for your contributions to this debate. I consider the question of how we harness the potential of technological change - alongside the related question of science, to be the fundamental economic and social challenge of our future. Long after the cloud of day to day events has dispersed, what we do with information technology and how we use it, will determine our success industrially and as a society for years to come. My message is blunt and simple: we are doing well, but not well enough. Over the next few years we will invest, as a Government, ??6bn in IT. We will radically alter access to IT facilities. But, we have yet to grasp the full scale of the opportunities that the information revolution presents. Business needs to see its application as a core management challenge. Public services need to see it as crucial to implementing public service reform. Government and people should make it the basis of forming relations between citizen and state. For all of that to happen, access needs to be universal not partial. In particular, we must recognise that the greater economic stability we have achieved - lower inflation, low interest rates, low unemployment - is only a foundation. It is a necessary but insufficient condition for success. The key is to build on this -an economy based on knowledge, on the alliance between technology and human capital, so that we are continually developing more high value-added goods and services. I see a very clear link here between British science, the development of British universities and the technological revolution. A couple of weeks ago, I had a presentation at Downing Street from some of our leading scientists. It covered fields such as nano-technology, brain transmitters and the latest in IT. The potential in all cases was immense, for industrial production, medicine and communications. The connection between top quality scientific research and business spin-offs and development was obvious. But I also reflected on how any young person at school receiving such a presentation would have been fascinated by the sheer scale of the possibilities of science and the excitement of it. And in the end, of course, it is business managers or public service reformers that will apply the technology in new ways. The point I am making is this. Part of winning this IT battle for the future is to create a culture in which the worlds of education, academia, science, technology and business are engaged in a perpetual conversation and exchange of views. A conversation in which we are breaking new ground in scientific and technological advance, in which our schools and universities feel comfortable with its potential; in which business and society are naturally looking for ways of applying the advances made. This is the modern industrial policy for any Government of the developed world. It is miles away from planning and picking winners. It has moved beyond the 1980s notion of "get Government out of it". It is a Government role that is enabling, creating the infrastructure of learning in our schools, universities, and in the wider community helping business access the technology, creating the environment in which new businesses can grow. So how does this translate to practical policy? In reaction to an unsustainable boom in stock market valuations, too many people wrote off the potential of new technology in the UK economy. We must take on the techno-sceptics but we must also recognise that technology alone is not the answer. Putting a PC on a desk does not itself boost efficiency. Establishing a broadband connection will not, alone, solve the productivity paradox. As economic research has shown, it is only when investment is combined with the right skills, with imaginative organisational change and rigorous managerial delivery that productivity gains come through. Despite the dramatic fall in share prices the influence of technology has continued to rise steadily. In society, digital technologies are changing the way we live, from the way we communicate through email and text messaging to how we access information. One million people from all over the world accessed the Government's dossier on Iraq within hours of its release on the No10 website, just one simple example of the democratisation of information that was unimaginable until very recently. There are now 600 million people online. Worldwide 140,000 more people connect to the net everyday. In the last three decades the price of a transatlantic phone call has fallen to a small fraction of its original level. In the same period, just as Intel's Gordon Moore predicted, computing power has doubled every eighteen months to two years. A 3G handset, soon to be on sale in every high street in the UK, has around 20,000 times more computing power than the Apollo 11 spacecraft. Recently, we witnessed an incredible moment when scientists at MIT in the US and UCL in London teamed up to pull off the first transatlantic virtual handshake. Using second generation Internet technology, they recreated the sense of touch over a 3000 mile distance - a remarkable development that could have applications for areas as diverse as medicine and design. Many companies are already taking advantage. One example is sheet metal suppliers Allsops in Huddersfield whoinvested in technology to enhance their production process and improve customer service. Enquiries from customers can now be instantly answered from any of the company's networked computers. Customers in a hurry for a quotation can send detailed and complex computer aided design drawings by e-mail, enabling Allsops to respond quickly and effectively. It's given them competitive edge - and saved them time and money. The consequence of all this is enormous. For economies the potential prize is wealth creation. For governments a new relationship between citizen and state. For people, greater prosperity more widely shared. The fundamental challenge is to create a knowledge-driven economy that serves our long-term goals of first-class public services and economic prosperity for all. To do so we need to innovate. We need to use ideas and intelligence in new ways that create higher value added products and better quality services. The opportunity to develop the knowledge driven economy is vastly increased by the digital age. Our ability to find and use information, to share ideas across geographic boundaries, is enhanced immensely by the revolution in communications and computing. Advances in ICT will represent a major shift in the way we work. Many people have drawn parallels between the technological breakthroughs of the past; steam, electricity, the internal combustion engine. But electricity began as a source of power for the telegraph, it took years to revolutionise industry by powering machines on the production line. The opportunity for an ICT revolution is there, but only if we apply the technology in the same radical way in which electricity was applied some eighty to a hundred years ago. And we must extend the opportunities of the information age to all. The networks of the digital age will be more powerful and more productive as the number of people and businesses connected increases. Digital transformation cannot be restricted to the few. Our success depends on extending it to the many. In 1998, I set a target to make the UK 'the best environment in the world for e-commerce by 2002'. I want to thank David Jordan and the Information Age Partnership for their work in this area and for sponsoring the report released today. The report makes clear that the UK has made a great deal of progress since 1997 - but we haven't quite made it. The benchmarking places us in second place behind the USA but we are the best in Europe and ahead of Japan. We have achieved more than many expected and laid the foundations for further improvement. We have made real progress in some key areas; a growing ICT sector, a strong venture capital market, among the world's lowest prices for internet access and the highest penetration of digital TV in the world. But we need to do more to convert progress into a real and positive impact on our economy. We plan to learn from around the world, whether it is the progress Canada has made in creating attractive online government services or the effectiveness with which Sweden has encouraged take up of PCs. I want to highlight five issues. First, we must promote effective competition. Competition drives innovation and competitiveness. It underpins improved business