经济学人14
英语学习_（6-10）《经济学人》中英对照_必备
英语学习_（6-10）《经济学⼈》中英对照_必备弃我去者，昨⽇之⽇不可留乱我⼼者，今⽇之⽇多烦忧TEXT 6Travelling with baggage背着⾏囊去旅⾏Feb 16th 2006From The Economist print edition（1）FEW modern travel writers excite more hostility and awe than Sir ★Wilfred Thesiger[1], who died in 2003. Despising the “drab uniformity of the modern world”, Sir Wilfred ★slogged across [2] Africa and Asia, especially Arabia, on animals and on foot, immersing himself in tribal societies. He delighted in killing—lions in Sudan in the years before the second world war, Germans and Italians during it. He disliked “soft”living and “★intrusive[3]”women and revered murderous savages, to whom he gave guns. He thought educating the working classes a waste of good servants. He kicked his dog. His journeys were more notable as feats of ★masochistic[4] endurance than as exploration. Yet his first two books, “Arabian Sands”, about his crossing of the Empty Quarter, and “The Marsh Arabs”, about southern Iraq, have a ★terse[5] brilliance about them. As records of ancient cultures on the ★cusp[6] of ★oblivion[7], they are unrivalled.现代游记作家鲜有⼈能⽐2003年去世的威福瑞?塞西格爵⼠更令⼈敬畏。
高考政治真题复习及答案
高考政治真题复习及答案政治主观试题越来越受到广大师生的重视，然而在我们的教学和考试中学生最怕，失分最多的依然是主观题。
下面小编给大家整理了关于高考政治真题复习及答案，欢迎大家阅读!高考政治真题复习及答案一、选择题1、16年海南4.据研究，每一位消费者身后大约有250个亲朋好友。
如果赢得了一位消费者的好感，就意味着赢得了250个人的好感;反之，如果得罪了一位消费者，也就意味着得罪了250个人。
这就是商场中的“250定律”。
据此，企业应该C①以消费者利益为经营目标，扩大市场②自觉遵守市场道德，坚持诚信经营③提高生产能力，确保市场经营④实施品牌战略，树立良好企业形象A. ①②B.①③C.②④D.③④2、16年海南5.受销量下降、原材料价格上涨的影响，我国某电视机生产企业2015年的利润率仅为1%。
为提高利润率，该企业采取的措施是D①发行企业债券，扩大企业生产规模②提高产品价格，抵消原材料价格的上涨③优化管理流程，降低生产成本④调整产品结构，满足多种消费需求A. ①②B.①③C.②④D.③④3、16年天津5. 大多市场风险是可以提高保险手段化解的。
以食品安全责任险为例，企业投保后一旦出现问题，保险公司可以按约及时补偿受害人，同时保险公司“连餐馆用啥碗都管”，有利于督促企业安全管理。
食品安全责任险C①是社会保险的重要组成部分②发挥了商业保险的经济补偿功能③是政府规范市场经济秩序的重要方式④促进食品企业提高产品质量，诚信经营A.①②B.③④C.②④D.①③4、16年浙江某市政府采取“一企一策”的办法推动“僵尸企业”问题的解决。
对符合破产条件的企业及时引入破产程序，对兼并重组后可以重生的企业促其兼并重组，对无意愿无能力继续生产的企业依法收回用地，盘活存量土地，从而促进了该市经济的快速发展。
回答第26-27题。
26.上述材料表明 ( D )①政府主要通过行政手段处置僵尸企业②破产有利于淘汰落后企业③破产和兼并有助于压缩企业规模④兼并可以提高企业和整个社会的资源利用效率A ①②B ①③C ③④ D②④5、16年陕西15. 近年来，服装企业越来越重视品牌建设。
经济学人世界大学商学院排名前100
安娜堡， 密歇
斯蒂芬罗斯 Michigan
Ross School of 根，美国/Ann
商学院
Business
Arbor,
Michigan, US
21
瑞士 IMD 商 IMD
International 洛桑，瑞士
学院
Institute for
/Lausanne
Management Switzerland
Darden school of Business
HEC School of Business IESE Business School
Harvard Business School
Haas School of Business
Leonard N Stern School of Business Graduate School of Business Columbia Business School
Business
士兰，澳大利
亚/Brisbane,
Queensland,
Australia.
17
埃默里大学 Emory University Goizueta
亚特兰大，乔
戈依祖塔商
School of
治亚州，美国
学院
Business
/Atlanta,
Georgia, US
18
欧洲工商管 INSEAD
INSEAD
Berlin,
Technology
Germany
27
香港大学商 University of Hong Faculty of
香港，中国
学院
Kong
Business and Hong Kong,
《经济学人》：科学怎么了
《经济学人》：科学怎么了导读：最新一期《经济学人》于10月正式出刊，本期封面文章是《科学怎么了》。
科学研究改变了世界，然而各种学术不正之风正阻碍人类认识世界，现在它该改变自己了。
一个简单的思想支撑着整个科学体系：“信任但要核实”，任何结论都需要接受实践的检验，这一简单且强大的思想促成了大量知识的产生。
17世纪以来，现代科技让世界发生了翻天覆地的变化，人类的生活也变得越来越好。
但是成功会滋生骄傲，现代科学家更关注信任和忽视了核实，这对整个科学界以及人类都将造成伤害。
许多发现都源自劣质的实验和糟糕的分析，而这样的发现充斥着学术界。
生物科技风投资本家有一个经验法则：一半公开发表的科研成果都无法复制，而这还是乐观的估计。
去年生物科技公司安进公司发现，在关于癌症研究的53项重大成果中，只有6项可被复制。
而稍早前，拜耳制药公司的一个团队重新实验了67篇有重要影响力的论文，最终成功的只有四分之一。
一位重量级计算机科学家焦虑的表示，在他的领域里四分之三的论文都毫无意义。
2000-2010年期间，应用于临床的研究专利大约有80000份被撤销，因为它们是错误的。
这些有缺陷的研究并没有伤及人们的生命，因为其中大部分没有机会上市，但是它却浪费了资金并消耗着一些世界上最优秀人才的精力。
阻碍社会进步的机会成本很难被量化，但是很可能非常大，而且还在不断上升。
一个原因是科技界的竞争。
50年代，在第二次世界大战大获成功后，现代科学研究初具规模，然而那时它仍是少数人的消遣，全体科学家人数也就几十万。
然而此后这个队伍不断膨胀，最新统计，活跃的科研人员约有六百万到七百万，科学家失去了对自我监督和质量管控的兴趣，“发表或毁灭”统治了学术界。
对工作岗位的竞争更加残酷，2012年美国全职教授平均年收入为13.5万美元，超过法官。
每一个学术岗位就有六个新毕业的博士争取。
如今核实(重复其他人的研究结论)对促进研究者的职业发展毫无帮助，然而如果不核实，不可靠的发现必将造成误导。
国际经济学_首都经济贸易大学中国大学mooc课后章节答案期末考试题库2023年
国际经济学_首都经济贸易大学中国大学mooc课后章节答案期末考试题库2023年1.一个大国最优关税的实施会引起（）参考答案:以上皆正确2.美联储的数量宽松型货币政策可能会导致美元贬值。
参考答案:正确3.由于资本管制等因素，汇率往往偏离利率平价。
参考答案:正确4.经常账户顺差表示该账户下，贷方余额减去借方余额大于零。
参考答案:正确5.偏好风险的投资者，对未来的即期汇率有确定的预期。
参考答案:正确6.美国的劳动者通常（）参考答案:反对美国对外投资7.跨国公司存在的基本原因是（）参考答案:其全球生产和销售网络具有竞争优势8.脑力流失（brain drain）是指（）参考答案:高技能员工从发展中国家流向发达国家9.开放宏观经济下，一国外部平衡目标就是国际收支平衡。
参考答案:正确10.开放宏观经济环境下，内外平衡目标有时候是有矛盾的。
参考答案:正确11.财政政策是需求管理政策，而货币政策不是。
参考答案:错误12.蒙代尔分配法则的核心是财政政策和货币政策在实现内外平衡方面的分工。
参考答案:正确13.有效市场的含义是，市场参与者众多。
参考答案:错误14.在蒙代尔分配法则中，用货币供给量代表货币政策。
参考答案:正确15.外汇管制是支出转换型政策。
参考答案:正确16.中国国际收支双顺差的意思是“经常账户顺差，资本与金融账户顺差”。
参考答案:正确17.错误与遗漏账户是一个交易账户。
参考答案:错误18.顺差对一国是好的，多多益善。
参考答案:错误19.中国出口外汇储备增加了，表明中国国际清偿能力增加了。
参考答案:正确20.顺差往往带来该国货币带来升值的压力。
参考答案:正确21.支出增减型政策可以理解为财政政策或者货币政策。
参考答案:正确22.斯旺模型中，外部平衡的含义是经常项目平衡。
参考答案:正确23.如果一个国家的生产可能性曲线是凹向原点的，那么这个国家在以下哪种商品上是机会成本递增的（）参考答案:商品A和B24.社区无差异曲线的特点是（）参考答案:以上都对25.产品X对Y的边际替代率指的是（）参考答案:在同一条无差异曲线上，多生产1单位的X所必须放弃的Y的数量26.对本章生产的机会成本递增阐述错误的是（）参考答案:生产要素投入比例不变27.以下关于一个国家封闭条件下的均衡，哪项表述不正确（）参考答案:它的消费点位于生产可能性曲线的里面28.亚当·斯密认为，国际贸易的基础是（）参考答案:绝对优势29.外凸的生产可能性曲线表明生产过程中的机会成本（）参考答案:递增30.按照比较优势的原则，劳动丰裕的国家应该进口（）参考答案:资本密集型产品31.以下哪项不是重商主义倡导的观点（）参考答案:自由贸易32.比较优势理论是（）提出的参考答案:大卫·李嘉图33.如果国家A每1单位劳动时间可以生产3单位X或者3单位Y，国家B每1单位劳动时间可以生产1单位X或者3单位Y，那么（）参考答案:国家A在生产X上具有比较优势34.李嘉图解释比较优势理论的基础是（）参考答案:劳动价值论35.两个国家相对产品价格的差异可能是基于（）参考答案:以上都正确36.假定机会成本不变，大国和小国进行贸易（）参考答案:小国可能获得全部贸易利益37.如果国家A每1单位劳动时间可以生产3单位X或者3单位Y，国家B每1单位劳动时间可以生产1单位X或者3单位Y，如果国家A拿3单位X 交换3单位Y，那么（）参考答案:国家B获利6单位Y38.一个贸易上的小国不具备以下哪个特征:（）参考答案:地理面积上是小国39.中国国际收支顺差最大的贡献者是贸易顺差。
经济学人》杂志原版英文(The_Economist整理版4-5)
Digest Of The. Economist. 2006(4-5)Hot to trotA new service hopes to do for texting what Skype did for voice callsTALK is cheap—particularly since the appearance of voice-over-internet services such as Skype. Such services, which make possible very cheap (or even free) calls by routing part or all of each call over the internet, have forced traditional telecoms firms to cut their prices. And now the same thing could be about to happen to mobilephone text messages, following the launch this week of Hotxt, a British start-up.Users download the Hotxt software to their handsets, just as they would a game or a ringtone. They choose a user name, and can then exchange as many messages as they like with other Hotxt users for £1 ($1.75) per week. The messages are sent as data packets across the internet, rather than being routed through operators' textmessaging infrastructure. As a result, users pay only a tiny data-transport charge, typically of a penny or so per message. Since text messages typically cost 10p, this is a big saving—particularly for the cost-conscious teenagers at whom the service is aimed.Most teenagers in Britain, and elsewhere in Europe, pay for their mobile phones on a “pre-paid” basis, rather than having a monthly contract with a regular bill. Pre-paid tariffs are far more expensive: bundles of free texts and other special deals, which can reduce the cost of text messaging, are generally not available. For a teenager who sends seven messages a day, Hotxt can cut the cost of texting by 75%, saving £210 per year, says Doug Richard, the firm's co-founder. For really intensive text-messagers, the savings could be even bigger: Josh Dhaliwal of mobileYouth, a market-research firm, says that some teenagers—chiefly boys aged 15-16 and girls aged 14-15—are “supertexters” who send as many as 50 messages per day.While this sounds like good news for users, it could prove painful for mobile operators. Text-messaging accounts for around 20% of a typical operator's revenues. With margins on text messages in excess of 90%, texting also accounts for nearly half of an operator's profits. Mr Richard is confident that there is no legal way that operators can block his service; they could raisedata-transport costs, but that would undermine their own efforts to push new services. Hotxt plans to launch in other countries soon.“The challenge is getting that initial momentum,” says Mr Dhaliwal. Hotxt needs to persuade people to sign up, so that they will persuade their friends to sign up, and so on. Unlike Skype, Hotxt is not free, so users may be less inclined to give it a try. But as Skype has also shown, once a disruptive, low-cost communications service starts to spread, it can quickly become very big indeed. And that in turn can lead to lower prices, not just for its users, but for everyone.A discerning viewA new way of processing X-rays gives much clearer imagesX-RAYS are the mysterious phenomenon for which Wilhelm Röntgen was awarded the first Nobel prize in physics, in 1901. Since then, they have shed their mystery and found widespread use in medicine and industry, where they are used to revealthe inner properties of solid bodies.Some properties, however, are more easily discerned than others. Conventional Xray imaging relies on the fact that different materials absorb the radiation to different degrees. In a medical context, for example, bones absorb X-rays readily, and so show up white on an X-radiograph, which is a photographic negative. But Xrays are less good at discriminating between different forms of soft tissue, such as muscles, tendons, fat and blood vessels. That, however, could soon change. For Franz Pfeiffer of the Paul Scherrer Institute in Villigen, Switzerland, and his colleagues report, in the April edition of Nature Physics, that they have manipulated standard X-ray imaging techniques to show many more details of the inner body.The trick needed to discern this fine detail, according to Dr Pfeiffer, is a simple one. The researchers took advantage not only of how tissues absorb X-rays but also of how much they slow their passage. This slowing can be seen as changes in the phase of the radiation that emerges—in other words of the relative positions of the peaks and troughs of the waves of which X-rays are composed.Subtle changes in phase are easily picked up, so doctors can detect even small variations in the composition of the tissue under investigation, such as might be caused by the early stages of breast cancer. Indeed, this trick—known as phase-contrast imaging—is already used routinely in optical microscopy and transmission electron microscopy. Until now, however, no one had thought to use it for medical X-radiography.To perform their trick, the researchers used a series of three devices called transmission gratings. They placed one between thesource of the X-rays and the body under examination, and two between the body and the X-ray detector that forms the image. The first grating gathers information on the phases of the X-rays passing through it. The second and third work together to produce the detailed phase-contrasted image. The approach generates two separate images—the classic X-ray image and the phase-contrasted