英语演讲稿-Atoms for Peace by 德怀特·艾森豪威尔
Order of the Day英文演讲稿
流行的事物英文演讲稿
下面介绍的是流行的事物英文演讲稿,希望对您有所帮助！
德怀特戴维艾森豪威尔(1890-1969)在1952年转向政治时,艾森豪威尔也被证明是这一领域的成功指挥官。
赢得共和党总统提名后,他以压倒性优势击败了民主党候选人阿德莱史蒂文森。
因此,他成为美国第34任总统,也是20年来第一位共和党总统。
* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *
盟军远征军的士兵、水手和飞行员们,你们即将开始伟大的十字军东征,我们已经为此奋斗了好几个月。
全世界的目光都注视着你,各地热爱自由的人们的希望和祈祷与你同行。
与我们勇敢的盟友和其他战线上的兄弟们一起,你们将摧毁德国战争机器。
纳粹对欧洲被压迫人民的仇恨合法化,以及我们在自由世界的安全。
你的任务并不容易。
你的敌人训练有素,装备精良,久经沙场。
他将会野蛮地战斗,但这是1944年,自从1940年纳粹胜利后，41年发生了这样的事情。
联合国在公开的战斗中给德国人造成了巨大的失败。
我们的空袭严重削弱了他们的空中力量和地面作战能力。
我们的
前线已经给了我们万人的武器弹药上压倒性的优势,并为我们提供了大量训练有素的战士储备。
大势已去,世界上的自由人正一起走向胜利
我完全相信你的勇气、忠于职守和战斗技巧。
我们只接受完全的胜利。
祝你好运,让我们祈求万能的上帝保佑这项伟大而崇高的事业。
以上就是流行的事物英文演讲稿的内容,感谢阅读。
英语故事-He Won a War and Two Elections, and Made Everybody Like Him
英语故事He Won a War and Two Elections, and MadeEverybody Like Him德怀特•戴维•艾森豪威尔，美国第34任总统，他赢了一场战争和两次选举，人人都喜欢他。
他还被美国的权威期刊《大西洋月刊》评为影响美国的100位人物第28名。
He Won a War and Two Elections, and Made Everybody Like Him - Dwight EisenhowerDwight David “Ike” Eisenhower (October 14, 1890 –march 28, 1969) was a five-star general in the United States army and the 34th president of the United States, from 1953 until 1961. During World War II, he served as supreme commander of the allied forces in Europe, with responsibility for planning and supervising the successful invasion of France and Germany in 1944–45, from the western front. In 1951, he becamethe first supreme commander of NATO.A republican, Eisenhower entered the 1952 presidential race to counter the isolationism of senator Robert A. Taft, and to crusade against “communism, Korea and corruption”(that is, the policies of President Harry Truman in those areas). he won by a landslide, ending two decades of new deal control of the white house. As president, Eisenhower threatened to use nuclear weapons, forcing china to agree to a cease-fire of the Korean War. He maintained pressure on the Soviet Union during the cold war, gave priority to inexpensive nuclear weapons and reduced the other forces to save money. He had to play catch-up in the space race after the soviets launched the sputnik satellite in 1957. On the domestic front, he helped remove Joseph McCarthy from power but otherwise left most political chores to his vice president, Richard Nixon. Eisenhower refused to roll-back the new deal, but instead enlarged the social security program and launched the interstate highway system. He was the first term-limited president in accordance with the 22nd amendment. His two termswere peaceful, and generally prosperous except for a sharp economic recession in 1958–59. Historians typically rank Eisenhower among the top ten U.S. presidents.Athletic careerEisenhower later said that “not making the baseball team at west point was one of the greatest disappointments of my life, maybe my greatest.” however he did make the high visibility football team, and was a varsity starter as running back and linebacker in 1912. In a bit of a fabled match-up, he even tackled the legendary Jim Thorpe in a 1912 game. But Ike injured his knee; it became permanently damaged on horseback and in the boxing ring. He would later serve as junior varsity football coach and yell leader.In 1916, while stationed at fort Sam Houston, Eisenhower was football coach for St. Louis College, now St. Mary’s university.Eisenhower played golf very enthusiastically later in life, and joined the Augusta national golf club in 1948. He played golf frequently during his two terms as president, and after his retirement as well, never shying away from the media interest about his passion for golf. he had a small, basic golf facility installed at Camp David, and became close friends with Augusta national chairman Clifford Roberts, inviting Roberts to stay at the white house on several occasions; Roberts, an investment broker, also handled the Eisenhower family’s investments. Roberts also advised Eisenhower on tax aspects of publishing his memoirs, which proved to be financially lucrative.World War IIAfter the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, Eisenhower was assigned to the general staff in Washington, where he served until June 1942 with responsibility for creating the major war plans to defeat Japan and Germany. He was appointed deputy chief in charge of pacific defenses under the chief of war plans division, General Leonard T. Gerow, and then succeeded Gerow as chief of the war plans division. Then he was appointed assistant chief of staff in charge of operations division under chief of staff general George C. Marshall, who spotted talent and promoted accordingly.In 1942, Eisenhower was appointed commanding general, European theater of operations (ETOUSA) and was based in London. In November, he was also appointed supreme commander allied (expeditionary) force of the North African theater of operations (NATOUSA) through the new operational headquarters A(E)FHQ. The