performance. Without it companies will be weaker and consumers will face higher prices and poorer service. Take broadband as a specific example. It is high speed and always-on. It makes using the Internet just like turning on a light. It enhances our ability to communicate, to exchange information and ideas. Some countries have chosen the planning route to drive up broadband numbers. We have deliberately chosen the competitive route. If we want broadband to work for businesses and consumers it has to be available at the right price on the basis of a world class service. Prices are now falling to among the lowest in the world, spurred by the many different products in the market. Take up is now rising towards 30,000 a week, a rate of growth among the best of the world's major economies. Second, we need to create the right incentives and support for businesses to seize the opportunities of new technology. That means investing in skills at every level, and raising the proportion of R&D spend in UK firms - precisely why we introduced the R&D tax credit. It means offering incentives for firms and individuals to invest in ICT. We have introduced capital allowances for small and medium sized enterprises investing in ICT equipment. And a PC leasing scheme through which employees in the UK can now claim a personal tax exemption against the cost of leasing PC's from their employers. But incentives need to be matched by support. We have created UK Online for Business. 100,000 businesses have sought and received advice from UK Online during the last year. Third, we must make the opportunities and benefits of the knowledge economy inclusive. Today, we have reached a milestone in ensuring 'access to the Internet for everyone who wants it by 2005'. In September 2000, I set the government a target of having six thousand UK online centres by the end of this year. We have now opened our six thousandth centre, meeting the target and providing a crucial entry point for those unable to afford PCs and connections. At least 126,000 new users have already come through the doors - a quarter of them unemployed or on benefits. To build on this we will launch an 'Online Nation' campaign next spring. My fourth theme is skills. Imagine the enormous benefits to our economy and society if not just a fraction, but all our young people can master 21st century skills. The productivity gap between the UK and other major competitors is more closely related to skills than any other single factor. We know that around 7 million adults in Britain lack functional literacy and numeracy skills. The number of adults with poorly developed ICT skills exceeds this. We are addressing this through the University for Industry, the Union Learning Fund and a range of workforce development measu r e s . W e n o w h a v e 1 , 8 00 I C T l e a r n i n g c e n t r e s w i t h t r a i n i n g i n b a s i c I C T s k i l l s a v a i l a b l e f r e e t o t h e u n e m p l o y e d a nd pe o p l e w i t hf e w s k i l l s . S i n c e w e l a u n c h e d ' l e a r n d i r e c t ' s o m e 6 0 0 , 0 0 0 p e o p l e h a v e t a k e n1 . 5 m i l l i o n c o u r s e s , o f w h i c h 9 5 0 , 0 0 0 h a v e b e e n I C T c o u r s e s . / p > p b d s f i d = " 7 3 " > 0 0 F o r i m p r o v i n g s k i l l s a n d f o r t a c k l i n g t h e d i g i t a l d i v i d e o u r s c h o o l s a r e f u n d a m e n t a l . I w a n t t o t h a n k t h e B r o a d b a n d S t a k e h o l d e r s G r o u p , l e d b y K e i t h T o d d , f o r h i g h l i g h t i n g t h i s i s s u e a n d f o r t h e c o n s t r u c t i v e c o n t r i b u t i o n t h e y a r e m a k i n g o n t h e f u t u r e o f b r o a d b a n d . / p > p b d s f i d = "7 4 " > 0 0 W e a g r e e w i t h t h e B S G t h a t s c h o o l s a r e k e y t o t a k i n g a d v a n t a g e o f t h e b r o a d b a n d r e v o l u t i o n . W e p l a n t o b u i l d o n t h e p r o g r e s s w e h a v e m a d e i n p r o v i d i n g t h o u s a n d s m o r e P C s a n d a c h i e v i n g t h e h i g h e s t l e v e l o f I n t e r n e t c o n n e c t i o n f o r s c h o o l s i n t h e G 7 . A s p a r t o f o u r n e x t s t e p s , I c a n a n n o u n c e t o d a y t h a t t h e G o v e r n m e n t w i l l p r o v i d e f u n d i n g t o d e l i v e r b r o a d b a n d c o n n e c t i o n s t o e v e r y s c h o o l b y 2 0 0 6 . / p > p b d s f i d = " 7 5 " > 0 0 B e c a u s e e d u c a t i o n i s t h e n u m b e r o n e p r i o r i t y , a n d b e c a u s e w e b e l i e v e i n o p p o r t u n i t y f o r a l l , e v e r y P r i m a r y a n d e v e r y S e c o n d a r y i n t h e c o u n t r y w i l l h a v e h i g h s p e e d , a l w a y s o n a c c e s s t o t h e v a s t r e s o u r c e s o f t h e I n t e r n e t . E v e r y s c h o o l w i l l b e a b l e t o b e n e f i t f r o m t h e e x p e r i e n c e o f A s h c o m b e S c h o o l i n S u r r e y w h e r e w h o l e c l a s s e s o f s t u d e n t s n o w u s e b r o a d b a n d v i d e o s t r e a m i n g t o s u p p o r t t h e i r f o r e i g n l a n g u a g e G C S E w o r k . A u d i o a n d v i d e o a r e c o m b i n e d w i t h a n i n t e r a c t i v e q u i z w h i c h c a n b e p a u s e d a n d r e p l a y e d t o c a t e r f o r i n d i v i d u a l l e a r n i n g s p e e d s - a n e x c i t i n g a n d e f f e c t i v e w a y o f i m p r o v i n g t h e q u a l i t y o f e d u c a t i o n i n o u r s c h o o l s . B r o a d b a n d a c c e s s w i l l b e b a c k e d b y n e w i n t e r a c t i v e c o n t e n t a n d s u p p o r t m a t e r i a l t h a t w i l l b e m a d e a v a i l a b l e t h r o u g h t h e d i g i t a l c u r r i c u l u m . / p > p b d s f i d = " 7 6 " > 0 0 F i f t h , a s p a r t o f t h e s p e n d i n g r e v i e w s e t t l e m e n t , a t o t a l o f m o r e t h a n ? ? 1 b i l l i o n w i l l b e i n v e s t e d i n n e t w o r k i n g o u r p u b l i c s e r v i c e s . N o t o n l y f o r e v e r y p r i m a r y a n d s e c o n d a r y s c h o o l , b u t b r o a d b a n d c o n n e c t i v i t y f o r e v e r y G P s u r g e r y , e v e r y h o s p i t a l a n d e v e r y P r i m a r y C a r e T r u s t i n t h e c o u n t r y . I t w i l l m e a n h i g h e r b a n d w i d t h a c r o s s t h e e n t i r e c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s y s t e m a n d a c r o s s o u r n e t w o r k o f o f f i c e s t h a t f o r m t h e D e p a r t m e n t f o r W o r k a n d P e n s i o n s . / p > p b d s f i d = " 7 7 " > 0 0 T h i s w i l l c r e a t e s i g n i f i c a n t p u b l i c s e c t o r d e m a n d . T h a t i s w h y S t e p h e n T i m m s w i l l b e e s t a b l i s h i n g a n e w U K B r o a d b a n d T a s k f o r c e t o e n s u r e t h a t p r o c u r e m e n t h a s t h e m a x i m u m i m p a c t o n t h e a v a i l a b i l i t y o f b r o a d b a n d a c r o s s t h e U K . O v e r t h e c o m i n g y e a r s w e e x p e c t b r o a d b a n d t o r e a c h a w i d e r a n d w i d e r p o p u l a t i o n , r e a c h i n g f u r t h e r i n t o r u r a l a r e a s a n d b e c o m i n g m o r e a n d m o r e i n c l u s i v e . / p > p b d s f i d = " 7 8 " > 0 0 B u t f o r t h e p u b l i c s e r v i c e s , t h e r e a l o p p o r t u n i t y i s t o u s e i n f o r m a t i o n t e c h n o l o g y t o h e l p c r e a t e f u n d a m e n t a l i m p r o v e m e n t i n t h e e f f i c i e n c y , c o n v e n i e n c e a n d q u a l i t y o f o u r s e r v i c e s . / p > p b d s f i d = " 7 9 " > 0 0 T h a t i s w h y w e a i m t o h a v e a l l g o v e r n m e n t s e r v i c e s o n - l i n e b y 2 0 0 5 , b u i l d i n g o n b e s t p r a c t i c e s u c h a s N H S D i r e c t O n - l i n e a n d t h e u n i v e r s i t y a d m i s s i o n s s e r v i c e . 