image—which can then be combined to produce a high-resolution picture.The researchers tested their technique on a Cardinal tetra, a tiny iridescent fish commonly found in fish tanks and aquariums. The conventional X-ray image showed the bones and the gut of the fish, while the phase-contrasted image showed details of the fins, the ear and the eye.Dr Pfeiffer's technique would thus appear to offer a way to get much greater detail for the same amount of radiation exposure. Moreover, since it uses standard hospital equipment, it should be easy to introduce into medical practice. X-rays may no l onger be the stuff of Nobel prizes, but their usefulness may just have increased significantly.Here be dragonsWith luck, you may soon be able to buy a mythological petPAOLO FRIL, chairman and chief scientific officer of GeneDupe, based in San Melito, California, is a man with a dream. That dream is a dragon in every home.GeneDupe's business is biotech pets. Not for Dr Fril, though, the mundane cloning of dead moggies and pooches. He plans a range of entirely new animals—or, rather, of really quite old animals, with the twist that even when they did exist, it was only in the imagination.Making a mythical creature real is not easy. But GeneDupe's team of biologists and computer scientists reckon they are equal to the task. Their secret is a new field, which they call “virtual cell biology”.Biology and computing have a lot in common, since both are about processing information—in one case electronic; in the other, biochemical. Virtual cell biology aspires to make a software model of a cell that is accurate in every biochemical detail. That is possible because all animal cells use the same parts list—mitochondria for energy processing, the endoplasmic reticulum for making proteins, Golgi body for protein assembly, and so on.Armed with their virtual cell, GeneDupe's scientists can customise the result so that it belongs to a particular species, by loading it with a virtual copy of that animal's genome. Then, if the cell is also loaded with the right virtual molecules, it will behave like a fertilised egg, and start dividing and developing—first into an embryo, and ultimately into an adult.Because this “growth” is going on in a computer, it happens fast. Passing from egg to adult in one of GeneDupe's enormous Mythmaker computers takes less than a minute. And it is here that Charles Darwin gets a look in. With such a short generation time, GeneDupe's scientists can add a little evolution to their products.Each computer starts with a search image (dragon, unicorn, gryphon, etc), and the genome of the real animal most closely resembling it (a lizard for the dragon, a horse for the unicorn and, most taxingly, the spliced genomes of a lion and an eagle for the gryphon). The virtual genomes of these real animals are then tweaked by random electronic mutations. When they have matured, the virtual adults most closely resembling the targets are picked and cross-bred, while the others are culled.Using this rapid evolutionary process, GeneDupe's scientists have arrived at genomes for a range of mythological creatures—in a computer, at least. The next stage, on which they are just embarking, is to do it for real.This involves synthesising, with actual DNA, the genetic material that the computer models predict will produce the mythical creatures. The synthetic DNA is then inserted into a cell that has had its natural nucleus removed. The result, Dr Fril and his commercial backers hope, will be a real live dragon, unicorn or what have you.Tales of the unexpectedWhy a drug trial went so badly wrongIN ANY sort of test, not least a drugs trial, one should expect the unexpected. Even so, on March 13th, six volunteers taking part in a small clinical trial of a treatment known as TGN1412 got far more than they bargained for. All ended up seriously ill, with multiple organ failure, soon after being injected with the drug at a special testing unit at Northwick Park Hospital in London, run by a company called Parexel. One man remains ill in hospital.Small, preliminary trials of this sort are intended to find out whether a drug is toxic. Nevertheless, the mishap was so seri ous that Britain's Medic ines and Healthcare products Regulatory Agency (MHRA), a government body, swiftly launched a full inquiry.On April 5th it announced its preliminary findings. These were that the trial was run correctly, doses of the drug were given as they were supposed to have been, and there was no contamination during manufacturing. In other words, it seems that despite extensive tests on animals and human-cell cultures, and despite the fact that the doses in the human trial were only a five-hundredth of those given to the animals, TGN1412 is toxic in people in a way that simply had not shown up.This is a difficult result for the drug business because it raises questions about the right way of testing medicines of this kind. TGN1412 is unusual in that it is an antibody. Most drugs are what are known as “small molecules”. Antibodies are big, powerful proteins that are the workhorses of the immune system. A mere 20 of them have been approved for human therapy, or are in latestage clinical trails, in America and Europe, but hundreds are in pre-clinical development, and will soon need to be tried out on people.Most antibody drugs are designed to work in one of three ways: by recruiting parts of the immune system to kill cancer cells; by delivering a small-molecule drug or a radioactive atom specifically to a cancer; or by blocking unwanted immune responses. In that sense, TGN1412 was unusual because it worked in a fourth way. It is what is called a “superagonistic” antibody, designed to increase the numbers of a type of immune cell known as regulatory T-cells.Reduced numbers, or impaired function, of regulatory T-cells has been implicated in a number of illnesses, such as type 1 diabetes, multiple sclerosis and rheumatoid arthritis. Boosting the pool of these antibodies seemed like a good treatment strategy. Unfortunately, that strategy fell disastrously to pieces and it will take a little longer to find out why.The result highlights concerns raised in a paper just published by the Academy of Medical Sciences, a group of experts based in London. It says there are special risks associated with novel antibody therapies. For example, their chemical specificity means that they might not bind to their targets in humans as they do in other species.Accidence and substanceTwo possible explanations for the bulk of realityTHE unknown pervades the universe. That which people can see, with the aid of various sorts of telescope, accounts for just 4% of the total mass. The rest, however, must exist. Without it, galaxies would not survive and the universe would not be gently expanding, as witnessed by astronomers. What exactly constitutes this dark matter and dark energy remains mysterious, but physicists have recently uncovered some more clues, about the former, at least.One possible explanation for dark matter is a group of subatomic particles called neutrinos. These objects are so difficult to catch that a screen made of lead a light-year thick would stop only half the neutrinos beamed at it from getting through. Yet neutrinos are thought to be the most abundant particles in the universe. Some ten thousand trillion trillion—most of them produced by nuclear reactions in the sun—reach Earth every second. All but a handful pass straight through the planet as if it wasn't there.According to the Standard Model, the most successful description of particle physics to date, neutrinos come in three varieties, called “flavours”. These are known as electron neutrinos, tau neutrinos and muon neutrinos. Again, according to the Standard Model, they are point-like, electrically neutral and massless. But in recent years, this view has been challenged, as physicists realised that neutrinos might have mass.The first strong evidence came in 1998, when researchers at an experiment called SuperKamiokande, based at Kamioka, in Japan, showed that muon neutrinos produced by cosmic rays hitting the upper atmosphere had gone missing by the time they should have reached an underground detector. SuperKamiokande's operators suspect that the missing muon neutrinos had changed flavour, becoming electron neutrinos or—more likely—tau neutrinos. Theory suggests that this process, called oscillation, can happen only if neutrinos have mass.Since then, there have been other reports of oscillation. Results from the Sudbury Neutrino Observatory in Canada suggest that electron neutrinos produced by nuclear reactions in the sun change into either muon or tau neutrinos on their journey to Earth. Two other Japanese experiments, one conducted at Kamioka and one involving the KEK partic le-accelerator laboratory in Tsukuba, near Tokyo, also hint at oscillation.Last week, researchers working on the MINOS experiment at Fermilab, near Chicago, confirmed these results. Over the coming months and years, they hope to produce the most accurate measurements yet. The researchers created a beam of muon neutrinos by firing an intense stream of protons into a block of carbon. On the other side of the target sat a particle detector that monitored the number of muon neutrinos leaving the Fermilab site. The neutrinos then traveled 750km (450 miles) through the Earth to a detector in a former iron mine in Soudan, Minnesota.Myths and migrationDo immigrants really hurt American workers' wages?EVERY now and again America, a nation largely made up of immigrants and their descendants, is gripped by a furious political row over whether and how it should stem the flood of people wanting to enter the country. It is in the midst of just such a quarrel now. Congress is contemplating the erection of a wall along stretches of the Mexican border and a crackdown on illegal workers, as well as softer policies such as a guest-worker programme for illegal immigrants. Some of the arguments are plain silly. Immigration's defenders claim that foreigners come to do jobs that Americans won't—as if cities with few immigrants had no gardeners. Its opponents say that immigrants steal American jobs—succumbing to the fallacy that there are only a fixed number of jobs to go around.One common argument, though not silly, is often