word “Expeditionary”was dropped soon after hisappointment for security reasons. In February 1943, his authority was extended as commander of AFHQ across the Mediterranean basin to include the British 8th army, commanded by General Bernard law Montgomery. The 8th army had advanced across the western desert from the east and was ready for the start of the Tunisia campaign. Eisenhower gained his fourth star and gave up command of ETOUSA to be commander of NATOUSA. After the capitulation of axis forces in North Africa, Eisenhower oversaw the invasion of Sicily and the invasion of the Italian mainland.In December 1943, Roosevelt decided that Eisenhower—not Marshall—would be supreme allied commander in Europe. In January 1944, he resumed command of ETOUSA and the following month was officially designated as the supreme allied commander of the allied expeditionary force (SHAEF), serving in a dual role until the end of hostilities in Europe in may 1945. In these positions he was charged with planning and carrying out the allied assault on the coast of Normandy in June 1944 under the code name operation overlord, theliberation of Western Europe and the invasion of Germany. A Month after the Normandy d-day landings on June 6, 1944, the invasion of southern France took place, and control of the forces which took part in the southern invasion passed from the AFHQ to the SHAEF. From then until the end of the war in Europe on May 8, 1945, Eisenhower through SHAEF had supreme command of all operational allied forces2, and through his command of ETOUSA, administrative command of all U.S. forces, on the western front north of the Alps.As recognition of his senior position in the allied command, on December 20, 1944, he was promoted to General of the Army, equivalent to the rank of field marshal in most European armies. In this and the previous high commands he held, Eisenhower showed his great talents for leadership and diplomacy. Although he had never seen action himself, he won the respect of front-line commanders. He dealt skillfully with difficult subordinates such as Patton, and allies such as Winston Churchill, field marshal Bernard Montgomery and General Charles De Gaulle. He had fundamental disagreementswith Churchill and Montgomery over questions of strategy, but these rarely upset his relationships with them. He negotiated with soviet marshal Zhukov, and such was the confidence that President Franklin D. Roosevelt had in him; he sometimes worked directly with Stalin, much to the chagrin of the British high command who disliked being bypassed.It was never certain that operation overlord would succeed. The seriousness surrounding the entire decision, including the timing and the location of the Normandy invasion, might be summarized by a second shorter speech that Eisenhower wrote in advance, in case he needed it. Long after the successful landings on d-day and the BBC broadcast of Eisenhower’s brief speech concerning them, the never-used second speech was found in a shirt pocket by an aide. It read:Our landings in the Cherbourg Havre area have failed to gain a satisfactory foothold and I have withdrawn the troops.My decision to attack at this time and place was based on the best information available. The troops, the air and the navy did all that bravery and devotion to duty could do. If any blame or fault attaches to the attempt, it is mine alone.Presidency 1953–1961Throughout his presidency, Eisenhower preached a doctrine of dynamic conservatism. He continued all the major new deal programs still in operation, especially social security. He expanded its programs and rolled them into a new cabinet-level agency, the department of health, education and welfare, while extending benefits to an additional ten million workers. His cabinet, consisting of several corporate executives and one labor leader, was dubbed by one journalist, “eight millionaires and a plumber.”Eisenhower won his second term in 1956 with 457 of 531 votes in the Electoral College, and 57.6% of the popular vote.Post-presidencyEisenhower retired to the place where he and Mamie had spent much of their post-war time, a working farm adjacent to the battlefield at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania. In 1967, the Eisenhowers donated the farm to the national park service and since 1980 it has been open to the public as the Eisenhower national historic site. In retirement, he did not completely retreat from political life; he spoke at the 1964 republican national convention and appeared with Barry Goldwater in a republican campaign commercial from Gettysburg.。
【著名演讲】持久的和平指日可待_德怀特·艾森豪威尔【声音字幕同步PPT】
the wise resolution of which will better shape the future
of the nation. My own relations with the Congress,
which began on a remote
and tenuous basis when long ago,
【著名演讲】持久的和平指日可待 Dwight David Eisenhower 德怀
特·艾森豪威尔
Good evening my fellow Americans.