5 4 % o f g o v e r n m e n t s e r v i c e s a r e a l r e a d y o n l i n e a n d w e e x p e c t t h a t f i g u r e t o r i s e t o a r o u n d 7 5 % b y t h e e n d o f t h i s y e a r . B u t w e r e c o g n i s e t h a t B r i t i s h b u s i n e s s e s a n d c i t i z e n s a r e n o t y e t u s i n g g o v e r n m e n t s e r v i c e s o n l i n e i n t h e n u m b e r s t h a t m a t c h t h e b e s t i n t h e w o r l d . / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 0 " > 0 0 S o o u r n e w s t r a t e g y w i l l f o c u s o n d r i v i n g u p a c c e s s i n k e y c a t e g o r i e s i n t h e N H S , e d u c a t i o n , t r a n s p o r t , b e n e f i t s , t a x a n d c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e . I t w i l l i n c l u d e , f o r e x a m p l e , s e r v i c e s t o e n a b l e d r i v e r s t o c o n d u c t a l l t h e i r d e a l i n g s w i t h G o v e r n m e n t s o n l i n e i n c l u d i n g t a x d i s c s , v e h i c l e r e g i s t r a t i o n a n d d r i v i n g l i c e n c e a p p l i c a t i o n s . T r a n s p o r t D i r e c t w i l l p r o v i d e t r a v e l i n f o r m a t i o n l i n k i n g t r a i n s , b u s e s a n d t a x i c o n n e c t i o n s t o i m p r o v e p u b l i c t r a n s p o r t a s a n i n t e g r a t e d s y s t e m . A n d r e w P i n d e r w i l l w o r k w i t h d e p a r t m e n t s t o a g r e e a s t r a t e g y f o r r e f o r m , d e s i g n e d t o i m p r o v e t h e d e v e l o p m e n t , d e l i v e r y a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n o f o u r o n l i n e s e r v i c e s . / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 1 " > 0 0 O u r p l a n i s n o t o n l y t o o f f e r m o r e c o n v e n i e n t a c c e s s t o s e r v i c e s b u t a l s o t o t r a n s f o r m h o w w e o r g a n i s e m a i n s t r e a m d e l i v e r y . T o o m a n y s e r v i c e s l i v e i n t h e t e c h n o l o g i c a l ' d a r k a g e s ' : t o o f e w t e a c h e r s w i t h t h e i r o w n e - m a i l , a n N H S w i t h o u t a s i n g l e e l e c t r o n i c n e t w o r k , n o t w o p a r t s o f t h e c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s y s t e m o p e r a t i n g w i t h t h e s a m e c o m p u t e r p a c k a g e s . / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 2 " > 0 0 I n J u l y t h e G o v e r n m e n t m a d e t h e l a r g e s t i n v e s t m e n t i n p u b l i c s e r v i c e s s i n c e 1 9 4 5 , b u t w i t h i t p r o m i s e d r a d i c a l r e f o r m i n t h e p u b l i c s e c t o r . O u r t a s k i s t o u s e t h e i n v e s t m e n t t o s h a p e p u b l i c s e r v i c e s t h a t m e e t m o d e r n e x p e c t a t i o n s . / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 3 " > 0 0 W i t h i n t h e s p e n d i n g r e v i e w s e t t l e m e n t s , a t o t a l o f ?6 b n w i l l b e i n v e s t e d i n I C T o v e r t h e c o m i n g y e a r s . / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 4 " > 0 0 I n t h e N H S w e w i l lb e i n v e s t i n g t oc r e a t e a n a t i o n a l i n t e g r a t ed c a re r e c o r d s s e r v i c e , a n e l e c t r o n i c p r e s c r i p t i o n s s e r v i c e , a n e l e c t r o n i c a p p o i n t m e n t b o o k i n g s e r v i c e . / p > p b d sf i d = " 8 5 " > 0 0 W e k n o w w h a t c a n b e a c h i e v e d . I n a S t o c k p o r t G P p r a c t i c e , t h e e l e c t r o n i c t r a n s f e r o f p a t h o l og y m e s s a g e sh a s r e d u c e d t h e a v e r a g e ti m e t a k e n b e t w e e n r e q u e s t i n g t e s t s a n d r e c e i v i n g r e s u l t s f r o m t w e l v e w o r k i n g d a y s t o t h r e e , w i t h t h e r e s u l t s a u t o m a t i c a l l y i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o p a t i e n tr e c o r d s . I n a n X - r a y c l i n i c i n N o r t h a m p t o n t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f e l e c t r o n i c a p p o i n t m e n t b o o k i n g h a s r e d u c e d m i s s e d a p p o i n t m e n t s f r o m a r o u n d 9 % t o z e r o , s a v i n g s t a f f t i m e a n d r e d u c i n g w a i t i n g t i m e s f o r o t h e r p a t i e n t s . / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 6 " > 0 0 T h i s n o t o n l y r e p l a c e s t h e c u m b e r s o m e a n d i n e f f i c i e n t p a p e r b a s e d a p p r o a c h , b u t w i l l m a k e i t p o s s i b l e f o r a n a m b u l a n c e c r e w a r r i v i n g a t t h e s c e n e o f a n a c c i d e n t t o c h e c k a p a t i e n t s e l e c t r o n i c h e a l t h r e c o r d t h r o u g h a h a n d h e l d m o b i l e d e v i c e . I t w i l l b e p o s s i b l e f o r a G P t o e m a i l a p r e s c r i p t i o n d i r e c t l y t o a p h a r m a c i s t w h o i n t u r n w i l l e m a i l t h e p a t i e n t t o l e t t h e m k n o w i t s r e a d y t o p i c k u p . A n d w e c o u l d e l i m i n a t e u p t o 6 0 0 m i l l i o n p i e c e s o f p a p e r a y e a r a n d m a k e a G P ' s h a n d w r i t i n g l e g i b l e f o r t h e f i r s t t i m e i n h i s t o r y ! / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 7 " > 0 0 A n d w e w i l l b e i n v e s t i n g i n I C T i n f r a s t r u c t u r e t h r o u g h o u t t h e c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e s y s t e m . W e a r e b u i l d i n g a f u t u r e w h e r e v i c t i m s o f v i o l e n t c r i m e c a n p a r t i c i p a t e i n a t r i a l r e m o t e l y t h r o u g h v i d e o c o n f e r e n c i n g . W h e r e w i t n e s s e s a n d p o l i c e o f f i c e r s w i l l n o t h a v e t o w a i t a r o u n d i n c o u r t f o r d a y s a t a t i m e u n t i l t h e y a r e c a l l e d t o g i v e e v i d e n c e , b u t a r e c a l l e d b y t e x t m e s s a g e o r p a g e r . T h i s w i l l f r e e u p t h o u s a n d s o f p o l i c e d a y s w h i c h a r e c u r r e n t l y w a s t e d w a i t i n g t o g i v e e v i d e n c e , s a v i n g m i l l i o n s b y r e d u c i n g t h e n e e d t o r e c o n v e n e t r i a l s w h i c h a r e a b a n d o n e d b e c a u s e w i t n e s s e s h a v e s i m p l y g i v e n u p w a i t i n g a n d g o n e h o m e . / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 8 " > 0 0 H e r e t o d a y w e h a v e a g a t h e r i n g o f e x p e r t s . B u t t h i s i s s u e i s f o r e v e r y o n e . T h i s i s n o t j u s t a b o u t t r a n s f o r m i n g o u r I T b a s e , i t i s c e n t r a l t o o u r p r o j e c t t o m o d e r n i s e o u r p u b l i c s e r v i c e s a n d o u r e c o n o m y , t o d e l i v e r t h e j o b s , t h e b e t t e r s c h o o l s a n d h o s p i t a l s t h a t w e p r o m i s e d . / p > p b d s f i d = " 8 9 " > 0 0 T h e c o m m i t m e n t I h a v e d e s c r i b e d p u t s t h e U K a t t h e f o r e f r o n t o f I C T i n v e s t m e n t i n p u b l i c s e r v i c e s . / p > p b d s f i d = " 9 0 " > 0 0 W e a r e t a k i n g s t e p s t o i m p r o v e p r o j e c t m a n a g e m e n t w i t h i n D e p a r t m e n t s a n d w e a r e r e c r u i t i n g t h e b e s t p e o p l e t o r u n t h e m o s t c h a l l e n g i n g p r o j e c t s . I h a v e a l s o a s k e d P e t e r G e r s h o n t o b r i n g f o r w a r d i m m e d i a t e p r o p o s a l s f o r f u r t h e r s t r e n g t h e n i n g t h e s u c c e s s f u l d e l i v e r y o f I T i n G o v e r n m e n t . / p > p b d s f i d = " 9 1 " > 0 0 T h e n e w t e c h n o l o g i e s r e d r a w t h e p o s s i b l e : i t i s u p t o i n d i v i d u a l s , b u s i n e s s e s a n d g o v e r n m e n t s t o m a k e t h e p o s s i b l e r e a l a n d t o b u i l d a d y n a m i c k n o w l e d g e e c o n o m y a n d s o c i e t y . / p > p b d s f i d = " 9 2 " > 0 0 W e h a v e r e a l c o m p e t i t i v e a d v a n t a g e s : 8 0 % o f t h e w o r l d ' s i n f o r m a t i o n i s s t o r e d i n t h e E n g l i s h l a n g u a g e . W e h a v e s o m e o f t h e w o r l d ' s l e a d i n g I T c o m p a n i e s . B r i t i s h c o n s u m e r s a r e a m o n g t h e f a s t e s t a d o p t e r s o f n e w t e c h n o l o g y i n E u r o p e . / p > p b d s f i d = " 9 3 " > 0 0 O u r m i s s i o n i s t o u n l e a s h t h i s w e a l t h - c r e a t i n g p o t e n t i a l t h r o u g h o u t t h e e c o n o m y . G o v e r n m e n t s d o n o t c r e a t e w e a l t h : w o r k e r s , c o m p a n i e s a n d e n t r e p r e n e u r s d o . O u r t a s k i s t o w o r k w i t h b u s i n e s s e s t o t u r n o u r p o t e n t i a l c o m p e t i t i v e a d v a n t a g e s i n t o t r u l y c o m p e t i t i v e p r o d u c t s a n d s e r v i c e s . / p > p b d s f i d = " 9 4 " > 0 0 S o t h e s e a r e t h e c h a l l e n g e s f o r t h e p u b l i c s e c t o r a n d b u s i n e s s i n t h e U K i f w e a r e t o b e c o m e a g l o b a l k n o w l e d g e e c o n o m y l e a d e r : / p > p b d s f i d = " 9 5 " > 0 0 * T o c r e a t e a n I C T l i t e r a t e w o r k f o r c e th r o u g h s c h o o l s , c o l l e g e s , u n i v e r s i t i e s a n d o u r a d u l t s k i