overstated: that immigration pushes down American workers' wages, especially among high-school dropouts. It isn't hard to see why this might be. Over the past 25 years American incomes have become less equally distributed, typical wages have grown surprisingly slowly for such a healthy economy and the real wages of the least skilled have actually fallen. It is plausible that immigration is at least partly to blame, especially because recent arrivals have disproportionately poor skills. In the 2000 census immigrants made up 13% of America's pool of workers, but 28% of those without a high-school education and over half of those with eight years' schooling or less.In fact, the relationship between immigration and wages is not clear-cut, even in theory. That is because wages depend on the supply of capital as well as labour. Alone, an influx of immigrants raises the supply of workers and hence reduces wages. But cheaper labour increases the potential return to employers of building new factories or opening new valet-parking companies. In so doing, they create extra demand for workers. Once capital has fully adjusted, the final impact on overall wages should be a wash, as long as the immigrants have not changed the productivity of the workforce as a whole.However, even if wages do not change on average, immigration can still shift the relative pay of workers of different types. A large inflow of low-skilled people could push down the relative wages of low-skilled natives, assuming that they compete for the same jobs. On the other hand, if the immigrants had complementary skills, natives would be relatively better off. To gauge the full effect of immigration on wages, therefore, you need to know how quickly capital adjusts and how far the newcomers are substitutes for local workers.Roaming holidayThe EU hopes to slash the price of cross-border mobile calls“TODAY it is only when using your mobile phone abroad that you realise there are still borders in Europe,” lamented Viviane Reding, the European commissioner responsible for telecoms and media regulation, as she announced plans to slash the cost of mobile roaming last month. It is a laudable aim: European consumers typically pay €1.25 ($1.50) per minute to call home from another European country, and €1 per minute to receive calls from home while abroad. With roaming margins above 90%, European mobile operators make profits of around €10 billion a year from the trade, the commission estimates.Ms Reding's plan, unveiled on March 28th and up for discussion until May 12th, is to impose a “home pricing” scheme. Even while roaming, callers would be charged whatever they would normally pay to use their phones in their home countries; charges for incoming calls while roaming would be abolished. That may sound good. But, as the industry is understandably at pains to point out, it could have some curious knock-on effects.In particular, consumers could sign up with operators in foreign countries to take advantage of lower prices. Everyone would take out subscriptions to the cheapest supplier and bring them back home, says John Tysoe of the Mobile World, a consultancy. “You'd end up with a complete muddle. An operator might have a network, bu t no customers, because they've all migrated.”Another problem with Ms Reding's plan, he says, is that operators would compensate for the loss of roaming fees— thought to account for around 3% of their revenues and 5% of profits—by raising prices elsewhere. This would have the perverse effect of lowering prices for international business travellers, a big chunk of roaming traffic, while raising prices for most consumers.The commission's proposals are “economically incoherent”, says Richard Feasey of Vodafo ne, which operates mobile networks in many European countries. Imposing price caps on roaming is legally questionable, he says, and Vodafone has, in any case, been steadily reducing its roaming charges. (European regulators prevented it from doing so for three years on antitrust grounds after its takeover of Mannesmann in 2000.) Orange, another multinational operator, says it is planning to make price cuts,too. “Of course, now everybody's got price cuts,” says Stefano Nicoletti of Ovum, a consultancy.But perhaps Ms Reding's unspoken plan is to use the threat of regulation as a way to prompt action. Operators are right that her proposals make no sense, but they are charging too much all the same. So expect them to lobby hard against the proposals over the next couple of years, while quietly cutting their prices—an outcome that would, of course, allow both sides to claim victory.Devices and their desiresEngineers and chemists get togetherTHERE used to be a world of difference between treating a patient with a device—such as a fake hip or a pacemaker—and using biology and biochemistry. Different ailments required wholly different treatments, often with little in common. But that is changing as medical advances—such as those being trumpeted at the biotechnology industry's annual gathering this week in Chicago—foster combinations of surgical implants and other hardware with support from medicines. Drug-releasing stents were one of the first fruits of this trend, which increasingly requires vastly different sorts of health-care firms to mesh their research efforts.That will be a challenge. While pharmaceutical and biotech firms are always in search of the next big thing, devicemakers prefer gradual progress. Instead of hanging out with breathless entrepreneurs near America's east and west coasts, where most drug and biotechnology firms are based, many of the device-makers huddle in midwestern cities such as Minneapolis, Indianapolis and Kalamazoo. And unlike Big Pharma, which uses marketing blitzes to tell ailing consumers about its new drugs, medical-device sales teams act more as instructors, showing doctors how to install their latest creations.Several companies, however, are now trying to bring these two business cultures together. Earlier this year, for example, Angiotech Pharmaceuticals, a Canadian firm, bought American Medical Instruments (AMI). Angiotech's managers reckon their company has devised a good way to apply drug coatings to all sorts of medical paraphernalia, from sutures and syringes to catheters, in order to reduce the shock to the body. AMI makes just the sorts of medical supplies to which Angiotech hopes to apply its techniques.One of America's biggest makers of medical devices, Medtronic, has been doing joint research with Genzyme, a biotechnology company that is also keen on broader approaches to health care. Genzyme says that it was looking for better ways to treat ailments, such as coronary and kidney disease, and realised that it needed to understand better how electro-mechanical devices and information technology work. But combining its efforts with those of Medtronic “on a cultural level is very hard”, the company says. Biotechnology firms are used to much more risky projects and far longer development cycles.Another difference is that device-makers know that if a problem emerges with their hardware, the engineers will tinker around and try to resolve the glitch. Biotech and pharmaceutical firms have no such option. If a difficulty emerges after years of developing and testing a new pill, as with Merck's Vioxx, there may be little they can do about it. “You can't futz with a molecule”, says Debbie Wang, a health-care industry analyst.Strangely, says Ms Wang, some of the most promising engineering outfits were once divisions of pharmaceutical andhealth-care companies, which got rid of them precisely because they did not appear to offer the rapid growth that managers saw in prescription drugs. Guidant, a maker of various cardiovascular devices, was spun off by Eli Lilly in 1994 and a decade later became the prize in a bidding war between Johnson & Johnson and Boston Scientific, which Boston won earlier this year.Pfizer sold Howmedica, which makes joint replacements and prosthetics, to Kalamazoo-based Stryker in 1998. Anotherjoint-replacement maker, Zimmer, was spun off from Bristol-Myers Squibb in 2001. Now both those companies are looking for ways to add “anti-interactive coatings”—ie, drugs—to their business. One of the most troublesome complications in joint replacement is infection.The big drug companies might be tempted to reacquire the firms that they let go. But, given the potential for cultural and strategic clashes, it may make more sense for a few big and broad medical-device makers, such as Medtronic, Boston Scientific and St Jude Medical, to continue consolidating their own industry while co-operating, along the lines of the Medtronic-Genzyme venture, with biotech and pharmaceutical firms as they see fit. There would still be irritation; but probably less risk of wholesale rejection.Eat less, live moreHow to live longer—maybeDIETING, according to an old joke, may not actually make you live longer, but it sure feels that way. Nevertheless, evidence has been accumulating since the 1930s that calorie restriction—reducing an animal's energy intake below its energy expenditure—extends lifespan and delays the onset of age-related diseases in rats, dogs, fish and monkeys. Such results have inspired thousands of people to put up with constant hunger in the hope of living longer, healthier lives. They have also led to a search for drugs that mimic the effects of calorie restriction without the pain of going on an actual diet.Amid the hype, it is easy to forget that no one has until now shown that calorie restriction works in humans. That omission, however, changed this month, with the publication of the initial results of the first systematic investigation into the matter. This study, known as CALERIE (Comprehensive Assessment of Long-term Effects of Reducing Intake of Energy), was sponsored by America's National Institutes of Health. It took 48 men and women aged between 25 and 50 and assigned them randomly to either a control group or a calorie-restriction regime. Those in the second group were required to cut their calorie intake for six months to 75% of that needed to maintain their weight.The CALERIE study is a landmark in the history of the field, because its subjects were either of normal weight or only slightly overweight. Previous projects have used individuals