First, I should like to express my gratitude to the radio
and television networks for the opportunities they have given me over the years
a member of the Senate appointed me to West Point,
have since ranged
to the intimate during the war and immediate postwar period and finally to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years.
of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony
the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor. This evening, I come to you with a message
美国总统在民权峰会上的主旨英语演讲稿
美国总统在民权峰会上的主旨英语演讲稿Thank you. Thank you very much. (Applause.) Thank you so much. Please,please, have aseat. Thank you.What a singular honor it is forme to be here today. I want to thank,first and foremost, theJohnson family for giving us this opportunity and thegraciousness with which Michelle and Ihave been received.We came down a little bit latebecause we were upstairs looking at some of the e某hibits andsome of theprivate offices that were used by President Johnson and Mrs. Johnson. And Michellewas in particular interested to-- of a recording in which Lady Bird is critiquing PresidentJohnson’sperformance. (La ughter.) And she said, come, come, you need to listento this. (Laughter.) And she pressed the button and nodded herhead. Some things do not change --(laughter) -- even 50 years later.To all the members of Congress,the warriors for justice, the elected officials andcommunity leaders who arehere today -- I want to thank you.Four days into his suddenpresidency -- and the night before he would address a jointsession of theCongress in which he once served -- Lyndon Johnson sat around a table withhisclosest advisors, preparing his remarks to a shattered and grieving nation.He wanted to call on senators andrepresentatives to pass a civil rights bill -- the mostsweeping sinceReconstruction. And most of his staffcounseled him against it. They said itwashopeless; that it would anger powerful Southern Democrats and committeechairmen; that itrisked derailing the rest of his domestic agenda. And one particularly bold aide said he didnotbelieve a President should spend his time and poweron lost causes, howeverworthy they mightbe. To which, it issaid, President Johnson replied, “Well, what the hell’s the presidencyfor?” (Laughter and applause.) What the hell’s the presidency for if not tofight for causes youbelieve in?Today, as we commemorate the 50thanniversary of the Civil Rights Act, we honor the menand women who made itpossible. Some of them are heretoday. We celebrate giants like JohnLewisand Andrew Young and Julian Bond. Werecall the countless unheralded Americans, blackand white, students andscholars, preachers and housekeepers -- whose names are etched notonmonuments, but in the hearts of their loved ones, andin the fabric of thecountry theyhelped to change.But we also gather here, deep inthe heart of the state that shaped him, to r ecall one giantman’s remarkableefforts to make real the promise of our founding: “We hold these truths to beself-evident,that all men are created equal.”Those of us who have had thesingular privilege to hold the office of the Presidency knowwell that progressin this country can be hard and it can be slow, frustrating andsometimesyou’re stymied. The office humblesyou. You’re reminded daily that in thisgreatdemocracy, you are but a relay swimmer in the currents of history, boundby decisions madeby those who came before, reliant on the efforts of those whowill follow to fully vindicate yourvision.But the presidency also affords aunique opportunity to bend those currents -- by shapingour laws and by shapingour debates; by working within the confines of the world as it is, butalso byreimagining the world as it should be.This was President Johnson’sgenius. As a master of politics and thelegislative process, hegrasped like few others the power of government tobring about change.LBJ was nothing if not arealist. He was well aware that the lawalone isn’t enough to changehearts and minds. A full century after Lincoln’s time, he said, “Until justice is blind tocolor, untileducation is unaware of race, until opportunity is unconcernedwith the co lor of men’s skins,emancipation will be a proclamation but not afact.”He understood laws couldn’taccomplish everything. But he also knewthat only the law couldanchor change, and set hearts and minds on a differentcourse. And a lot of Americansneeded the law’s most basic protections at that time. As Dr. King said at the time, “It may betrue that the law can’t make a manlove me but it can keep him from lynching me, and I thinkthat’s pretty important.” (Applause.)And passing laws was what LBJknew how to do. No one knew politics andno one lovedlegislating more than President Johnson. He was charming when he needed to be,ruthlesswhen required. (Laughter.) He could wear you down with logic andargument. He could horsetrade, and hecould