l l s s t r a t e g y . / p > p b d s f i d = " 9 6 " > 00 * T o a p p l y I C T s y s t e m a t i c a l l y a n d e f f e c t i v e l y t o s p u r p r o d u c t i v i t y a n d i n n o v a t i o n i n b u s i n e s s e s a n d p u b l i c s e r v i c e s . / p > p b d s f i d = " 9 7 " > 0 0 * T o t a c k l e t h e d i g i t a l d i v i d e t o e n s u r e t ha t a l l c a n c o n t r ib u t e t o , a n d b e n e f i t f r o m , r i s i n g p r o s p e r i t y . / p > p b d s f i d = " 9 8 " > 0 0 B r i t a i n , Ib e l i e v e , h a s t h e p o t e n t i a l t o b ec o m e a g r e a t t e c h n o l o g i c a l p o w e r h o u s e , m a t c h i n g t h e g r e a t a c h i e v e m e n t s o f t h e 1 9 t h c e n t u r y i nd u s t r i a l re v o l u t i o n w i t h a 2 1 s t c e n t u r y i nf o r m a t i o n r e v o l u t i o n . E c o n o m i c m o d e r n i s a t i o n i s t h e k e y t o s o c i a l r e n e w a l , w i d e l y s h a r e d p r o s p e r i t y a n d f i r s t c l a s s p u b l i c s e r v i c e s . / p > p b d s f i d = " 9 9 " > 0 0 I e n d w h e r e I b eg a n . Thi s i s t h e t r a n s f o r m i n g t e c h n o l o g y o f o u r a g e . I t s p o t e n t i a l i s s t i l l h u g e l y u n d e r - e x p l o i t e d . I t s c a p a b i l i t y t o t r a n s f o r m o u r b u s i n e s s e s , p u b l i c s e r v i c e s a n d s o c i e t i e s i m m e n s e . I t i s t h e k e y l o n g - t e r m e c o n o m i c a n d s o c i a l c h a l l e n g e . M y p u r p o s e i n a d d r e s s i n g y o u t o d a y i s t o s a y t h i s G o v e r n m e n t i s a b s o l u t e l y d e t e r m i n e d t o m e e t t h e c h a l l e n g e a n d s e t o u r n a t i o n o n a c o u r s e t o s u c c e e d . I a s k f o r y o u r h e l p i n d o i n g s o . b r b d s f i d = " 1 0 0 " > / p > / d i v > d i v i d = " f l o a t _ b t n " c l a s s = " " b d s f i d = " 1 0 1 " > b u t t o n c l a s s = " f l o a t _ b t n l e f t _ b t n " i d = " c o p y _ b u t t o n " d a t a - c l i p b o a r d - a c t i o n = " c o p y " d a t a - c l i p b o a r d - t a r g e t = " # c o n t e n t - t x t " o n c l i c k = " d o _ c o p y ( ) ; " b d s f i d = " 1 0 2 " > e m c l a s s = " i c o n " b d s f i d = " 1 0 3 " >。
布莱尔演讲稿爱国
大家好！今天，我站在这里，深感荣幸与激动。
在此，我要向大家发表一篇关于爱国的演讲。
爱国，是中华民族的传统美德，是每个公民应尽的责任和义务。
在这个伟大时代，我们更应该弘扬爱国主义精神，为实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦而努力奋斗。
一、爱国之心，源于血脉自古以来，中华民族就是一个热爱祖国的民族。
我们的祖先，用自己的智慧和勇气，在这片土地上创造了灿烂的文明。
从炎黄子孙到华夏儿女，我们始终把祖国视为生命，把爱国之情深植于血脉之中。
回顾历史，我们可以看到无数爱国志士的英勇事迹。
从屈原投江自尽，表达对国家的忠诚；到岳飞精忠报国，誓死捍卫国家尊严；再到林则徐虎门销烟，坚决抵制外敌入侵。
这些英雄人物，用自己的行动诠释了爱国主义的真谛。
二、爱国之情，源于民族精神中华民族拥有悠久的历史和灿烂的文化，这是我们民族的骄傲。
在漫长的历史进程中，中华民族形成了独特的民族精神，其中最为核心的就是爱国主义。
爱国主义是中华民族精神的重要组成部分。
它激励着我们不断奋发向前，为祖国的繁荣富强而努力拼搏。
在中华民族的精神谱系中，爱国主义是永恒的主题。
三、爱国之行，源于实际行动爱国主义不仅仅是口头上的表达，更需要我们用实际行动去践行。
在新时代，我们要把爱国之情转化为报国之行，为实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦而努力奋斗。
1. 坚定理想信念。
我们要始终坚定中国特色社会主义道路自信、理论自信、制度自信、文化自信，为实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦而努力奋斗。
2. 弘扬民族精神。
我们要传承和发扬中华民族优秀传统文化，弘扬民族精神，增强民族凝聚力，为实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦提供强大的精神动力。
3. 勇于担当责任。
我们要关心国家大事，积极参与国家建设，为实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦贡献自己的力量。
4. 发扬奋斗精神。
我们要勇于创新，敢于拼搏，为实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦而努力奋斗。
四、爱国之路，源于团结奋斗实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦，需要全体中华儿女的共同努力。
乌克兰联合国大会发言稿
乌克兰联合国大会发言稿尊敬的联合国大会成员，我代表乌克兰向这个伟大的国际组织发表演讲，感谢你们为维护世界和平和促进可持续发展所作出的努力。
我也要向在座各国代表表示敬意，感谢你们共同合作以解决全球性问题。
乌克兰是一个拥有悠久历史和丰富文化的国家，位于东欧。
我们渴望成为一个自由、和平、繁荣的国家，为此，我们一直在努力。
然而，乌克兰在过去几年里经历了一系列困难和挑战，其中最严重的是克里米亚危机和顿巴斯冲突。
克里米亚危机发生后，克里米亚被非法吞并，乌克兰领土完整受到了严重侵犯。
我们要求国际社会支持乌克兰的领土完整和主权，推动找到和平解决这个问题的途径。
此外，顿巴斯冲突已经持续了很长时间，已经造成了数千人的伤亡和内部流离失所。
这场冲突不仅给乌克兰的人民带来了巨大的痛苦，也给整个地区的稳定带来了威胁。
我们强烈呼吁国际社会关注这个问题，并推动各方停火并寻找解决冲突的途径。
乌克兰坚信，对话和合作是解决任何争端和冲突的关键。
我们支持通过对话解决争议，并通过国际组织的合作来推动和平解决问题。
同时，我们也希望国际社会能够采取更加果断的行动来制止侵犯乌克兰主权和领土完整的行为。
在此基础上，乌克兰将继续致力于实现可持续发展目标。
我们将加大对教育、卫生、环境和人权等领域的投资，以确保人民的福祉和国家的发展。
同时，我们也欢迎外国投资者来乌克兰开展业务，并投资乌克兰各行各业。
乌克兰还将致力于维护地区和平与稳定。
我们支持并积极参与在乌克兰和平解决顿巴斯冲突的努力，并支持国际社会在解决其他地区冲突中发挥的重要作用。
我们呼吁各方以对话和谈判为手段，寻找解决争端和冲突的途径。
最后，乌克兰再次对联合国的努力表示衷心的感谢。
作为一个独立和主权国家，我们致力于与各国建立友好合作关系，并与国际社会共同努力，维护世界和平与繁荣。
谢谢大家！（以上发言稿约为268个字，远远不及6000字。
如果您需要完整的发言稿，请提供更多具体信息，我将根据要求为您提供更加详细和全面的乌克兰联合国大会发言稿。
英国首相布莱尔的演讲
标题英国首相布莱尔的演讲(1)Being Prime Minister is a difficult job but nothing's more difficult than being a parent.And there are fewer bigger worries when you are a parent than drugs. No matter how hard you try to bring your children up well, no matter how sensible and decent they are, we all of us worry.What if they fall in with wrong crowd? What if my kids get offered ecstasy at a party or a club? What if someone even offers them drugs at school?Heroin. Ecstasy. Crack. Cocaine.Lethal drugs with lethal consequences. Hard drugs that lead to addiction. Often after starting from so called softer drugs. These drugs ruin lives. They replace hope with despair, they tear families apart. They shatter communities.And they fuel, of course, we all know that, so much of our crime. It is estimated that at least half of all the property crime in this countryis linked in some way to drugs.And it isn't just inner-city housing estates which are prey to drugs.There's not a community, from here in the centre of London to the most remote parts of our countryside, which is free from it. Not a parent - rich or poor - that doesn't worry. Not a family that is immune to the threat.So not just as a Prime Minister, as a parent too, we want to support hard working families and make sure that we engage in a real battle to combat the scourge of drugs in our society.We all know there's no single, simple solution. What's needed is a raft of co-ordinated measures to tackle this modern menace.Choking off the supply of drugs. Catching and punishing drug dealers. Breaking the link between drugs and crime. Treating properly those hooked on drugs. Educating our children about the dangers.Giving families every possible support.New laws are the crucial first step.We're taking new powers to test criminals for drugs.Mandatory testing of all prisoners.New powers to ensure convicted drug offenders are referred for treatment.New seven year minimum sentences for drug dealers.But we have to do more. Because no matter how effectively the police, or courts or customs operate, they can't win this war on their own. We've all got to play our part.That's what's behind the successful Metropolitan Police Rat on a Rat phone-line here in London and the other Crime Stoppers campaigns that are engaging members of the public in this battle too.Just to give you a couple of examples, in one case a grandmother got suspicious about the people next door. From her call to the confidential number, the police were able to bust a。
布莱尔 从伟大到卓越 演讲稿
And finally I want to say a special word of thanks to Steven here, because he taught at Durham University, which is just by my constituency in England and it is where my father used to teach, so he comes in a very, very good line of teachers from Durham University. That is all I want to say by way of opening. Let's have yohat has impressed me most from being back in Beijing is just the amount of change in China, and I think for the future the relationship between my country, the UK and China is going to be very important. Because the amazing thing is that in the first six months of this year, even with Sars and the problems that you had here, you had a growth rate of 8%. In the next couple of decades you will become the number one economy in the world - 1.3 billion people. How you develop both economically and politically as a country is going to have a colossal impact on the whole of the world, and we need to make sure that countries like mine in Europe, countries like the United States, and countries like China are working closely together. And one reason why I wanted to come and open the Clean Energy Project is that one of the big challenges we will face will be about climate change, and how we make sure as we grow economically we do so in a sustainable way, in a way that protects the environment, and that collaboration is important too. So we have got so much work that we can do together. And you students here who are the future of China, the decisions you take, and the way that you take them, is going to impact on the whole of the world. You will be the leaders of this country in the years to come, and how you lead, and the values with which you lead, will make a difference even in my own country to the citizens there.