who were clinically obese, thus confusing the unquestionable benefits to health of reducing obesity with the possible advantages of calorie restriction to the otherwise healthy.At a molecular level, CALERIE suggests these advantages are real. For example, those on restricted diets had lower insulin resistance (high resistance is a risk factor for type 2 diabetes) and lower levels of low-density lipoprotein cholesterol (high levels are a risk factor for heart disease). They showed drops in body temperature and blood-insulin levels—both phenomena that have been seen in long-lived, calorie-restricted animals. They also suffered less oxidative damage to their DNA.Eric Ravussin, of Louisiana State University in Baton Rouge, who is one of the study's authors, says that such results provide support for the theory that calorie restriction produces a metabolic adaptation over and above that which would be expected from weight loss alone. (He also points out that it will be a long time before such work reveals whether calorie restriction actually extends life.) Nevertheless, such metabolic adaptation could be the reason why calorie restriction is associated with longer lifespans in other animals—and that is certainly the hope of those who, for the past 15 years, have been searching for ways of triggering that metabolic adaptation by means other than semi-starvation.The search for a drug that will stave off old age is itself as old as the hills—as is the wishful thinking of the suckers who finance such efforts. Those who hope to find it by mimicking the effect of calorie restriction are not, however, complete snake-oil salesmen, for there is known to be a family of enzymes called sirtuins, which act both as sensors of nutrient availability and as regulators of metabolic rate. These might provide the necessary biochemical link between starving and living longer.Universal service?Proponents of “software as a service” say it will wipe out traditional softwareSOMETHING momentous is happening in the software business. Bill Gates of Mi crosoft calls it “the next sea change”. Analysts call it a “tectonic shift” in the industry. Trade publications hail it as “the next big thing”. It is software-as-a-service (SaaS)—the delivery of software as an internet-based service via a web browser, rather than as a product that must be purchased, installed and maintained. The appeal is obvious: SaaS is quicker, easier and cheaper to deploy than traditional software, which means technology budgets can be focused on providing competitive advantage, rather than maintenance.This has prompted an outbreak of iconoclasm. “Traditional software is dead,” says Jason Maynard, an analyst at Credit Suisse. Just as most firms do not own generators, but buy electricity from the grid, so in future they will buy software on the hoof, he says. “It's the end of software as we know it. All software is becoming a service,” declares Marc Benioff of , thebest-known proponent of the idea. But while SaaS is growing fast, it still represents only a tiny fraction of the overall software industry—a mere $3.35 billion last year, estimates Mr Maynard. Most observers expect it to be worth around $12 billion by 2010—but even that is equal only to Microsoft's quarterly sales today. There is no denying that SaaS is coming. But there is much debate, even among its advocates, about how quickly it will grow, and how widely it will be adopted.At the moment, small and medium-sized businesses are the most enthusiastic adopters of SaaS, since it is cheaper and simpler than maintaining rooms of server computers and employing staff to keep them running. Unlike the market for desktop software,。
经济学人--2011关于JAPAN@EE
Lovesick Japan: Sex, Marriage, Romance, Law. By Mark West. Cornell University Press; 259 pages; $29.95 and £19.95.ON FEBRUARY 19th 2006 Kimiko and her married lover Tetsuo checked into an Osaka love-hotel, swallowed sedatives and slit their wrists. When they awoke at midnight and realised their suicides had failed, Tetsuo strangled Kimiko at her request, then tried to hang himself and cut his wrists again. Unsuccessful, he called the police. At the trial, where an American court would consider questions of intent, the Japanese court based its ruling on whether Kimiko was in love. If she was, the court reasoned, she may have consented to her murder and Tetsuo would receive a lighter sentence.Many facets of Japan seem mysterious to outsiders. Courts are sometimes obliged to seek answers to questions about love that may well be unanswerable. Yet in cases where love might indeed have a bearing, such as divorce, judges usually ignore the emotion entirely. Teasing out the mysteries of Japanese society by way of its statutes is the speciality of Mark West, a professor at Michigan Law School.In “Lovesick Japan” he trolls through 2,700 court opinions to paint a picture of a country that treats marriage more as an economic contract than an emotional bond. As seen by the judiciary, a little adultery should not trump marriage as an institution. “Japanese courts have no problem waltzing into bedrooms and brothels in ways that are not essential to deciding the case at hand,” he writes. “What they find there rarely seems to please them.”According to surveys, there seems to be less sex going on in Japan than in any other big country. A Health Ministry study in 2006 reported that as many as one-third of all married couples under the age of 50 had sex, or even kissed or held hands, less than once a month. Indeed, kissing itself was long considered unhygienic. It was encouraged during the American occupation in the belief that such Western ways might promote democracy and erode the patriarchal household system.Still, the Japanese are not shy about their fetishes and the law takes a permissive attitude to commercial sex. It is not illegal to pay for sex; a 1997 study showed that more than half of all men over 25 had done just that (and that for many of them it had been their first sexual experience). Though statutes prohibit everything from pimping to providing the venue, prostitution itself carries no penalty. And prostitution is defined exclusively as intercourse: other acts don’t count. As a result, “soaplands” (bathhouses where men are serviced by women) and “delivery health” (women dispatched to homes or hotels) are legitimate businesses.Mr West presents a judiciary that is sometimes out of step with the “sense of society” on which it regularly bases its rulings. In divo rce proceedings judges make it a virtue for wives to forgive adultery or overlook domestic violence.Judges may also go far beyond their brief to comment on social mores, In one instance, in 1991, a judge decided that modern appliances are partly responsible for failed marriages because they “give women time to contemplate”. In that particular case the judge rejected a wife’s request for divorce after years of physical abuse, living separately and even a suicide attempt because her husband did not cheat or gamble, and looked so forlorn in court. “They should search together for the bluebird they were unable to find before,” the judge ruled. The reference to a “bluebird” is as jarring in Japanese as it is in English.Judges use a multi-part test, that does not include love, to approve a contested divorce. Yet love plays a part in cases where it is perhaps less relevant. For instance, sexual relations with a minor is sometimes excused if the court rules there is love. Judges set out to decide whether the defen dant is “earnest”, which means either in love or contemplating marriage.In the case of rape, Japanese courts consider factors that American and European ones would not. Being drunk is a valid defence. One 1992 ruling suspended the sentences of two men ou t of compassion for what they “must have faced when the victim told them no”. A 1994 trial led to an acquittal in part because the victim’s “chastity is questionable”: she had slept with her boyfriend after a second date.An Osaka District Court ruling in 2008 acknowledged a victim’s lack of consent, but felt her resistance was insufficient. The 24-year-old man was simply told by the court to “reflect deeply” on his “inappropriate” act of having sex in a parked car on a public road with a 14-year-old he ha d met the day before. Japan’s penal code does not apply statutory rape to a person over 13.A problem with Mr West’s book is that he tends to generalise on contemporary life from what are clearly extreme cases, or from rulings that are 30 or so years old. He might, with advantage, have lifted his head from the law books and carried out more of the on-the-ground research that made the book he wrote in 2005, “Law in Everyday Japan: Sex, Sumo, Suicide and Statutes”, so good. In that book he examined Japanese society through the lens of law. Here, he takes the law and tries to make larger points about Japan. It is not quite as satisfying, nor is it such fun.“Lovesick Japan” reveals more about the judiciary than it does about society. But that is still a tale w orth telling. As for the late Kimiko and Tetsuo? “The court found love,” reports Mr West. Tetsuo was guilty only of aiding suicide and sentenced to a mere six and a half years in prison.。
《经济学人》ECO名人-人就一辈子100篇(中英版)41-50
TEXT 41The bane of Italy祸起意大利（陈继龙编译）Jun 29th 2006From The Economist print editionALEXANDER STILLE'S new book on Silvio Berlusconi, the flamboyant[1] former I talian prime minister, is neither a b________① nor a work of investigative journalism. Its real value is that it represents the firstattempt,in English at least, to recount in a readable fashion the story, not of Mr Berlusconi himself, but ofBerlusconi-ism.（1）That gives it a wide appeal, for, as its author argues persuasively, Berlusconi-ism is the extrapolation[2] to grotesque[3] extremes of a phenomenon that has gradually, and all too imperceptibly, become widespread.亚历山大·斯蒂莱的新作写的是个性张扬的意大利前任总理西尔维奥·贝鲁斯科尼，但它并非是一本传记，也不是新闻调查作品。
其真正的价值在于，它首次尝试以一种可读性较强的风格，记述了“贝鲁斯科尼主义”而不是贝鲁斯科尼的生平。
这也是本书独具魅力之所在，因为诚如作者很有说服力地论证的那样，“贝鲁斯科尼主义”是对某种现象怪诞至极时的推论，这种现象日趋普遍而所有人却都浑然不觉。
国际经济学：国际收支失衡及其影响、汇率决定、开放宏观经济政策组合习题与答案
一、判断题1、国际收支平衡表在账面上总是平衡的。
（）正确答案：√2、经常账户顺差表示该账户下，贷方余额减去借方余额大于零。
（）正确答案：√3、中国国际收支双顺差的意思是“经常账户顺差，资本与金融账户顺差”。
（）正确答案：√4、中国是货物的净出口国，服务的净出口国。
（）正确答案：×5、错误与遗漏账户是一个交易账户。
（）正确答案：×6、顺差对一国是好的，多多益善。
（）正确答案：×7、中国出口外汇储备增加了，表明中国国际清偿能力增加了。