flatter. “You come with me on thisbill,” he would reportedly tell a keyRepublican leader from my home stateduring the fight for the Civil Rights Bill, “and 200 yearsfrom now,schoolchildren will know only two names: Abraham Lincoln and Everett Dirksen!” (Laughter.) And he knew thatsenators would believe things like that. (Laughter and applause.) President Johnson likedpower. He liked the feel of it, thewielding of it. But that hunger washarnessedand redeemed by a deeper understanding of the human condition; by a sympathyforthe underdog, for the downtrodden, for the outcast. And it was a sympathy rooted in hisowne某perience.As a young boy growing up in theTe某as Hill Country, Johnson knew what being poor feltlike. “Poverty was so common,” he would later say,“we didn’t even know it had a name.” (Laughter.) Thefamily homedidn’t have electricity or indoor plumbing. Everybody workedhard, including the children. President Johnson had known the metallictaste of hunger; the feelof a mother’s calloused hands, rubbed raw fromwashing and cleaning and holding a householdtogether. His cousin Ava remembered sweltering daysspent on her hands and knees in thecotton fields, with Lyndon whisperingbeside her, “Boy, there’s got to be a better way to make aliving thanthis. There’s got to be a better way.”It wasn’t until years later whenhe was teaching at a so-called Me某ican school in a tiny townin Te某as that hecame to understand how much worse the persistent pain of poverty could beforother races in a Jim Crow South. Oftentimes his students would show up to class hungry.And when he’d visit their homes, he’d meetfathers who were paid slave wages by the farmersthey worked for. Those children were taught, he would latersay, “that the end of life is in a beetrow, a spinach field, or a cottonpatch.”Deprivation and discrimination --these were not abstractions to Lyndon Baines Johnson.He knew that poverty and injustice are asinseparable as opportunity and justice are joined.So that was in him from an early age.Now, like any of us, he was not aperfect man. His e某periences in ruralTe某as may havestretched his moral imagination, but he was ambitious, veryambitious, a young man in a hurryto plot his own escape from poverty and tochart his own political career. And inthe Jim CrowSouth, that meant not challenging convention. During his first 20 years in Congress,heopposed every civil rights bill that came up for a vote, once calling the pushfor federallegislation “a farce and a sham.” He was chosen as a vice presidential nominee in p art becauseof hisaffinity with, and ability to deliver, that Southern white vote.And at the beginning of theKennedy administration,he shared with President Kennedy a caution towards racialcontroversy.But marchers kept marching. Four little girls were killed in achurch. Bloody Sundayhappened. The winds of change blew. And when the time came, when LBJ stood in theOvalOffice -- I picture him standing there, taking up the entire doorframe,looking out over theSouth Lawn in a quiet moment -- and asked himself what thetrue purpose of his office was for,what was the endpoint of his ambitions, hewould reach back in his own memory and he’dremember his own e某perience withwant.And he knew that he had a uniquecapacity, as the most powerful white politician from theSouth, to not merelychallenge the convention that had crushed the dreams of so many, buttoultimately dismantle for good the structures of legal segregation. He’s the only guy whocould do it -- and heknew there would be a cost, famously saying the Democratic Party may“have lostthe South for a generation.”That’s what his presidency wasfor. That’s where he meets hismoment. And possessed withan iron will,possessed with those skills that he had honed so many years in Congress,pushedand supported by a movement of those willing to sacrifice everything for theirownliberation, President Johnson fought for and argued and horse traded andbullied and persuadeduntil ultimately he signed the Civil Rights Act into law.And he didn’t stop there -- eventhough his advisors again told him to wait, again told himlet the dust settle,let the country absorb this momentous decision. He shook them off. “Themeat inthe coconut,” as President Johnson would put it, was the Voting Rights Act, sohe foughtfor and passed that as well. Immigration reform came shortly after. And then, a Fair HousingAct. Andthen, a health care law that opponents described as “socialized medicine” thatwouldcurtailAmerica’s freedom, but ultimately freed millions of seniors fromthe fear that illnesscould rob them of dignity and security in their goldenyears, which we now know today asMedicare. (Applause.) What President Johnson understoodwas that equality required more than the absence ofoppression. It required the presence of economicop portunity. He wouldn’t be as eloquentasDr. King would be in describing that linkage, as Dr. King moved intomobilizing sanitationworkers and a poor people’s movement, but he understoodthat connection because he hadlived it. A decent job, decent wages, health care -- those, too, were civil rightsworth fightingfor. An economy wherehard work is rewarded and success is shared, that was his goal. And heknew, as someone who had seen the NewDeal transform the landscape of his Te某as childhood,who had seen thedifference electricity had made because of the Tennessee Valley Authority,thetransformation concretely day in and day out in the life of his own family, heunderstood thatgovernment had a role to play in broadening prosperity to allthose who would strive for it.