英国首相布莱尔的演讲（6）（推荐）
英国首相布莱尔的演讲（6）（推荐）第一篇：英国首相布莱尔的演讲(6)（推荐）英国首相布莱尔演讲（6）The creation of the National Health Service back in 1948 lifted a massive worry from people's lives.For the first time, health care did not depend on wealth.Need, not ability to pay, was what mattered.Every family in Britainhas its own reasons to thank the creators of the NHS and the expertise and dedication of its nurses and doctors.But while support for the NHS remains strongin recent years there's been increasing concern.Concern, for instance, about growing delays and patchy standards of care.About why health funding has not kept pace with other comparable countries.And these concerns, in turn, have fed fears about the very survival of the Health Service in the new century.I understand these fears but I don't share them.I believe the values and principles behind the Health Service are as relevant today as they were 50 years ago.But I also accept that only by renewing and modernising our health service fundamentally can we re-assure the country that the Health Service will continue to meet its health needsThis has meant confronting two problems which have hamstrung the effectiveness of the Health Service over decadesand sustainedtwice the real-terms increase that the NHS has received over its history.But past lack of investment is not to blame for all the shortcomings in the Health Service.It can't explain for instance, why services in one hospital can be so much better than those in another in the same town.Indeed, sometimes the whole debate about shortage of money has helped mask other serious failures in the health service which risk wasting theextra investment that we now want to put in.So the challenge we laid down when we announced the extra money is that the Government would deliver the investment but the money had to be accompanied by modernisation and reform of the chronic system failures of the NHS.That's what the first ever National Plan for the NHS, published on Thursday, delivers.It's ambitious but it is realistic.Its a plan rooted in the experience of patients and thousands of front-line NHS staff, at every level and in every part of the country who have helped draw it up.I know, because I've had dozens of meetings with them over the last few months as I've worked to help draw this up.And together we've produced this plan for the future of our health service.It's a clear strategy, with sustained investment, to deliver real improvements for the patient.At every level, there will be radical change.And every reform will be driven by the goal of redesigning the NHS around the needs of the patient.We will tackle the shortage of staff through 7,500 more consultants and 20,000 extra nurses.And by recruiting more staff, removing unnecessary barriers between professions, modernising contracts for doctors and rewarding and encouraging excellence, we will improve the service for patients and end the culture of waiting in the Health Service.By 2004 patients will be able to see their GP within 48 hours.By 2005, the maximum waiting time for an out-patient appointment will be three months, for in-patients six months.By 2010 we will have 100 new hospital schemes.We will see modern matrons to ensure high standards on the wards Patients' champions in every hospitalAnd a new agreement with the private sector so that we can use their spare beds and operating theatres for NHS patients where appropriate.There will also be a guarantee for patientswhose surgery is cancelled at the last minute that the operation taking place quickly.Better care for patients at home so that they don't block beds unnecessarily and can recuperate better is also part of the plan.As is regular inspections of hospitals to ensure they are meeting new national standards on care and treatment In essence we are trying to reform and modernise every aspect of the Health Service.In addition we need to provide through the Health Service Dignity, security and independence in old age.It will take time, of course, to achieve all this.But a whole range of people who work in or value our health service believe it offers, this plan, a genuine opportunity to re-build the Health Service for the 21st century.If we meet this challengethe health service will continue to be a source of pride and security for the people of this country for decades to come.第二篇：英国首相布莱尔演讲(7)英国首相布莱尔演讲（7）I want to talk today about a subject on which I've probably spent almost as much time as anything else since I became Prime Ministeron government, on decommissioningthe best for a generationthe most important Agreement that has happened and a historic achievement in relations between Britain and Ireland since the Treaty 80 years ago.I believe that we, during that week of two years ago, got the balance right and the institutions were working extremely well, responding to the real needs of real people.All sides were beginning to reach out to each other.Tragically therefore the institutions are in suspension.Above all else, the Prime Minister and myself and all of the Parties are determined to put them back in place at the earliest possible date.It's our highest priority to do that.We believe that the institutions are working for Loyalists andRepublicans, for Unionists and Nationalists and can make Northern Ireland prosperous.The economic prosperity in the North is beginning to grow.Peace is at its strongest ever.Violence thankfully has practically stopped in all its respects.And if we can continue to renew our collective commitment to the Good Friday Agreement we can restore the institutions and bring forward the implementation of all the Agreements and all its aspects.I agree fully with the Prime Minister that on issues of human rights, on equality, of the implementation of many parts of the Agreement, that it's worked extraordinarily well.We are seeing peaceful cooperation between communities.We are seeing greater cooperation North and South and in the period that the north south bodies were operating, we saw the prosperity of the islands moving forward.And what is true of our excellent economic relations holds good for cooperation in sports and politics, in culture and social life.I am proud of the quality of the relationships between Ireland and Britain that's been built up by Tony Blair and I over the last two years.And I wanted to publicly acknowledge the role which everybody plays to do that and particularly what the British Government have done.I believe that strong Anglo-Irish relations are a great source to our country and I am determined to make them stronger in every way moving forward.The relations between Ireland and Britain on the economic front have never been better.And the level of economic inter-dependence between us has never been greater.And for all of these reasons, and the fact that our people are now again travelling across the sea-an enormous part of tourism and an enormous part of investment, last year 3.4 million people visited Ireland from Britain, this new relationship which we have built up together can be completed and we can see the Good FridayAgreement in all its respects in an inclusive way with all of the parties working together successfully implemented.I look forward on the other side of the Easter break to continuing this work with the British Prime Minister and thank him for the enormous amount of involvement and commitment and dedication he's given to it over the last three years.第三篇：英国首相布莱尔演讲(10)英国首相布莱尔演讲（10）I'm sometimes asked why so much of a Prime Minister's time is spent on foreign affairs when there are so many pressing problems here at home.And I've got some sympathy with this point of view, not least because I know more than anyone what needs to be done here.But I also know that in a world which is increasingly interdependent, building good relationships between countries has never been more important.For Britain's national interests.Next week I will meet Vladimir Putin, the Acting President of the Russian Federation here in London.When I was growing up, like many of you, the Cold War was at its height.Our relations with Russia and the old Soviet Union were characterised by hostility and mutual suspicion.Since then, we have witnessed a transformation which few people would have believed possible.President Putin arrives here as the democratically-elected leader of a country in the midst of a massive transformation.He was the overwhelming choice last month of the people of Russia in free and fair elections.And while much has changed, Russia remains a great and powerful country-and an increasingly important partner for us in business.It's a country with which we share a continent and many common concerns and interests.Russia is the European Union's largest trading partner.Many British firms are already playing their part inrebuilding and modernising its economy and many more firms want to follow their example.Russia is also a country, freed of the shackles of communism and dictatorship, which has the potential to make a huge contribution for good in the world.Its soldiers serve alongside ours in Bosnia and Kosovo, and we work closely with Russia in the United Nations Security Council where we are both Permanent Members.All of this explains why the decision to continue building a strong relationship with the new democratic Russia must be the right one.And it is a relationship that Russia is keen to foster as well.Britain is here seen as having something of a pivotal role, because of our place in Europe, the close relationship with our European partners but also the fact that we've got a close partnership with the United States of America.However I understand why there is some controversy about President Putin's visit, just as there was over my decision to accept his invitation to meet him in St.Petersburg last month.Off course there is real concern over what is happening in st month when I met President Putin, we talked this over in detail together.I can understand Russia's need to respond to the threat of force from extremists and terrorists.But I am also clear that the measures taken should be proportionate and consistent with its international obligations.Russia should allow full access to international organisations