（）正确答案：√8、顺差往往带来该国货币带来升值的压力。
（）正确答案：√9、中国国际收支顺差最大的贡献者是贸易顺差。
（）正确答案：√10、20世纪90年代以来外汇占款是中国央行扩张基础货币的主要渠道。
（）正确答案：×11、绝对购买力平价的基础是一价定律。
（）正确答案：√12、《经济学人》（The Economist）期刊多年来使用巨无霸指数来计算绝对购买力平价。
（）正确答案：√13、根据《经济学人》（The Economist）期刊计算的汇率和市场汇率一致。
（）正确答案：×14、相对购买力平价考虑的是某个时间段的汇率决定。
（）正确答案：√15、通货膨胀会影响汇率水平。
（）正确答案：√16、根据购买力平价，高通胀国家的货币会贬值，低通胀国家的货币会升值。
（）正确答案：√17、美联储的数量宽松型货币政策可能会导致美元贬值。
（）正确答案：√18、根据抛补套利平价，利率高的货币在远期外汇市场会升水。
（）正确答案：×19、由于资本管制等因素，汇率往往偏离利率平价。
（）正确答案：√20、偏好风险的投资者，对未来的即期汇率有确定的预期。
（）正确答案：√21、开放宏观经济下，一国外部平衡目标就是国际收支平衡。
（）正确答案：√22、开放宏观经济环境下，内外平衡目标有时候是有矛盾的。
（）正确答案：√23、金本位制度下，国际收支不能够自动调节。
经济学人外刊原稿
ambitions but their business cul t ure hasdeep provincial roots. They look back as much as forward. "We have existed since 1825 and have been doing the same thing since then," says Dieter Brand, chairman of the Sparkasse, or savings bank, in Bielefeld, the region's biggest town. In some sensesthe same is true of his corporate custom ers. Germany may have reformed and rearticulated its model in recent years. Butthe underlying skeleton is ancient, and perhaps inimitable.Two decades ago, the country seemed distinctly arthritic. The euphoria of unification in 1990 was followed by the sharpest recession since t he second world war.Some 50o,ooo manufacturing jobs were lost. Business was menaced by an overvalued n -mark, nimble Asian competitorsand unification's huge costs. The economy had become rigid and uncompetitive, moaned en t repreneurs. The then-president,Roman Herzog, cap t ured the zeitgeistin 1997 when he spoke of "the loss of economic dynamism, the torpor of society, an unbelievable mental depression". Reformers clamoured for elements of the Germanmodel, like vocational training and centralised wage bargaining, to be scrapped.Sha pi ng upInstead it was made more limber. Business outsourced some production to eastern Europe; fear of that process extracted concessions from German workers, who offeredflexibility on wages and work hoursin exchange for greater job security. In the subsequent decade manufacturing's shareof GDP rose even as it was falling elsewhere (see chart 3 on next page).In the early 2000s, with growth still inlow gear and unemployment in doubledigits, the then-chancellor, Gerhard Schroder, a Social Democrat, started another round of gruelling physiotherapy.His labour-market reforms reduced unemploymentbenefits and liberalised temporarywork. Since she became chancellor in2005 Mrs Merkel of the Christian Democrats has raised the pension age from 65 to67 and amended the constitution to require state and federal governments to cuttheir structural budget deficits to more or less zero (the template for what is now a Europe-wide agreement).Benefits thought to be sacrosanct were cut. Income inequality rose. But so did employment.Core workers in industrialfirms- the muscle behind Germany's manufacturing prowess- were not affected directly. But the rise in low-paid, insecure jobs has held down the cost of services, making it easier for factory workersto accept modest pay rises, points out Anke Hassel of the Hertie School of Governancein Berlin.The original assembly of the Germanmodel also dates to a recessionary crisis following hard on the heels of a unifica-I On the rebound 11GOP per pe r son,% change on p r evio u s yea r- Germany B rita i n- United States - E u r o a rea42+24----~----~----~----~- 6 1997 99 2001 03 05 07 09 * 1So u rc e: IM F • e sti ma te !for ecasttion: a 23-year-long slump starting in 1873,two years after Bismarck finally succeededin pulling Germany together into a single state. This Griindehrise and its prolongedaftermath forged new ideas about how capital, labour and the state should relateto one another.An 1884law created t he dual-board systemof corporate governance in its currentform, with a managing Vorstand answerableto a separate supervisory board.Among the supervisors were bankers,who provided "patient capital", and scientists, whose expertise was valued as highly.The vocational training system, set up during the 1880s, provided new producers of chemicals and machinery with skilled andloyal workers. Bismarck established the welfare state in part to cater to their needs.The way the health insurance systemworked required capital and labour to cooperate, paving the way for works councilsand, almost a century later, for mandatory representation for the workers on the supervisory boards of large companies.The "co-ordinated market economy"has withstood dictatorship, wars, revolutions and globalisation. It prizes trust, relyingon t he principle that nobody will"make full use of his freedom" by grabbing everything he can, says Wemer Abelshauser, an economic historian at the Universityof Bielefeld. Its elements are "soI Off balanceCur r e n t-accoun t ba l a n ces,% of GOP- Germany - E uro area - U ni t ed StatesBrita i n France - I ta l y8642~~~~~4-..--.-..-~~~~----~- 61997 99 2001 03 05 07 09 121So u r c e: IMF • Esti ma t e !Fore c a stThe Economist April 14th 2012tightly meshed", he has written, "that it would be difficult to replace any one of them wi t h an alien component."The trust and co-ordination may be national properties, but their roots are typicallyquite local. Before Bismarck, Germany's provinces, principalities andpalatinates often had rulers who werekeen to establish local industries. In 1678 Brandenburg's Great Elector gave Bielefeld the privilege of certifying the quality of lo cal linen, cementing its position as a cen t refor the textile trade. Centuries later Beckhoff's first customers made machines forthe furniture industry that had developedout of the crate-making trade that hadgrown with the export of textiles.Dozens of other regions can tell similar stories, and these concentrations have become part of the country's contemporary success. On a list of 100 clusters picked bythe European Cluster Observatory fortheir size, level of specialisation and loca tion in "innovative regions", Germany occupies 30 places.Germany experimented with American-style standardised production duringand after the second world war, which was one reason why it imported unskilledguest workers from Turkey and elsewhere. The Siren across the Atlantic called again in the 1990s and 2000s, urging Germany to deregulate, embrace services and maximise "shareholder value". When that callwas silenced by the financial crisis, "Germany had its consensus model to go backto," says Gustav Horn of the union-linked Macroeconomic Policy Institute.Small towns in GermanyHans Beckhoff, boss of the automation company that bears his name, does notcome off as a throwback. His silver-greyhair is modishly long, his collar unbuttoned.But some of his habits seem distinctlyold-fashioned. Take his approach todebt: he's against it. Investment in the companyis funded by him and his three siblings,the only shareholders. It is the samewith nearby Miele, a 113-year-old maker of kitchen equipment and white goods, with annual sales of €3 billion. This is not themost efficient way to run a company. With more leverage Mittelstand firms couldboost their pre-tax profit by several points, notes Arm in Schmiedeberg of Bain, a consultancy.He thinks they are wise not to.The point is not to maximise short-termprofit, says Markus Miele, a managing directora t his firm, bu t to aim at "where wewant to be when we hand over to the next generation." Mr Beckhoff says he fends off monthly offers to buy his company. Lack of financial ambition goes along with the observance of unwri tt en sumptuary laws."Families behind the Mittelstand live in an acceptable, modest and healthy way," saysMr Beckhoff.Maybe that is because they lean so ~~32 Briefing Germany's economic model~ heavily on the skilled workers the countryis so good at producing. Around half of German high-school students go on todual training in one of 344 trades, from tanner to dental technician. Many of t hecourses are set by unions and employers' federations. State and local governments provide the schools where apprentices get their theory. Chambers of commerce and industry run the exams. When foreignersask why youth unemployment is so low (just 8.2% compared wi t h Spain's so.s%), older Germans tou t the dual system.Young Germans are not so convinced; itis the first choice of just a fifth of highschool students, says Swen Binner of theBielefeld chamber of commerce. And thenumber of schoolleavers in owL is dropping by 2% a year while demand for skills is rising. Business is adapting by blurring the previously sharp distinction between vocationaland university training. Beckhoffnow offers "academic apprenticeships", which combine hands-on experience wi t h study at a technical university.The relationship between conscientious proprietors and diligent craftsmen isnot without conflict, but it is set in a governanceframework that contains disagree ments without stifling them, and can deliver flexibility. In the metal and electrical engineering sector, the heart of manufac turing, labour contracts still tend to be settledon an industry-wide basis (outsourcing trouble, as some bosses see it).Knowing what's kneadedThe entrepreneurs of owL are confidentthat global trends will continue to go their way. 5 billion people can reasonably aspire to join the 1 billion who are already well off, says Mr Beckhoff. It will take "a lot of engineering" to pull that off without environmentalruin and s t rife over resources,and t hat will provide ever more opportunities for manufacturers.As the aerospace industry turns to new materials like titanium and car makers shrink engines to boost efficiency, they provide machine-tool makers with new markets. And old markets can be refined as they grow. WP Kemper, a maker of baking equipment near Bielefeld, expects demand for dough to double over the next decade, as consumers in developing countries broaden their diets. The new generationof bakers will be unfamiliar with the mysteries of European bread, so Kemper is working on an "intelligent kneader" thatknows when dough is ready.Many Mittelstand firms are oligopolists, argues Mr Schmiedeberg, occupying niches so narrow that they attract few rivals. Increasingly, the niches are being defended with services, in t his context notthe term of derision it often is in manufacturingcircles. Beckhoff builds its own salesand maintenance networks, relying littleon dealers-unlike