“We want to open the gates toopportunity,” President Johnson said, “But we are also goingto give all ourpeople, black and white, the help they need to walk through those gates.”Now, if some of this soundsfamiliar, it’s because today we remain locked in this same greatdebate aboutequality and opportunity, and the role of government in ensuring each. As wastrue 50 years ago, there are those whodismiss the Great Society as a failed e某periment and anencroachment onliberty; who argue that government has become the true source of all thatailsus, and that poverty is due to the moral failings of those who suffer fromit. There are alsothose who argue,John, that nothing has changed; that racism is so embedded in our DNAthatthere is no use trying politics -- the game is rigged.But such theories ignore history. Yes, it’s true that, despite laws like theCivil Rights Act,and the Voting Rights Act and Medicare, our society is stillracked with division and poverty.Yes,race still colors our political debates, and there have been governmentprograms that havefallen short. In atime when cynicism is too often passed off as wisdom, it’s perhaps easytoconclude that there are limits to change; that we are trapped by our ownhistory; and politicsis a fool’s errand, a nd we’d be better off if we rollback big chunks of LBJ’s legacy, or at least ifwe don’t put too much of ourhope, invest too much of our hope in our government.I reject such thinking. (Applause.) Not just because Medicare and Medicaid have liftedmillions fromsuffering; not just because the poverty rate in this nation would be farworsewithout food stamps and Head Start and all the Great Society programs thatsurvive tothis day.I reject suchcynicism because I have lived out the promise of LBJ’s efforts. BecauseMichelle has lived out the legacy ofthose efforts. Because my daughters havelived out thelegacy of those efforts. Because I and millions of my generation were in a position to takethebaton that he handed to us. (Applause.)Because of the Civil Rightsmovement, because of the laws President Johnson signed, newdoors ofopportunity and education swung open for everybody -- not all at once, but theyswungopen. Not just blacks and whites,but also women and Latinos; and Asians and NativeAmericans; and gay Americansand Americans with a disability. Theyswung open for you, andthey swung open for me. And that’s why I’m standing here today -- because of thoseefforts,because of that legacy. (Applause.)And that means we’ve got a debtto pay. That means we can’t afford to becynical. Half acentury later, the lawsLBJ passed are nowas fundamental to our conception of ourselves andourdemocracy as the Constitution and the Bill of Rights. They are foundational; an essentialpiece ofthe American character.But we are here today because weknow we cannot be complacent. Forhistory travels notonly forwards; history can travel backwards, history cantravel sideways. And securing thegainsthis country has made requires the vigilance of its citizens. Our rights, our freedoms --they are notgiven. They must be won. They must be nurtured through struggle anddiscipline,and persistence and faith.And one concern I have sometimesduring these moments, the celebration of the signing ofthe Civil Rights Act,the March on Washington -- from a distance, sometimes thesecommemorations seeminevitable, they seem easy. All the painand difficulty and struggle anddoubt -- all that is rubbed away. And we look at ourselves and we say, oh,things are just toodifferent now; wecouldn’t po ssibly do what was done then -- these giants, whattheyaccomplished. And yet, they were men andwomen, too. It wasn’t easy then. It wasn’tcertain then.Still, the story of America is astory of progress. However slow, howeverincomplete, howeverharshly challenged at each point on our journey, howeverflawed our leaders, however manytimes we have to take a quarter of a loaf orhalf a loaf -- the story of America is a story ofprogress. And that’s true because of men like PresidentLyndon Baines Johnson. (Applause.In so many ways, he embodiedAmerica, with all our gifts and all our flaws, in all ourrestlessness and allour big dreams. This man -- born intopoverty, weaned