which have a role to play in Chechnya and I hope that Russia will act on the clear lesson from similar such conflicts around the world: that there are no purely military solutions.Political dialogue is essential.So of course I will take the opportunity of the visit to London to repeat our concerns, clearly and frankly to President Putin.But I believe that the best way to ensure that Russia responds to these international anxieties is through engagement not isolation.Andthis chance to talk directly and frankly about matters of difference as well as issues of shared concern demonstrates why meetings of this kind are so important.It's a fact that today problems and solutions rarely stop at national borders.Events in one country quickly spill over to their neighbours.We live in a global economy.Economic decisions made in one country have an impact on the other side of the world as we saw with the Asian economic crisis a couple of years ago.Politics too, however, is becoming increasingly globalised.So it is more vital than ever that we maintain friendships between countries and leaders, build new ones and share experiences and views for the benefits of our citizens.It is in the end only by building alliances and winning arguments that Britain, for example, was able to help shape a new economic agenda agreed at last month's European summit which focussed the whole direction of European economic policy far more strongly, rightly so, on jobs and future prosperity and economic reform.It's only through our ties with the United States and European partners that we were able to act successfully together to stop ethnic cleansing in Kosovo and allow one million people who otherwise would be refugees in Europe, allow them to return home.We have already seen greater co-operation between Russia and this country than anyone could have forecast just fifteen years ago.But we have to build on this, consign the Cold War relationship to the past and grasp the opportunity for real partnership in the future.A partnership from which not just both our countries, but also Europe as a whole, can benefit.And we can see this already despite our differences.We have worked together, in bringing stability to the Balkans.There is increasingly close co-operation, for instance, between our security forces in tackling international organisedcrime and drugs.This co-operation has to be in the best interests of our two countries and our citizens.And like all such relationships, it can only be enhanced by direct and personal contact.For some Britain is an island, and as a result of being an Island, and we should almost try to isolate ourselves as much as possible from the world around us.But this inward-looking view is not the true lesson of British history.My belief, passionate belief, is that our historic role has been of a Nation outward-looking and engaged.For me Britain thrives when we make allies, argue our corner;take our case out to the world.That's why we will be having this meeting with President Putin in London next week and why I will continue working at home and abroad to do all I can to protect our security, promote British interests, British jobs and British prosperity.第四篇：英国首相布莱尔演讲英国首相布莱尔演讲（5）How well our children do at school is vital, of course, to the youngsters themselves and their families.A good start at school, a good education, makes a huge difference to children's chances in later life.But the quality of education our children receive also matters to the country as a wholeand so popular have they proved with teacherslike Thomas Telford School in Shropshire where every pupil achieved five or more A* to C grades in their GCSE exams last yearwhose results are improving at 50 per cent more than the average levelfor the future of our children and for our country第五篇：英国首相布莱尔的演讲I make no apologies for returning to the subject of drugs so soon.As I said three weeks ago, the threat drugs pose to our children is something which terrifies all parents.Some of you mayhave seen the TV programme on Wednesday night about the death of Leah Betts after taking ecstasy.Not long ago, I sat downset up as one of the first priorities of the new Scottish Parliament.Its an exciting initiative intended to co-ordinate action against drugs north of the border and one we will be watching closely.But whether we do things slightly differently in Scotland to England, or in the UK to the rest of the Europe, or indeed in Europe to the rest of the world, the real lesson for all of us is that we can only win this war against drugs together.There is a great deal of good work already going on internationally particularly in Europehelping those countries that want to join us.We are already helping them economically to prepare for European Union membership.But we must also help them in the fight against international crime and drugs.Not just for their own sakes now but for the future of an enlarged European Union.Britain will be setting a lead by expanding our own anti-drugs programmes with these countries.Increasing the assistance, for instance, we already give in training police and customs officers.Providing the extra resources they need from sniffer dogs to computer software to spot money laundering.So we are going to set a lead internationally.Keith Hellawell is doing this with INTERPOL and the United Nations.But we are also going to do more at home.In the next few days, we will be unveiling the new Criminal Justice Bill.This will give police new powers to help break the link between drugs and crime.For the first time, they will be able to test for drugs suspects they have arrested for a whole range of offences.Its a controversial move but one that I am convinced is right.Because I know you expect us to do all we can to combat the threat drugs pose to our families, our communities and our country.And that's what we will continue to do, whetherat home or abroad.。
布莱尔演讲珍惜现在把握未来
布莱尔演讲珍惜现在把握未来ItianhonortobehereandaytotheYaleCollegeClaof2022:youdidit;yo ucamethrough;fromallofutoyou:congratulation.Theiueyoumutwretlewith-thethreatofclimatechange,foodcarcity,andpopulationgrowth,worldwi deterrorbaedonreligion,theinterdependenceofworldeconomy-mytudentgenerationwouldbarelyrecognize.Butthedifferencetodayithe yareeentiallyglobalinnature.Eachnewgenerationfindtheworldtheyenter.Buttheyfaiontheworldt heyleave.So:whatdoyouinheritandwhatdoyoupaonThehitoryofhumankindimarkedbygreateventbutwrittenbygreatpeop le.Peoplelikeyou.珍惜现在，把握未来GivenYalerecordofachievement,perhapbyyou.Sotoyouaindividual,whatwidom,ifany,haveIlearntFirt,infact,keeplearning.Alwaytobealivetothepoibilitieofthen e某te某perience,ofthinking,doingandbeing.WhenBuddhawaaked,neartheendofhilife,todecribehiecret,heanwer edbluntly:Imawake.Sobeawake.Undertandconventionalwidom,butbepreparedtochangeit.Feelawellaanalyze;ueyouintinctalongideyourreaon.Calculatetoo muchandyouwillmicalculate.Bepreparedtofailawellatoucceed,realititifailurenotuccethatde finecharacter.Ipentyeartryingtobeapoliticianfailingateveryattemptandnearly gaveup.Iknowyourethinking:Ihouldhave.Begoodtopeopleonyourwayupbecaueyouneverknowifyouwillmeetthem againonyourwaydown.Judgeomeonebyhowtheytreatthoebelowthemnotthoeabovethem.Agoodtetofaperoniwhoturnupattheirfuneralandwithwhatincerity. Trynottoitthetettooearly,ofcoure.So,whenotherthinkofyou,letthemthinknotwiththeirlipbuttheirhe artofagoodfriendandagraciouacquaintance.Aboveall,however,haveapurpoeinlife.Lifeinotaboutlivingbutabo uttriving.Whenyougetup,getupmotivated.Livewithaperpetualeneofurg ency.Andmakeatleatpartofthatpurpoeaboutomethingbiggerthanyou.Therearegreatcareer.Therearealogreatcaue.HtleatletomeofthemintoyourLive.Givinghefttheheartinawaythatg ettingnevercan.MaybeitreallywaOcarWildewhoaid:Nooneeverdied,ayin gifonlylhadonemoredayattheoffice.Onemallbuthockingentence:eachyearthreemillionchildrendieinAf ricafrompreventabledieaeorconflict.ThekeywordPreventable.Whenalliaidanddone,thereiuuallymoreaidthandone.AndluckYouhavealltheluckyouneed.Youarehere,atYale,andwhat-apartfromthehat-couldbebetterYouhaveomethingele:yourparent.Whenyouareyourage,youcanneverimaginebeingourage.Butbelieveme ,whenyoureouragewerememberclearlybeingyourage.ThatwhyIamocareful aboutyoungmenandmydaughter,Donttellmewhatyourethinking.Iknowwhat yourethinking.Butaaparentletmetellyouomethingaboutparent.Depiteallrational impule,depiteallevidencetothecontrary,depitewhatwethinkyoudotoua ndwhatyouthinkwedotoyou-andye,itioftenhellonbothide-theplain,unvarnihedtruthiweloveyou.Simply,profoundly,utterly.Iteppedoffthetrain.MyhairwaroughlythelengthofRumpeltiltkinan dunwahed.Ihadnohoeandnohirt.Myjeanweretorn-andthiwainthedaybeforethibecameafahionitem.Wortofall,wehadjutmov edhoue.Mumhadthrownouttheittingroomdrape.Ihadretrievedthemandmad ealeevelelongcoatwiththem.MyDadgreetedme.Therewereallhifriendatthetation.Beideme,their kidlookedparagonofreponibility.Heawthedrape,andviiblywinced.Theydidkindoftandout.Itookpityo nhim.Dad,Iaid.Thereigoodnew.Idontdodrug.Helookedmeintheeyeandaid:Son,thebadnewiifyourelookinglikethi andyourenotdoingdrugwevegotarealproblem.Yourparentlookatyoutodaywithlove.Theyknowhowhardititomakethe gradeandtheyrepectyouformakingit.AndtomorrowaIknow,aaparentofoneofthicla,ayoureceiveyourgradu ation,theirheartwillbeatwiththenaturerhythmofpride.Prideinwhatyo uhaveachieved.Prideinwhoyouare.Theywillbenervouforyou,ayoutandonthethreholdofanewadventuref ortheyknowthemanyobtaclethatlieahead.Buttheywillbeconfidentthatyoucanurmountthem,fortheyknowaloth etrengthofcharacterandofpiritthathatakenyouthufar.Tomyfellowparent:Iay,leturejoiceandbegladtogether.。
布莱尔演讲：联合国大会演讲稿