some of its non-Ger-I Making moreManufacturing,% o f G DP- Germany - I ta ly - E u roa r ea- United States Britain F r ance24222018 - 1614• ....... ~ 12 •10+1997 99 2001 03 05 07 09 10So u rc es: US B u r e au o f Econo mic Ana lys i s; Eu rost a tman competitors.The next stage is "hybrid value-added",in which the product is an outcome thatthe customer wants rather than the goodthat produces it. Wolf Heiztechnik of Bavaria is developing a contract under whichit sells t emperature control ra t her than heating equipment. "Every Chinese firmcan do the industrial part, not the whole hybrid," says Karl Lichtblau of IW Consult, a consultancy. Counting industry-related services, he reckons, manufacturing'sshare of GDP is more like 30% than 20%.In places like Bielefeld the future lookslike an extension of the past. Not everything changes at once, and institutions arethere to help out. When the machinebuilding department at Bielefeld's Universityof Applied Sciences looked in dangerof closing, industry drummed up interest among students to keep it open. IT's owL,a new initiative by machine builders, carpart suppliers and electronics companies, enlists universities to add intelligence to regionalproducts, like Kemper's smartkneader. "We are successful because we have companies behind us and companies ahead of us," says Mr Beckhoff. His advice to politicians: don't break the chain. But is the success of which he is justly proud enough? And is it something other countries can learn from?The platform for Germany's successI Paying lessUni t la b our c osts, t o tal economy, 2005=100B ri tain - Euro are a*- Uni t ed S t a t es - Germany12011010090807060,, , , , , , ,, , ,,, ,, , , ,,, , ..,1990 95 2000 05 10So u r c e: O E CD *Esti m ate 1990·94The Economist April 14th 2012looks precariously narrow. Vehicles, machines,electronic devices and chemicals account for more than half of Germany's exports, and exports provided nearly all Germany's growth from 2001 to 2007. Op timiststhink Germany can keep its shareof world trade, which grows twice as fast as global output, and thus stay ahead. Butthis is a big bet on a thin slice of the economy. Employment in manufacturingproper is less than a fifth of the total. In unglamorous,non-export oriented servicesGermany is in a much sorrier state. Stunted services depress incomes and investment. The OECD predicts that, as the population ages, potential growth will drop,falling below 1% by 2020. "The underlying issue is raising productivity in services and increasing wages in line with that," saysMr Tilford of the CER.Germany could do a lot more to perk up domestic demand. Deregulation of professionalservices would boost produc t ivityand inves t ment. Barriers to women working, including incentive-killing tax andbenefit regimes and a shortage of creches, should be removed. And Mr Tilford finds it "astonishing" that a country with a current-account surplus as big as Germany'sinsists on balancing its budget. Demographic decline could initially bea blessing, shifting power to workers as the workforce shrinks, with the subsequent increase in labour costs boosting domestic demand (see chart 4). Verdi, the services union, extracted a 6.3% pay rise from federal and municipal governments last month.In the engineering sector, where talks are under way, bosses are encountering amore assertive union. Domestic demand is expected to provide all this year's growth, partly because Germany's European trading partners are in such bad shape.Many of them would profit from becoming more like Germany in terms ofbuilding business success, but there are limits. Any leader with backing and boldness can imitate some of what Germanydid when its joints were stiffened, like raising the pension age (which France has onlyjust started on) or cutting social-security contributions, as Mr Sarkozy talks of do ing. Southern Europe's crash programmeof structural reform is partly inspired by Germany. The dual system may be exportable, though not overnight.But it is another matter to excel in highend capital goods or to assign to enterprise, unions and t he state roles that Germanyhas been practising, with disastrous interruptions,for more than a century. Duringthe crisis Italy introduced a short-time working scheme like Germany's, but the results were disappointing: Italian firmsand their workers could not mimic Germany's ordered flexibility. Germany canoffer lessons in how to get back into shape; but the essence of its model is rooted too deeply to be copied with ease. •。
《经济学人》常用词汇
《经济学人》常用词汇总结1、Absolute advantage 绝对优势2、Adverse choice 逆向选择3、Alternative cost 选择成本4、Arc elasticity of demand 需求的弧弹性5、Asymmetric information 非对称的信息6、Average cost 平均成本7、Average fixed cost 平均固定成本8、Average product 平均产品9、Average variable cost 平均可变成本10、Beta 投资的β11、Bond yield 债券收益12、Break-even chart 收支平衡图13、Budget line 预算线14、Bunding 捆绑销售15、Capital 资本16、Capital gain 资本收益17、Capitalism 资本主义18、Cardinal utility 基数效应19、Cartel 卡特尔20、Cobb-Douglas production function 科布-道格拉斯生产函数21、Collision 勾结22、Comparative advantage 比较优势23、Complements 互补品24、Constant-cost industry 成本不变行业25、Constant returns to scale 规模收益不变26、Consumer surplus 消费者剩余27、Contestable market 可竞争市场28、Contract curve 契约曲线29、Corner solution 角点解30、Cross elasticity of demand 需求的交叉弹性31、Deadweight loss of monopoly垄断的无谓损失32、Deadweight loss of monopsony 买方垄断的无谓损失33、Decreasing-cost industry 成本递减行业34、Decreasing return to scale 规模收益递减35、Demand curve 需求曲线36、Demand curve of loanable funds 可贷资金的需求曲线37、Discount rate 贴现率38、Diversifiable risk 可分散风险39、Dominant firm 主导厂商40、Dominant strategy 优势策略41、Duopoly 双头垄断42、Economic efficiency 经济效率43、Economic profit 经济利润44、Economic region of production 生产的经济区域45、Economic resource 经济资源46、Economies of scope 围经济47、Efficient markets hypothesis 有效市场假说48、Endowment position 财富状况49、Engel curve 恩格尔曲线50、Equilibrium 均衡51、Excess capacity 过剩生产能力52、Expansion path 扩路径53、Expected monetary vale期望货币价值54、Expected profit 预期利润55、Expected value of perfect information56、Explicit costs 显成本57、External diseconomy 外部不经济58、External economy 外部经济59、First-mover advantages 先动优势60、Fixed cost 固定成本61、Fixed input 不变投入品62、General equilibrium analysis 一般均衡分析63、Giffen’s paradox 吉芬反论64、Implicit cost 隐成本65、Income-compensated demand curve 收入补偿的需求曲线66、Income-consumption curve 收入-消费曲线67、Income effect 收入效应68、Income elasticity of demand 需求的收入弹性69、Increasing-cost industry成本递增的产业70、Increasing returns to scale 规模收益递增71、Indifference curve 无差异曲线72、Inferior good 劣质商品73、Innovation 创新74、Input 投入品75、Interest rate 利率76、Intermediate good 中间品77、Internal rate of return 部收益率78、Investment 投资79、Investment demand curve 投资需求曲线80、Isocost curve 等成本曲线81、Isoprofit curve 等利润曲线82、Isoquant 等产量曲线83、Isorevenue line 等收益线84、Kinked demand curve 折弯的需求曲线85、Labor 劳动86、Land 土地87、Law of diminishing marginal returns 边际收益递减率88、Lerner index 勒纳指数89、Learning curve 学习曲线90、Limit pricing 限制性定价91、Long run 长期92、Marginal cost 边际成本93、Marginal cost pricing 边际成本定价94、Marginal expenditure curve 边际支出曲线95、Marginal product 边际产品96、Marginal rate of product transformation 边际产品转换率97、Marginal rate of substitution 边际替代率98、Marginal revenue 边际收益99、Marginal revenue product 边际收益产品100、Marginal utility 边际效用101、Market 市场102、Market demand curve 市场需求曲线103、Market period 市场周期104、.Market structure 市场结构105、Market supply schedule 市场供给表106、Markup pricing加成定价107、Maximin strategy 最大最小策略108、Microeconomics 微观经济学109、Minmum efficient size of plant 工厂的最小有效规模110、Model模型111、Money income 货币收入112、Monopolistic competition 垄断竞争113、Monopoly 垄断114、Monopsony 买方垄断115、Moral hazard 道德风险116、Multinational firm 跨国公司117、Multiplant monopoly 多厂垄断118、Multiproduct firm 多产品厂商119、Mutual fund 共同基金120、Nash equilibrium 纳什均衡121、Natural monopoly 自然垄断122、Net-Present-Value Rule 净现值规则123、Nondiversifiable risk 不可分散的风险124、Nonprice competition 非价格竞争125、Normal goods 正常商品126、Oligopoly寡头垄断127、Oligopsony 买方寡头垄断128、Opportunity cost 机会成本129、Optimal input combination 最优投入品组合130、Ordinal utility 序数效用131、Pareto criterion 帕累托标准132、Partial equilibrium analysis 局部均衡分析133、Pecuniary benefits 货币收益134、Perfect Competition 完全竞争135、Perpetuity 不可兑换的公司债券136、Predatory pricing 掠夺性定价137、Present value 现值138、Price ceiling 最高限价139、Pric-consumption curve 价格-消费曲线140、Price discrimination 价格歧视141、Price elastic 富有价格弹性142、Price elasticity of demand 需求的价格弹性143、Price elasticity of supply 供给的价格弹性144、Price floor 最低限价145、Price inelastic缺乏价格弹性146、Price leader 价格领导者147、Price system 价格系统148、Principal-agent problem 委托-代理问题149、Prisoner`s dilemma 囚犯困境150、Private cost 私人成本151、Probability 概率152、Producer surplus 生产者剩余153、Production possibilities curve 生产可能性曲线154、Production function 生产函数156、Profit 利润157、Public good 公共物品158、Quasi-rent 准租金159、Quota 配额160、Ray 射线161、Reaction curve 反应曲线162、Real benefits 真实收益163、Rent 租金164、Ridge lines 脊线165、Risk 风险166、Risk averter 风险厌恶者167、Risk lover 风险爱好者168、Risk neutral 风险中性169、Saving 储蓄170、Second-degree Price discrimination 二级价格歧视171、Selling expenses 销售费用172、Short run 短期173、Social cost 社会成本174、Static efficiency 静态效率175、Strategic move 策略举措176、Substitutes 替代品177、Substitution effect 替代效应178、Supply curve 供给曲线179、Supply curve of loanable funds 可贷资金的供给曲线180、Target return 目标收益181、Tariff 关税182、Technological changes 技术进步183、Technology 技术184、Third－degree price discrimination 三级价格歧视185、Tit for tat 针锋相对186、Total cost 总成本187、Total cost function 总成本函数188、Total cost 总固定成本189、Total revenue 总收益190、Total surplus 总剩余191、Total utility 总效用192、Total variable cost 总可变成本193、Trading possibilities curve 贸易可能性曲线194、Transaction cost 交易成本门195、Transferable emissions permits 可转让的排放许可证196、Two-part tariff 双重收费197、Tying 搭售198、Unitary elasticity 单位弹性199、Utility 效用200、Utility of possibility curve 效用可能性曲线201、Value of marginal product 边际产品价值202、Variable cost 可变成本203、Variable input 可变投入品204、von Neumann-Morgenstern utility function •纽曼--摩根斯坦效用函数204、Winners curse 赢者的诅咒205、Ability－to－pay principle（of taxation）（税收的）支付能力原则206、Absolute advantage(in international trade）(国际贸易中的）绝对优势207、Accelerator principle 加速原理208、Actual,cycical and structual budget 实际预算、周期预算和结构预算209、Adaptive expectations 适用性预期210、Adjustable peg 可调整钉住211、Administered（or inflexible）prices 管理（或非浮动）价格212、Adverse selection 逆向选择213、Aggregate demand 总需求214、Aggregate demand（AD）curve 总需求曲线215、Aggregate supply 总供给216、Aggregate suppy(AS) curve 总供给曲线217、Allocative efficiency 配置效率218、Antitrust legislation 反托拉斯法219、Appreciation（of a currency）（通货）升值220、Appropriable 可分拨221、Arbitrage 套利222、Asset 资产223、Asset demand for money 货币的资产需求224、Automatic（or built－in）stabilizers 自动（或在）稳定器225、Average cost 平均成本226、verage cost curve，long－run（ LRAC或 LAC）长期平均成本曲线227、Average cost curve， short－run（ SRAC或 SAC）短期平均成本曲线228、Average fixed cost 平均固定成本229、Average product 平均产品230、Average propensity to consume 平均消费倾向231、Average revenue 平均收益232、Average variable cost 平均可变成本233、Balance of international payment 国际收支平衡表234、Balance of trade 贸易余额235、Balance of current account经常项目余额236、Balance sheet 资产负债表237、Balanced budget 平衡预算238、Bank，commercial 商业银行239、Bank money 银行货币240、bank reserves 银行准备会241、进入壁垒Barriers to entry242、Barter 易货贸易243、Benefit principle（of taxation）（税收的）受益原则244、Bond 债券245、Break－even point（in macroeconomics）（宏观经济学中的）收支相抵点246、Bretton woods System 布雷顿森林体系247、Broad money 广义货币248、Budget 预算249、Budget,balanced 平衡预算250、Budget constraint 预算约束251、Budget deficit 预算赤字252、Budget,government 政府预算253、Budget line 预算线254、Budget surplus 预算盈余255、Built-in stabilizers 在稳定器见自动稳定器（automatic stabilizers）256、Business cycles 商业周期257、C＋I,C＋I＋G,or C＋I＋G＋X schedule C＋I,C＋I＋G或 C＋I＋G＋X表258、Capital(capital goods,capital equipment）资本（资本商品，资本设备）259、Capital consumption allowance 资本消耗补偿见折旧（depreciation）260、Capital deepening 资本深化261、Capital gains 资本利得262、Capital markets 资本市场263、Capital－output ratio 资本-产出比率264、Capital widening 资本广化265、Capitalism 资本主义266、Cardinal utility 基数效用267、Cartel 卡特尔268、Central bank 中央银行269、Change in demand vs．change in quantity demanded 需求变化与需求量的变化270、Change in supply vs．supply in quantity 供给变动与供给且的变动271、Checking account（or bank money）支票（或银行货币）272、Chicago School of Economics （经济学）芝加哥学派273、Classical approach 古典理论274、Classical economics 古典经济学275、Classical theories（in macroeconomics）（宏观经济学中的）古典理论276、Clearing market 市场出清277、Closed economy 封闭经济见开放经济（open economy）278、Coase theorem 科斯定理279、Collective bargaining 集体谈判280、Collusion 勾结281、Collusive oligopoly 寡头勾结垄断282、Command economy 指令经济283、Commodity money 商品货币284、Common stock 普通股票285、Communism 共产主义286、Comparative advantage（in international trade）（国际贸易中的）比较优势287、Compensating differentials 补偿性（工资）差异288、Competition，imperfect 不完全竞争289、Competion，perfect 完全竞争290、Competitve equilibrium 竞争均衡291、Competitive market 竞争性市场292、Complements 互补品293、Compound interest 复利294、Concentration ratio 集中度295、Conglomerate 混合联合企业296、Conglomerate merger 混合兼并见兼并（merger）297、Constant returns to scale 规模报酬不变见规模报酬（returns to scale）298、Consumer price index 消费者价格指数（CPI）299、Consumer surplus 消费者剩余300、Consumption 消费301、Consumption function 消费函数302、Consumption-possibility line消费可能线见预算线（budget line）303、Cooperative equilibrium 合作性均衡304、Corporate income tax 公司所得税305、Corporation 公司306、Correlation 相关307、Cost，average 平均成本308、Cost，average fixed 平均固定成本309、Cost，average variable 平均可变成本310、Cost，fixed 固定成本311、Cost，marginal 边际成本312、Cost，minimum 最低成本313、Cost-push inflation 成本推动的通货膨胀314、Cost，total 总成本315、Cost，variable 可变成本316、Crawling（or sliding）peg 爬行（滑动）钉住317、Credit 信贷318、Cross elasticity of demand 需求的交叉弹性319、Crowding-out hypothesis 挤出（效应）假说320、Currency 通货321、Currency appreciation（or depreciation ）通货升值（或贬值）322、Current account 经常见贸易余额（balance of trade）323、Cyclical budget 周期预算324、Cyclical unemployment 周期性失业325、Deadweight loss 净损失326、Debit 借方327、Decreasing returns to scale 规模报酬递减328、Deficit spending 赤字性支出329、Deflating（of economic data）（经济数据）紧缩330、Deflation 通货紧缩331、Demand curve（or demand schedule）需求曲线（或需求表）332、Demand for money 货币需求333、Demand-pull inflation 需求拉动型通货膨胀334、Demography 人口学335、Depreciation（of an asset）（资产）折旧336、Depreciation（of a currency）（通货）贬值337、Depression 萧条338、Derived demand 派生需求339、Devaluation 降值340、Developing country 发展中国家见欠发达国家(less developed country)341、Differentiated products 差异产品342、Diminishing marginal utility，law of 边际效用递减规律343、Diminishing returns，law of 收益递减规律344、Direct taxes 直接税345、Discount rate 贴现率346、Discounting（of future income）（未来收人）折现347、Discrimination 歧视348、Disequilibrium 非均衡349、Disinflation 反通货膨胀350、Disposable income 可支配收入（DI）351、Disposable personal income 个人可支配收入352、Dissaving 负储蓄354、Division of labor 劳动分工355、Dominant equilibrium 占优均衡见占优战略（dominant strategy）356、Dominant strategy 占优战略357、Downward－sloping demand，law of 需求向下倾斜规律358、Duopoly 双头垄断359、Duopoly price war 双头垄断价格战360、Easy－money policy 宽松的货币政策361、Econometrics 经济计量学362、Economic goods 经济物品363、Economic growth 经济增长364、Economic reguation 经济管制365、Economic rent 经济租金见"经济租金"（rent， economic）366、Economic surplus 经济剩余367、Economics of information 信息经济学368、Economies of scale 规模经济369、Economies of scope 广度经济370、Effective tax rate 有效税率371、Efficiency 效率372、Efficiency－wage theory 有效工资理论373、Efficient market 有效市场374、Elasticity 弹性375、Employed 就业者参见"失业"（unemployment）376、Equal－cost line 等成本线377、Equal－product curve（or isoquant）等产量线378、Equilibrium 均衡379、Equilibrum（for a business firm）厂商均衡380、Equilibrium（for the individual consumer）单个消费者的均衡381、Equilibrium，competitive 竞争均衡见竟争均衡（competitive equilibrium）382、Equilibrium，general 一般均衡见一般均衡分析（general－equilibrium analysis）383、Equilibrium，macroeconomic 宏观经济均衡384、Equimarginal principle 等边际法则385、Exchange rate 汇率见外汇汇率（foreign exchange rate）386、Exchange-rate system 汇率制度387、Excise tax vs．sales tax 消费税和销售税388、Exclusion principle 排他原则389、Exogenous vs．induced variables 外生变量和引致变量390、Expectations 预期391、Expenditure multiplier 支出乘数参见乘数（multiplier）392、Exports 出口393、External diseconomies 外部不经济394、External economies 外部经济395、External variables 外部变量同外生变量（exogenous variables）396、Externalities 外部性397、Factors of production 生产要素398、Fallacy of composition 合成谬误399、Federal Reserve System 联邦储备系统美国的中央银行（centra bank）400、Fiat money 法定货币没有在价值（intrinsic value）401、Final goods 最终产品402、Financial economics 金融经济学403、Financial intermediary 金融中介404、Firm（business firm）厂商405、Fiscal-monetary mix 财政-货币政策组合406、Fiscal policy 财政政策407、Fiscal cost 固定成本见固定成本（cost，fixed）408、Fixed exchange rate 固定汇率见外汇汇率（foreign exchangs rate）409、Flexible exchange rates 弹性汇率制410、Floating exchange rates 浮动汇率制见弹性汇率制（flexibleexchange rates）411、Flow vs. stock 流量与存量412、Foreign exchange 外汇413、Foreign exchange market 外汇市场414、Foreign exchange rate 外汇汇率415、Fourfirm concentration rate 四企业集中度见集中度（concentration ratio）416、Fractional-reserve banking 部分准备金417、Free goods 免费品不属于经济品（economic goods）418、Free trade 自由贸易419、Frictional unemployment 磨擦性失业420、Full employment 充分就业421、Gains from trade 贸易利得422、Galloping inflation 急剧的通货膨胀见通货膨胀（inflation）423、Game theory 博弈论424、General-equilibrium analysis 一般均衡分析425、GDP deflator GDP紧缩指数426、GDP gap GDP缺口427、GNP 国民生产总值见国民生产总值（gloss national product）428、Gold standard 全本位制429、Government debt 政府债务430、Goverment expenditure multiplier 政府支出乘数431、Graduated income tax 累进所得税见个人所得税（income tax，personal）432、Gresham`s Law 格雷欣法则433、Gross domestic product，nominal（or nominal GDP）名义国生产总值(或名义GDP）434、Gross domestic product，real 实际国生产总值（实际GDP）435、Gross national product，nominal 名义国民生产总值（或名义GNP）436、Gross national product，real 实际国民生产总值（实际GNP）437、Growth accounting 增长核算438、Hedging 套期保值439、High-powered money 高能货币见基础货币（monetary base）440、Horizontal equity vs．vertical equity 横向平等与纵向平等441、Horizontal integration 横向整合见纵向整合与横向整合（integration， vertical vs．horizontal）442、Horizontal merger 横向兼井见兼并（merger）443、Human capital 人力资本444、Hyperinflation 恶性通货膨胀见通货膨胀（inflation）445、Imperfect competition 不完全竞争见不完全竞争（competition，imperfect）446、Imperfect competitor 不完全竞争者447、Implicit－cost elements 隐性成本要素显性货币成本（explicit money costs）448、Imports 进口见出口（exports）449、Inappropriability 不可分拨性见不可分拨（inappropriable）450、Inappropriable 不可分拨451、Incidence（or tax incidence）归宿，或税赋归宿452、Income 收入453、Income effect（of a price change）（价格变动的）收入效应454、Income elasticity of demand 需求的收入弹性455、Income statement 收益表456、Income tax，negative 负所得税见负所得税（egative income tax）457、Income tax，personal 个人所得税458、Income velocity of money 货币的收入周转率459、Incomes policy 收入政策460、Increasing returns to scale 递增的规模报酬见规模报酬（returns to scale）461、Independent goods 独立品462、Indexing（or indexation）指数化463、Indifference curve 无差异曲线464、indifference map 无差异曲线图465、Indirect taxes 间接税见直接税（direct taxes）466、Induced variables 引致变量467、Industry 产业468、Inertial rate of inflation 惯性通货膨胀率469、Infant industry 幼稚产业470、Inferior goods 低档品或劣等品471、Inflation（or inflation rate）通货膨胀（或通货膨胀率）472、Inflation targeting 通货膨胀目标473、Innovation 创新474、Inputs 投入475、Insurance 保险476、Integration，vertical vs．horizontal 纵向整合和横向整合477、Intellectual property rights 知识产权478、Interest 利息479、Interest rate 利率480、Intermediate goods 中间产品481、International monetary system（also International financial system）国际货币制度（国际金融体系）482、Intervention 干预483、Intrinsic value（of money）（货币的）在价值484、Invention 发明485、Investment 投资487、Invisible hand 看不见的手488、Involuntarily unemployed 非自愿失业见失业（unemployment）489、Iron law of wages 工资铁律490、Isoquant 等产量见等产量曲线（equal product curve）491、Keynesian economics 凯恩斯经济学492、Keynesian school 凯恩斯学派见凯恩斯主义经济学(Keynesian economics)493、Labor force 劳动力494、Labor－force participstion rate 劳动力参与率495、Labor productivity 劳动生产率见生产率（productivity）496、Labor supply 劳动供给497、Labor theory of value 劳动价值论498、Laissez－faire（"leave us along"）自由放任（“别来管我”）499、Land 土地500、Least－cost rule（of production）（生产的）最低成本法则501、Legal tender 法定清偿物502、Less developed country（LDC）欠发达国家503、Liabilities 负债504、Libertarianism 自由放任主义505、Limited Liability 有限责任506、Long run 长期507、Long－run aggregate supply schedule 长期总供给表508、Lorenz curve 洛伦茨曲线509、Lowest sustainable rate of unemployment（or LSUR）最低可持续失业率510、Lump－of－labor fallacy 劳动合成谬误511、M1、 M2参见货币供应(money supply）。
The Economist 《经济学人》常用词汇总结
The Economist 《經濟學人》常用詞彙總結1、絕對優勢（Absolute advantage）如果一個國家用一單位資源生產的某種產品比另一個國家多，那麼，這個國家在這種產品的生產上與另一國相比就具有絕對優勢。
2、逆向選擇（Adverse choice）在此狀況下，保險公司發現它們的客戶中有太大的一部分來自高風險群體。
3、選擇成本（Alternative cost）如果以最好的另一種方式使用的某種資源，它所能生產的價值就是選擇成本，也可以稱之為機會成本。
4、需求的弧彈性（Arc elasticity of demand）如果P1和Q1分別是價格和需求量的初始值，P2 和Q2 為第二組值，那麼，弧彈性就等於-（Q1-Q2）（P1+P2）/（P1-P2）（Q1+Q2）5、非對稱的信息（Asymmetric information）在某些市場中，每個參與者擁有的資訊並不相同。
例如，在舊車市場上，有關舊車品質的資訊，賣者通常要比潛在的買者知道得多。
6、平均成本（Average cost）平均成本是總成本除以產量。
也稱為平均總成本。
7、平均固定成本( Average fixed cost）平均固定成本是總固定成本除以產量。
8、平均產品（Average product）平均產品是總產量除以投入品的數量。
9、平均可變成本（Average variable cost）平均可變成本是總可變成本除以產量。
10、投資的β(Beta）β度量的是與投資相聯的不可分散的風險。
對於一種股票而言，它表示所有現行股票的收益發生變化時，一種股票的收益會如何敏感地變化。
11、債券收益(Bond yield）債券收益是債券所獲得的利率。
12、收支平衡圖（Break-even chart）收支平衡圖表示一種產品所出售的總數量改變時總收益和總成本是如何變化的。
收支平衡點是為避免損失而必須賣出的最小數量。
13、預算線(Budget line）預算線表示消費者所能購買的商品X和商品Y的數量的全部組合。
经济学人_精品文章中英对照