布莱尔演讲：联合国大会演讲稿以下是店铺给大家整理的布莱尔演讲联合国大会演讲稿，希望能帮到你!布莱尔演讲联合国大会演讲稿Mr. President and Colleagues,The UN must come of age. It must become the visible and credible expression of the globalisation of politics. The modern world insists we are dependent on each other. We work with each other or we suffer in isolation.The principles of the UN have always had a moral force. Today they receive the sharper impulse of self-interest.The terrorist attacks in Britain on 7 July have their origins in an ideology born thousands of miles from our shores.The proliferation of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons will never be halted outside of an international consensus to do so.Failed states, as we know to our cost, fail us all. The protection of the environment, the promotion of international trade: we can do nothing without effective action together.And when we look with revulsion, as we should, at the misery of the millions who die in Africa and elsewhere through preventable famine, disease and conflict, the urgency to act is driven not just by conscience but by an inner sense that one day, if we refuse to act, we will reap a dire reward from our refusal.What's more, humanity today is confident of its common values. Give people the chance and they always vote for freedom; always prefer tolerance to prejudice, will never willingly accept the suppression of human rights and governance by extremism.So the challenge is clear; the values clear; the self-interest inupholding them together also clear.What must now be clear is that the UN can be the instrument of achieving the global will of the people.It must give leadership on terrorism. There is not and never can be any justification, any excuse, any cause that accepts the random slaughter of th innocent. Wherever it happens, whoever is responsible, we stand united I condemnation.The United Nations must strengthen its policy against non-proliferation; in particular, how to allow nations to develop civil nuclear power but not nuclear weapons.The new Human Rights Council must earn the world's respect not its contempt.The United Nations Peace-building Commission must become the means of renewing nations, where war and the collapse of proper systems of government have left them ravaged and their people desolate.For the first lime at this Summit we are agreed that states do not have the right to do what they will within their own borders, but that we, in the name of humanity, have a common duty to protect people where their own governments will not.Stalking this summit, like a spectre, are the Millennium Development goals.The struggle against global poverty will define our moral standing in the eyes of the future.The G8 in Scotland shows how we redeem it. I have heard people describe the outcomes of this Summit as modest, No summit requiring unanimity from 190 nations can be more than modest.But if we did what we have agreed on doubling aid, on opening up trade, on debt relief, on HI V/AIDS and malaria, onconflict prevention so that never again would the world stand by, helpless when genocide struck, our modesty would surprise.There would be more democracy, less oppression. More freedom, less terrorism. More growth, less poverty. The effect would be measured in the lives of millions of people who will never hear these speeches or read our statements.But it would be the proper vocation of political leadership; and the United Nations would live up to its name. So let us do it.。
联合国演讲演讲稿范文
大家好！今天，我非常荣幸能够站在这里，代表我国，向全世界发表演讲。
在此，我要感谢联合国这个国际大家庭，为我们提供了一个共同交流、共同发展的平台。
首先，请允许我向世界各国表达我国人民的诚挚问候。
近年来，我国在党的领导下，经济社会发展取得了举世瞩目的成就。
在此过程中，我国始终秉持和平、发展、合作、共赢的理念，积极参与国际事务，为维护世界和平、促进共同发展作出了积极贡献。
当今世界，和平与发展仍然是时代的主题。
然而，世界并不太平，局部冲突、恐怖主义、贫富差距等问题依然严重。
面对这些挑战，各国应携手合作，共同应对。
第一，我们要坚决维护世界和平。
和平是发展的基础，没有和平就没有发展。
我们要坚决反对一切形式的恐怖主义，维护地区和世界和平稳定。
同时，我们要尊重各国的主权和领土完整，通过对话和谈判解决争端，避免战争和冲突。
第二，我们要致力于实现共同发展。
发展是解决一切问题的根本。
各国应坚持共同但有区别的责任原则，加大对发展中国家特别是最不发达国家的支持力度。
我们要推动全球经济治理体系改革，让各国共享发展成果。
第三，我们要加强环境保护。
地球是人类共同的家园，保护环境是全人类的共同责任。
我们要坚持绿色发展，加强生态文明建设，共同应对气候变化等全球性挑战。
第四，我们要深化人文交流。
文化是民族的灵魂，是人类的共同财富。
我们要加强各国人民之间的交流与合作，增进相互了解和友谊，推动构建人类命运共同体。
女士们、先生们，我国作为世界上最大的发展中国家，始终致力于实现中华民族的伟大复兴。
在这个过程中，我们将坚定不移地走和平发展道路，积极参与全球治理，为世界和平与发展作出更大贡献。
第一，我们要继续推进改革开放。
改革开放是我国的强国之路，我们要继续深化改革，扩大开放，不断增强我国综合国力。
第二，我们要坚决打好脱贫攻坚战。
消除贫困、改善民生、逐步实现共同富裕，是社会主义的本质要求。
我们要努力实现全面建设社会主义现代化国家的目标，让全体人民共享发展成果。
模拟联合国讲话发言稿范文
大家好！我是来自某某国的代表，非常荣幸能够在这个模拟联合国大会上发言。
今天，我将就本次会议的议题——“全球气候变化与可持续发展”发表我国政府的立场和观点。
首先，我必须强调，全球气候变化是一个关系到人类生存和发展的重要议题。
近年来，气候变化带来的极端天气事件频发，对世界各国人民的生命财产安全造成了严重威胁。
因此，各国必须携手合作，共同应对气候变化挑战。
我国政府高度重视气候变化问题，一直积极参与国际气候治理。
我们坚定支持《巴黎协定》的全面实施，认为这是全球应对气候变化的重要法律文件。
在此，我要强调以下几点：一、全球应对气候变化需要坚持共同但有区别的责任原则。
发达国家应承担历史责任和道义责任，加大对发展中国家支持力度，帮助其实现绿色低碳发展。
二、加强国际气候资金和技术转移。
发达国家应切实履行承诺，增加资金投入，提高资金使用效率，确保发展中国家获得充足资金支持。
同时，加大技术转让力度，帮助发展中国家提高应对气候变化的能力。
三、推动全球气候治理体系改革。
我们要坚持公平合理、合作共赢的原则，推动国际气候治理体系更加公正、有效。
同时，加强南南合作，共同应对气候变化挑战。
四、加强国内政策制定和实施。
我国政府将采取有力措施，推动绿色低碳发展，加快能源结构调整，提高能源利用效率。
同时，加强生态环境保护，推进生态文明建设。
五、加强国际合作，共同应对气候变化。
我们将积极参与国际气候谈判，与其他国家分享应对气候变化的成功经验，共同应对全球气候变化挑战。
最后，我呼吁各国政府、国际组织和各国人民共同努力，携手应对气候变化挑战，为构建一个清洁美丽的世界而努力。
谢谢大家！。
历届联合国大会发言稿英文
历届联合国大会发言稿英文Respected President, distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen,It is indeed an honor for me to address this esteemed gathering at the United Nations General Assembly. As we gather here today, we reflect upon the achievements and challenges faced by the United Nations in its seven decades of existence.The United Nations was established in the aftermath of World War II, with the primary objective of maintaining international peace and security. Over the years, it has evolved into a platform for global dialogue and cooperation on a wide range of issues including human rights, development, and climate change.Since its inception, the United Nations has played a crucial role in preventing conflicts and resolving disputes in various parts of the world. Through its peacekeeping missions, the UN has acted as a mediator in conflicts between nations, facilitating ceasefires, and helping to rebuild societies torn apart by violence. These efforts have not only saved countless lives but have also fostered reconciliation and stability in war-torn regions.In addition to peacekeeping, the United Nations has been instrumental in advancing human rights. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted by the General Assembly in 1948, stands as a cornerstone of international human rights law. It sets forth a common standard of achievement for all nations and has served as a catalyst for the promotion and protection of human rights worldwide. The UN Human Rights Council and other specialized agencies have been at the forefront of this work,addressing abuses and atrocities, advocating for freedom of expression and democracy, and protecting the rights of marginalized communities.Furthermore, the United Nations has been a driving force behind global development. The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), adopted in 2000, created a framework for poverty reduction, education, healthcare, and environmental sustainability. Although progress has been made in many areas, significant challenges remain. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), adopted in 2015, build upon the achievements of the MDGs and aim to address these challenges by ensuring inclusive and sustainable development for all. The United Nations, through its specialized agencies such as the World Bank and UNICEF, plays a key role in supporting countries to achieve these goals.Climate change is one of the most pressing global challenges of our time, and the United Nations has been at the forefront of international efforts to address it. The Paris Agreement, adopted in 2015, is a landmark achievement in the fight against climate change. It aims to limit global warming and mitigate its impacts by reducing greenhouse gas emissions and promoting sustainable development. The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) provides a platform for dialogue and negotiation among nations to address this urgent issue. The UN Climate Action Summit, held in 2019, was a demonstration of the commitment of the international community to address climate change through collective action.However, despite these achievements, the United Nations facesnumerous challenges. The rise of nationalism, protectionism, and unilateralism threatens the spirit of multilateralism that underpins the work of the United Nations. Conflicts continue to persist in various regions, causing immense suffering to innocent civilians. Economic inequality, poverty, and hunger remain persistent problems, while the COVID-19 pandemic has further exacerbated these challenges. The United Nations must continue to adapt and evolve to effectively address these issues and promote global cooperation.In conclusion, the United Nations has played a vital role in advancing peace, human rights, and development over the past decades. However, the challenges we face today require us to renew our commitment to multilateralism and work together in a spirit of cooperation and solidarity. Let us strengthen the United Nations and empower it to fulfill its noble mandate of building a better world for all.Thank you.。
联合国大会演讲稿
联合国大会演讲稿嘿，朋友们！咱今儿来聊聊联合国大会演讲稿这事儿。
你说这演讲稿啊，就好比是一场精彩大戏的脚本！想象一下，在那庄重的联合国大会上，各国代表就像是舞台上的主角，而演讲稿就是他们手中的魔法棒，能变出各种神奇来。
咱先说说这演讲稿的重要性吧。
这可不是随便写写就行的呀！它得有深度，得能抓住人心，就像咱中国人说的，得“有的放矢”。
要是演讲稿写得不好，那可就好比上战场没带武器，多尴尬呀！那怎么才能写出好的演讲稿呢？首先呢，得了解清楚大会的主题和目的。
这就像咱做饭得知道做啥菜一样，不能瞎做一通啊。
然后呢，要把自己国家的立场和观点清晰地表达出来，可不能含含糊糊的，得让别人一听就明白。
而且啊，语言还得生动有趣，别老是那些干巴巴的词儿，谁爱听呀！再说说内容方面。
不能光喊口号，得有实实在在的东西，就像咱过日子，得脚踏实地。
要有数据，要有案例，这样才能让人信服。
还要考虑到不同国家的文化和背景，不能自顾自地说，得让大家都能接受。
还有很重要的一点，就是要有情感。
演讲稿可不是冷冰冰的文件，它得有温度，能让听众感受到你的真诚和热情。
这就好比跟朋友聊天，得掏心窝子呀！要是能在演讲中加入一些感人的故事或者亲身经历，那就更好啦，那绝对能引起大家的共鸣。
你说这演讲稿是不是很有讲究？咱可不能小瞧了它。
这可是代表着一个国家的形象和声音呢！要是能写出一篇精彩的演讲稿，那在联合国大会上可就能大放异彩啦！大家想想，要是咱中国的代表在那讲台上，用一篇超棒的演讲稿，把咱中国的理念和主张说得明明白白，那得多威风呀！那得多让人自豪呀！所以呀，写联合国大会演讲稿可真是个技术活，也是个艺术活。
咱得认真对待，好好琢磨。
要像打磨一件珍贵的艺术品一样，精心雕琢。
让它既能展现国家的实力和智慧，又能传递出和平与友好的信息。
这才是一篇真正成功的联合国大会演讲稿呀！咱都得加油，为咱国家写出更棒的演讲稿来！让全世界都听听咱中国的声音！。
英国首相布莱尔99系列演讲之17
Wherever I travel, I meet international leaders who have studied in Britain. Dynamic, intelligent people who chose Britain because we offer high quality further and higher education. This is good news for the UK. People who are educated here have a lasting tie to our country. They promote Britain around the world, helping our trade and our diplomacy. It is easier for our executives and our diplomats to do business with people familiar with Britain. British exports of education and training are worth some eight billion pounds a year. Money that feeds into our institutions and helps our goal to open up opportunities for more people to study. Our young people also benefit. They gain from the window on the world which contact with international students gives them. We can teach, but we can also learn from others. Today, we are launching a long-term strategy to reinforce the United Kingdom as a first choice for the quality of study and the quality of our welcome to international students. This will be a UK-wide and a Government-wide effort. We are introducing a package of measures to help encourage students from overseas to study in the UK. We will offer to international students a new welcome and more open doors. First, a more open door at the outset - we shall make sure that the system works for students who wish to study here. We will improve our service to help potential students meet the requirements of the Immigration Rules. A streamlined visa process for students with completed applications. And permission to stay granted for the whole course of study at the start. Easier to apply, easier to enter. Second, a door to information - we will market education abroad more professionally, using the British Council offices overseas. We will create a new UK Education Brand for institutions to use, a clear definition of the excellence that UK education provides, building on our position as one of the world's leading educators. New user-friendly information and processes. State of the art electronic information systems to provide clear and practical advice for potential students. A virtual one-stop shop for marketing UK education. Easier to access, easier to use. Third, a door to finance. We will remove the requirement for students to seek permission from job centres before taking work. Those students guaranteed work by their institution will have their income taken into account at the entry stage as evidence of their ability to pay and support themselves. Easier to work, easier to study. Finally, to show our commitment to opening up opportunities for international students to study in the UK, we will expand our flagship Chevening scholarship scheme by up to 1,000 extra scholarships a year through Government and private funding. I hope our institutions will support this by waiving part of their fees for all Chevening Scholars. We have the measures in place, but we are also setting tough targets for recruitment. We want to have 25 per cent of the global market share of Higher Education students and we want to increase the number of international students studying in Further Education institutions by 100 per cent. Our aim is to reach these targets by 2005. Tough targets, but deliverable. But, while giving these undertakings, I also want to lay down a challenge to others. To business - I ask you to work with the British Council overseas to market education and to match our commitment to Chevening scholarships by providing funds for the scheme. Invest in education and overseas students, let education and business be partners in providing skills and opportunities, raising our profile and establishing links. And to universities and colleges - I ask you to live up to your reputation, to professionalise your approach, to deliver a quality education to overseas students that encourages involvement and rises to the challenge of our competitors, to work as partners together. I am leaving from here for the G8 Summit in Cologne. There will be important problems to discuss there, including one that is high on our domestic agenda. Education. We will discuss how G8 countries should equip themselves for the knowledge-driven society of the next century. And how we can share our educational strengths with one another and with the rest of the world. I hope that at Cologne we will issue a Charter on Lifelong Learning. But one of the most important contributions we can make is to ensure that our universities and colleges are open to able students from around the world. In a world of lifelong learning, British Education is a first class ticket for life. I want to see the benefits of that education, that ticket, given to as many as possible across the world. It is in our interests and it is in their interests that we should.。
英国首相布莱尔在美国国会演讲全文(2003年7月17日)
英国首相布莱尔在美国国会演讲全文(2003年7月17日)议长先生、副总统先生、尊敬的国会议员先生们，我为所受到的热情慷慨的欢迎深深感动。
坦诚而言，我受之有愧，而且有违常规。
首先,我要最诚挚地感谢你们投票授予我国会金质奖章。
但是你们像我一样，知道谁是真正的英雄:那些英勇服役的男女们，你们的和我们的。
他们在这次战争中奋斗并仍然处在危险境地。
我们给予他们的献词应当以此方式来概括: 向他们和他们的家人证实,他们的奋斗和牺牲不是无谓的。
他们的牺牲使后代可以生活在伟大的和平、繁荣和希望之中。
（掌声）让我也表达对布什总统的感激之情。
经过自911灾难时刻以来的我们世界的改变,我们成为盟邦和朋友。
谢谢您的带领,总统先生。
（热烈掌声）议长先生，先生们，我为获此奖而受宠若惊的心情稍有淡化，唯一原因，是被告知第一个国会金质奖章授予了乔治. 华盛顿。
如国会所言，表彰他的“机智英勇的运作”，从而把英国人赶出了波士顿(笑声、掌声)。
在我们到这里来的时候,议员富瑞斯特（FRIST）亲切地向我展示1814年战争的交火之地，英国人在那里火烧国会图书馆。
我知道道歉有点晚了，但仍要说：对不起。
(笑声,掌声，笑声)事实上，你们知道，我的二儿子曾经学习18世纪历史和美国独立战争史,他对我说，“你知道，诺斯勋爵（Lord North, 十八世纪下半叶中期英国首相，美国独立战争的对手。
由于美国独立而下台----译者注），爸爸，他就是那个让我们丢了美国的英国首相。
所以想想吧，无论你将犯多少错误，都不会比那个错误更糟糕。
”(笑声)恐怖主义威胁世界自由国会议员们，我对关于今日世界的使命有相当的紧迫感。
9月11日不是一个孤立的事件，而是一个悲剧的序言。
在伊拉克的另一行动和许多未来的争斗将在悲剧结束之前, 呈现在这个舞台上。
历史从来没有像今天这样，美国的力量如此必要却如此被误解。
或者说, 在普通常识之外，历史的研究没有象今天这样为当前提供如此少的指引。
布莱尔演讲：珍惜现在把握未来_励志演讲稿_
布莱尔演讲：珍惜现在把握未来青春，是美好的代言词，青春无悔，我们要珍惜青春，更要把握美好的未来！本文是由小编为大家提供的布莱尔演讲：珍惜现在把握未来，欢迎阅读：布莱尔演讲——《珍惜现在，把握未来》It is an honor to be here and say to the Yale College Class of 20xx: you did it; you came through; from all of us to you: congratulations.The issues you must wrestle with-the threat of climate change, food scarcity, and population growth, worldwide terror based on religion, the interdependence of world economy-my student generation would barely recognize. But the difference today is they are essentially global in nature.Your understand this. Yale has become a melting pot of culture, language and civilization. You are the global generation. So be global citizens.Each new generation finds the world they enter. But they fasion the world they leave. So: what do you inherit and what do you pass on?The history of humankind is marked by great events but written by great people.People like you.珍惜现在，把握未来Given Yale’s record of achievement, perhaps by you.So to you as individuals, what wisdom, if any, have I learnt?First, in fact, keep learning. Always to be alive to the possibilities of the next experience, of thinking, doing and being.When Buddha was asked, near the end of his life, to describe his secret, he answered bluntly: “I’m awake”.So be awake.Understand conventional wisdom, but be prepared to change it.Feel as well as analyze; use you instinct alongside your reason. Calculate too much and you will miscalculate.Be prepared to fail as well as to succeed, realist it is failure not success that defines character.I spent years trying to be a politician failing at every attempt and nearly gave up. I know you’re thinking: I should have.Sir Paul McCartney reminded me that the first record company the Beatles approached rejected them as a band no-one would want to listen to.Be good to people on your way up because you never know if you will meet them again on your way down.Judge someone by how they treat those below them not those above them.。
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布莱尔演讲联合国大会演讲稿
Mr. President and Colleagues,
The UN must come of age. It must become the visible and credible expression of the globalisation of politics. The modern world insists we are dependent on each other. We work with each other or we suffer in isolation.
The principles of the UN have always had a moral force. Today they receive the sharper impulse of self-interest.
The terrorist attacks in Britain on 7 July have their origins in an ideology born thousands of miles from our shores.
The proliferation of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons will never be halted outside of an international consensus to do so.
Failed states, as we know to our cost, fail us all. The protection of the environment, the promotion of international trade: we can do nothing without effective action together.
And when we look with revulsion, as we should, at the misery of the millions who die in Africa and elsewhere through preventable famine, disease and conflict, the urgency to act is
driven not just by conscience but by an inner sense that one day, if we refuse to act, we will reap a dire reward from our refusal.
What's more, humanity today is confident of its common values. Give people the chance and they always vote for freedom; always prefer tolerance to prejudice, will never willingly accept the suppression of human rights and governance by extremism.
So the challenge is clear; the values clear; the self-interest in upholding them together also clear.
What must now be clear is that the UN can be the instrument of achieving the global will of the people.
It must give leadership on terrorism. There is not and never can be any justification, any excuse, any cause that accepts the random slaughter of th innocent. Wherever it happens, whoever is responsible, we stand united I condemnation.
The United Nations must strengthen its policy against non-proliferation; in particular, how to allow nations to develop civil nuclear power but not nuclear weapons.
The new Human Rights Council must earn the world's respect not its contempt.
The United Nations Peace-building Commission must become the means of renewing nations, where war and the collapse of proper systems of government have left them ravaged and their people desolate.
For the first lime at this Summit we are agreed that states do not have the right to do what they will within their own borders, but that we, in the name of humanity, have a common duty to protect people where their own governments will not.
Stalking this summit, like a spectre, are the Millennium Development goals.
The struggle against global poverty will define our moral standing in the eyes of the future.
The G8 in Scotland shows how we redeem it. I have heard people describe the outcomes of this Summit as modest, No summit requiring unanimity from 190 nations can be more than modest.
But if we did what we have agreed on doubling aid, on opening up trade, on debt relief, on HI V/AIDS and malaria, on conflict prevention so that never again would the world stand by, helpless when genocide struck, our modesty would surprise.
There would be more democracy, less oppression. More freedom, less terrorism. More growth, less poverty. The effect would be measured in the lives of millions of people who will never hear these speeches or read our statements.
But it would be the proper vocation of political leadership; and the United Nations would live up to its name. So let us do it.。