1.Whopper to go至尊汉堡，打包带走Will Burger King be gobbled up by private equity?汉堡王是否会被私人股本吞并？Sep 2nd 2010 | NEW YORKSHARES in Burger King (BK) soared on September 1st on reports that the fast-food company was talking to several private-equity firms interested in buying it. How much beef was behind these stories was unclear. But lately the company famous for the slogan “Have It Your Way” has certainly not been having it its own way. There may be arguments about whether BK or McDonald’s serves the best fries, but there is no doubt which is more popular with stockmarket investors: the maker of the Big Mac has supersized its lead in the past two years.有报道披露，快餐企业汉堡王（BK）正在与数个有收购意向的私人股本接洽，9月1日，汉堡王的股值随之飙升。
这些报道究竟有多少真材实料不得而知。
汉堡王的著名口号是“我选我味”，但如今显然它身不由己，心中五味杂陈。
汉堡王和麦当劳哪家薯条最好吃，食客们一直争论不休，但股票投资人更喜欢哪家股票，却一目了然：过去两年里，巨无霸麦当劳一直在扩大自己的优势。
《经济学人》智库化转型启示
视听2021.3|不断发展的媒介新技术带来海量的数据资源，传统的传媒方式与渠道也随之发生变化。
新形势之下，传统媒体不仅需要考虑如何传播信息，更需要进一步思考如何传播受众需要或者能够吸引受众的信息①。
传统媒体智库化转型成为传统媒体谋求发展的选项之一②，媒体可以尝试将传播与研究放在同等重要的位置。
“智库”这一概念最早出现在西方社会的政治生活中，被称作“第五权力”。
智库在西方社会一方面与政府密切合作，另一方面充当思想生产的角色，兼具内涵与深度③。
传统媒体先天具有传播信息的优势，同时相较其他社会组织占有更多信息资源。
传统媒体借助这些优势，对政治、经济、文化等社会问题进行分析梳理，给出对策建议，转型成为具有信息发布功能的智库，就是媒体的智库化转型。
传统媒体智库化建设大致可以分为两个阶段，分别对应两种媒体形态。
传统媒体智库化转型从完成智库研究成果的传播任务开始，这个时候的媒体主要作为智库的传播渠道存在④⑤；随后，媒体开始自身担负起信息分析工作，一面分析，一面传播，这时候的媒体作为智库的实体而存在⑥。
传统媒体面对智库化趋势有两条路可选。
媒体可以选择发展成为依托大众传媒渠道、以提供公共决策为目的的媒体智库，如“凤凰国际智库”（PIT ）⑦⑧⑨；媒体还可选择成为提供商业咨询和个性化定制解决策略的商业性质的媒体智库，如经济学人集团的“经济学人智库”（EIU ）⑩11〇。
一、EIU 现状早在1946年，经济学人集团就组建了EIU 团队。
该团队最初对内提供研究服务，为杂志提供政治、经济、学术动态方面的分析文章。
2010年以来，EIU 作为独立运营单元出现在集团财报，开始直接对外提供咨询、订阅服务。
(一)拥有专家型生产团队EIU 之所以能成为全球排名第九的盈利性智库，主要得益于其优秀的专家团队。
从EIU 官网页面我们可以了解到，EIU 目前拥有逾百名全职专家研究员和经济学家，其中75%为硕士及以上学历。
EIU 在全球设有24个办事机构，能够运用25种语言撰写报告。
现代金融的五次危机
M Y ｜古代的避孕和堕胎谁在毁法国之容在古代，子嗣传承是一个人一生中最重要的事，一个家庭的遗产同样由长子来继承。
这种遗产不仅包括物质上的，也包括精神上的，比如一个家庭的传统和名誉。
正因为如此，为了更好地进行子嗣传承的计划和控制，从美索不达米亚平原到古埃及，人们都对具有避孕和堕胎功效的物品有兴趣。
古代人最通行的做法是通过某些植物特殊的功效来达到避孕的效果。
比如在古埃及，人们会利用芹菜来进行避孕，具有类似功效的还有黄瓜和野生葡萄。
而古希腊医学则认为串叶松香草具有避孕和堕胎功效，这种植物原产地为北非，目前已经灭绝。
古希腊人同样认为芸香中蕴含的某些毒性物质能够用于堕胎。
为了利用这些植物中包含的具有避孕或者堕胎功效的物质，人们通常会把这些植物做成可以口服的摄入物，但将这些物质做成塞子状直接植入妇女体内也是常见的做法。
一堆堆乱石、一阵阵尘烟，又一座百年教堂轰然倒下，废墟中新哥特式的建筑风格依稀可见。
2013年4月，这座位于法国阿布维尔市的圣雅克教堂因年久失修被当地政府下令拆除，而教堂的遗址仅仅是被改建成一个休闲广场。
作为历史、文化财富深厚的大国，法国也面临着城市景观重塑的课题：一边是悠久的文物古迹，一边是城市现代化发展。
谁给谁让位，或者如何协调发展都是摆在城市管理者面前的一道难题。
据不完全统计，从2000年至今，法国境内至少有18座古教堂被拆毁，还有至少250座正处在消失的边缘，其命悬一线的关键是缺少维护修缮的费用。
尤其对于一个仅有几千人口的法国小镇来说，这是当地管理部门的一项不可承受之重的公共开支。
在拆毁文物的同时，商业气息浓厚的广告牌疯狂占领城市的边边角角，将人文气息浓郁的古朴城市景观分割得如拼图般杂乱斑驳。
现代金融的五次危机金融行业不仅容易遭受危机，也是从危机中成长起来的：美联储、纽约证交所、英国超大型银行，这些都是金融危机的产物。
研究过去的危机，有助于我们更好吸取教训。
危机一：1792年，现代金融业奠基。
经济学人economics2012年4月最新文章《美国总统大选开打》考研必备
美国总统大选开打作者：时间：2012年04月14 来源：Eco中文论坛已阅读386次爱思英语编者按：2012年1月3日的共和党艾奥瓦州党团会议正式拉开美国总统大选帷幕。
11月16日，美国全国选民将投票选出下一届美国总统。
12月17日，选举人团选出总统。
2013年1月6日，参众两院宣布获胜者。
2013年1月20日，新总统就职典礼。
America’s presidential election美国总统大选Game on大战开始The campaign looks likely to sharpen America’s divisions.总统竞选似乎深化了美国人的分歧。
AMERICA’S primary elections are not yet formally over, but with the exit of Rick Santorum it is at last plain that Mitt Romney will be the Republicans’ nominee. After the bruising primaries, Mr Romney starts from behind. Barack Obama leads in the head-to-head polls. But there are still seven months to election day, and Mr Romney has a fair chance of victory in November. Less than half of America’s voters approve of the way Mr Obama is doing his job. Six out of ten think the country is on the “wrong track”. The recovery is still weak and 12.7m Americans are unemployed. America added only 120,000 jobs in March, below expectations and fewer than in previous months.美国初选尚未正式结束，但随着里克·桑托利姆的退出，结果尘埃落定，米特·罗姆尼最终将成为共和党的提名人。
5英语阅读-经济学人《Economics》双语版-Stuff of dreams
Stuff of dreams梦想的精粹（译者注：本文是关于画展的评论。
）Two exhibitions show how a pair of 18th-century painters, James Barry and Henry Fuseli, inspired the modern visual ★romance with[1] the gothic两个画展展示的是，两位18世纪画家——詹姆斯•巴里和亨利•富塞利——如何唤起了现代人从视觉上对哥特式艺术的憧憬。
THIS spring the bad boys of British art are ★making a comeback[2]. Not Damien Hirst and his friends, but the original ★enfants terribles[3]—★Henry Fuseli[4] (1741-1825) and James Barry (1741-1806)—who aimed, above all, to depict extremes of passion and terror in what they called the new art of the Sublime.今春，英国艺术界的坏孩子再次粉墨登场了。
我们说的不是达米恩•赫斯特和他的朋友们，而是亨利•富塞利（1741-1825）和詹姆斯•巴里（1741-1806），这两位“莽撞少年”的始作俑者，他们的首要目标就是要用所谓的“新派高尚艺术”去描绘极度激情与恐怖。
Barry and Fuseli are hardly household names; indeed since Victorian times they have been virtually ignored. But in the late 18th century, Fuseli, and for a short time Barry also, were prominent members of the young Royal Academy of Arts (RA) and influential professors of painting there. Barry's ★fall from grace[5] was the most dramatic, but there is much to admire in this irascible Irish artist who, like Fuseli, once taught William Blake. Barry's prolific historical paintings demonstrate his ambition to rival the painters of antiquity and the Renaissance and to practise what the then president of the RA, Sir Joshua Reynolds, always preached—that history painting was the noblest form of art. （1）But Barry found it hard to be bound by rules, and he turned history and myth into a series of ★tableaux[6] that were at once oddly expressionistic and deeply personal.巴里和富塞利这两个名字算不上家喻户晓，实际上自维多利亚时代以来，世人对他们已经不闻不问。
《经济学人》双语精读 NO.1
原文：Speech is silver, silence is goldDONALD TRUMP and Joe Biden are not merely the two oldest candidates to contest a presidential election. They also may be the most prolix. Their speaking styles differ—Mr Trump riffs while Mr Biden rambles; Mr Trump nurses personal grievances and Mr Biden tells stories — but they both love to talk. However, in the run-up to last night’s debate, the campaign’s second and last, both campaigns signalled that they wanted their candidates to allow the other more speaking time.||译文：特朗普和拜登不只是两位年龄最大的总统候选人，他们有可能是最啰嗦的。
他们讲话风格不同——特朗普喜欢重复，而拜登则东拉西扯；特朗普心怀不满，而拜登则讲述故事——但他们都有一个共同特点：能说。
然而，在昨晚辩论的准备阶段（这是竞选活动的第二场也是最后一场辩论），双方竞选团队都表示，希望各自候选人能给对方更多的发言时间。
Mr Trump’s campaign believed that the more Mr Biden spoke, the likelier he was to ramble and lose his train of thought, which would give credence to their charge that he has lost his mental acuity. Mr Biden’s camp—judging by the first debate’s aftermath, in which Mr Biden’s polling lead grew after Trump repeatedly interrupted, hectored and insulted him—reasoned that the more airtime Mr Trump gets, the less voters like him.||译文：特朗普的竞选团队认为，拜登讲的越多，就越有可能胡言乱语、失去思路，从而使他们的“拜登精神敏锐度下降”这一说法更加可信。
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furnish[ˈfɜːnɪʃ] vt. 提供；供应 collateral[kəˈlætərəl] n. 抵押品，担保品 bond[bɒnd] n. 债券 issued[ˈɪʃu:d] v. 发布；（正式）发给
@红糖小饼干
The Bank of Mexico said it would begin dollar auctions. Earlier this month, the Reserve Bank of India (RBI), which does not have a Fed swap line, but does have almost $482bn of its own foreign-exchange reserves, offered $2bn to its banks. It received bids worth over $4.6bn, prompting it to offer another $2bn auction on March 23rd.
@红糖小饼干
the Economist
经济学人 2020年
@红糖小饼干
@红糖小饼干
When america and its allies wanted to cheapen the dollar in 1985, their officials met in the Plaza Hotel in New York. When they sought to stabilise the currency two years later, they gathered in the Louvre Palace in Paris, conversing over turbot soufflé cardinale washed down with Puligny Montrachet, according to Funabashi Yoichi, a former journalist.
scramble[ˈskræmbl] v.爬，攀登；争抢， tame[teɪm] vt. 驯养；使变得平淡；制服 Plaza and Louvre accords《广场协议》和《卢浮宫协议》 resonant[ˈrezənənt] adj. 洪亮的，共振的；共鸣的
@红糖小饼干
America’s Federal Reserve has already tried to alleviate dollar scarcity by reviving a network of swap lines, which allow other central banks to borrow dollars in exchange for the equivalent amount in their own currencies, swapping them back again up to three months later.
deflationary[ˌdiːˈfleɪʃəneri] adj. 通货紧缩的 peso[ˈpeɪsəʊ] n. 比索（拉丁美洲一些国家和菲律宾的货币单位） tuck[tʌ
See ya ！
ease[iːz] v. 减轻，缓解 reintroduce[ˌriːɪntrəˈdjuːs] vt. 再引入；再提出；再介绍
@红糖小饼干
Many of these central banks are now busily furnishing dollars to banks at home. The Bank of Japan has offered over $156bn since March 17th. Its counterparts in the euro area, Britain and Switzerland have lent over $182bn combined. On March 18th Brazil’s central bank began offering dollar loans to financial institutions that could provide Brazilian government bonds, issued in global markets, as collateral.
appetite[ˈæpɪtaɪt] n. 食欲；嗜好 warrant[ˈwɒrənt] vt. 保证；担保；批准
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In 2015 Randall Henning of the American University in Washington, DC, proposed that the fund could decide confidentially which of its members has the “very strong” policies and institutions required to qualify for its own precautionary, strings-free loans.
zoom[zuːm] n.疾驰的声音；变焦摄影 dole[dəʊl] v. 发放，施给 conduct[kənˈdʌkt] v. 组织，实施 allies[ˈæ,laɪz] n.同盟国；协约国 currency[ˈkʌrənsi] n. 货币；通货 Louvre Palace卢浮宫 conversing谈话
eligible[ˈelɪdʒəbl] adj. 合格的，合适的；符合条件的 calculate[ˈkælkjuleɪt] vt. 计算；预测；认为 emerging[i'mə:dʒiŋ] adj. 走向成熟的；新兴的 Chile[ˈtʃɪli] n. 智利
@红糖小饼干
If the dollar resumes its upward march, America’s Treasury could also help weaken it by buying other currencies, points out Zach Pandl of Goldman Sachs. But what to buy? The traditional choices would be the euro and the yen.
precautionary[prɪˈkɔːʃənəri] adj. 预防的；留心的 string[striŋz] n.附带条件
@红糖小饼干
These countries would then also become eligible for a Fed swap line. If ever they could not repay, the fund would lend them the money to do so. Mr Henning calculated that, in addition to Mexico and South Korea, another seven emerging markets might qualify, including Chile and Malaysia.
resume[rɪˈzjuːm] vt. （中断后）重新开始，继续 yen[jen]n. 日元
@红糖小饼干
But both Japan and the euro area fear the deflationary impact of a stronger currency. A better bet, Mr Pandl argues, might be Mexico’s peso or Brazil’s real. It’s just a pity officials cannot share a meal and a bottle of fine wine before they tuck in to each other’s currencies.■
@红糖小饼干
Could the Fed extend these lines further? It has no appetite for assessing which countries warrant its help, or bearing the risk that it might not get its dollars back. Some have therefore suggested it should team up with the IMF.
accord[əˈkɔːd] n. ；协议 greenback[ˈɡriːnbæk] n. 美钞 auction[ˈɔːkʃn; ˈɒkʃn] n. 拍卖 stabilise['steɪbɪlaɪz] vt. 使坚固
@红糖小饼干
The dollar is again a cause of international concern, strengthening from March 9th to 20th, as companies, banks and countries scrambled for the world’s dominant currency, before falling a little this week. But if the world’s policymakers wish to tame it again, where will they meet? In a time of lockdowns, any successor to the Plaza and Louvre accords will have a less resonant name.