in a world full ofracial hatred -- somehow found within himselfthe ability to connect his e某perience with thebrown child in a small Te某astown; the white child in Appalachia; the black child in Watts. Aspowerful as he became in that Oval Office,heunderstood them. He understood whatit meant tobe on the outside. And hebelieved that their plight was his plight too; that his freedomultimately waswrapped up in theirs; and that making their lives better was what the hellthepresidency was for. (Applause.)And those children were on hismind when he strode to the podium that night in the HouseChamber, when hecalled for the vote on the Civil Rights law. “It never occurred to me,” he said, “in my fondest dreams that I mighthave the chance to help the sons and daughters of thosestudents” that he hadtaught so many years ago, “and to help people like them all overthiscountry. But now I do have thatchance. And I’ll let you in on a secret-- I mean to use it.And I hope that youwill use it with me.” (Applause.)That was LBJ’s greatness. That’s why we remember him. And if there is one thing that heand thisyear’s anniversary should teach us,if there’s one lesson I hope that Malia andSasha andyoung people everywhere learn from this day, it’s that with enougheffort, and enoughempathy, and enough perseverance, and enough courage, peoplewho love their country canchange it.In his final year, PresidentJohnson stood on this stage, racked with pain, battered by thecontroversies ofVietnam, looking far older than his 64 years, and he delivered what would behisfinal public speech.“We have proved that greatprogress is possible,” he said. “We knowhow much still remainsto be done. Andif our efforts continue, and if our will is strong, and if our hearts areright, and ifcourage remains our constant companion, then, my fellowAmericans, I am confident, wesha ll overcome.” (Applause.)We shall overcome. We, the citizens of the United States. Like Dr. King, like AbrahamLincoln, likecountless citizens who have driven this country ine某orably forward, PresidentJohnsonknew that ours inthe end is a story of optimism, a story ofachievement and constant strivingthat is unique upon this Earth. He knew because he had lived that story. He believed thattogether we can build anAmerica that is more fair, more equal, and more free than the oneweinherited. He believed we make our owndestiny. And in part because of him, wemust believeit as well.Thank you. God bless you. God bless the United States of America. (Applause.)。
奥巴马总统在民权峰会上的主旨英语演讲稿
奥巴马总统在民权峰会上的主旨英语演讲稿what a singular honor it is forme to be here today. i want to thank,first and foremost, thejohnson family for giving us this opportunity and thegraciousness with which michelle and ihave been received.we came down a little bit latebecause we were upstairs looking at some of the exhibits andsome of theprivate offices that were used by president johnson and mrs. johnson. and michellewas in particular interested to-- of a recording in which lady bird is critiquing presidentjohnson sperformance. (laughter.) and she said, come, come, you need to listento this. (laughter.) and she pressed the button and nodded herhead. some things do not change --(laughter) -- even 50 years later.to all the members of congress,the warriors for justice, the elected officials andcommunity leaders who arehere today -- i want to thank you.four days into his suddenpresidency -- and the night before he would address a jointsession of thecongress in which he once served -- lyndon johnson sat around a tablewithhisclosest advisors, preparing his remarks to a shattered and grieving nation.he wanted to call on senators andrepresentatives to pass a civil rights bill -- the mostsweeping sincereconstruction. and most of his staffcounseled him against it. they said itwashopeless; that it would anger powerful southern democrats and committeechairmen; that itrisked derailing the rest of his domestic agenda. and one particularly bold aide said he didnotbelieve a president should spend his time and power on lost causes, howeverworthy they mightbe. to which, it issaid, president johnson replied, well, what the hell s the presidencyfor? (laughter and applause.) what the hell s the presidency for if not tofight for causes youbelieve in?today, as we commemorate the 50thanniversary of the civil rights act, we honor the menand women who made itpossible. some of them are heretoday. we celebrate giants like johnlewisand andrew young and julian bond. werecall the countless unheralded americans, blackand white, students andscholars, preachers and housekeepers -- whose names are etched notonmonuments, but in the hearts of their loved ones, and in the fabric of thecountry theyhelped to change.but we also gather here, deep inthe heart of the statethat shaped him, to recall one giantman s remarkableefforts to make real the promise of our founding: we hold these truths to beself-evident,that all men are created equal.those of us who have had thesingular privilege to hold the office of the presidency knowwell that progressin this country can be hard and it can be slow, frustrating andsometimesyou re stymied. the office humblesyou. you re reminded daily that in thisgreatdemocracy, you are but a relay swimmer in the currents of history, boundby decisions madeby those who came before, reliant on the efforts of those whowill follow to fully vindicate yourvision.but the presidency also affords aunique opportunity to bend those currents -- by shapingour laws and by shapingour debates; by working within the confines of the world as it is, butalso byreimagining the world as it should be.this was president johnson sgenius. as a master of politics and thelegislative process, hegrasped like few others the power of government tobring about change.lbj was nothing if not arealist. he was well aware that the lawalone isn t enough to changehearts and minds. a full century after lincoln s time, he said, until justice is blind tocolor, untileducation is unaware of race, until opportunity isunconcernedwith the color of men s skins,emancipation will be a proclamation but not afact.he understood laws couldn taccomplish everything. but he also knewthat only the law couldanchor change, and set hearts and minds on a differentcourse. and a lot of americansneededthe law s most basic protections at that time. as dr. king said at the time, it may betrue that the law can t make a manlove me but it can keep him from lynching me, and i thinkthat s pretty important. (applause.)and passing laws was what lbjknew how to do. no one knew politics andno one lovedlegislating more than president johnson. he was charming when he needed to be,ruthlesswhen required. (laughter.) he could wear you down with logic andargument. he could horsetrade, and hecould flatter. you come with me on thisbill, he would reportedly tell a keyrepublican leader from my home stateduring the fight for the civil rights bill, and 200 yearsfrom now,schoolchildren will know only two names: abraham lincoln and everett dirksen! (laughter.) and he knew thatsenators would believe things like that. (laughter and applause.)president johnson likedpower. he liked the feel of it, thewielding of it. but that hunger washarnessedand redeemedby a deeper understanding of the human condition; by a sympathyforthe underdog, for the downtrodden, for the outcast. and it was a sympathy rooted in hisownexperience.as a young boy growing up in thetexas hill country, johnson knew what being poor feltlike. poverty was so common, he would later say, we didn t even know it had a name. (laughter.) the family homedidn t have electricity or indoor plumbing. everybody workedhard, including the children. president johnson had known the metallictaste of hunger; the feelof a mother s calloused hands, rubbed raw fromwashing and cleaning and holding a householdtogether. his cousin ava remembered sweltering daysspent on her hands and knees in thecotton fields, with lyndon whisperingbeside her, boy, there s got to be a better way to make aliving thanthis. there s got to be a better way.it wasn t until years later whenhe was teaching at a so-called mexican school in a tiny townin texas that hecame to understand how much worse the persistent pain of poverty could beforother races in a jim crow south. oftentimes his students would show up to class hungry.and when he d visit their homes, he d meetfathers who were paid slave wages by the farmersthey worked for. those children were taught, hewould latersay, that the end of life is in a beetrow, a spinach field, or a cottonpatch.deprivation and discrimination --these were not abstractions to lyndon baines johnson.he knew that poverty and injustice are asinseparable as opportunity and justice are joined.so that was in him from an early age.now, like any of us, he was not aperfect man. his experiences in ruraltexas may havestretched his moral imagination, but he was ambitious, veryambitious, a young man in a hurryto plot his own escape from poverty and tochart his own political career. and inthe jim crowsouth, that meant not challenging convention. during his first 20 years in congress,heopposed every civil rights bill that came up for a vote, once calling the pushfor federallegislation a farce and a sham. he was chosen as a vice presidential nominee in part becauseof hisaffinity with, and ability to deliver, that southern white vote. and at the beginning of thekennedy administration,he shared with president kennedy a caution towards racialcontroversy.but marchers kept marching. four little girls were killed in achurch. bloody sundayhappened. the winds of change blew. and when the time came, when lbj stood in theovaloffice -- ipicture him standing there, taking up the entire doorframe,looking out over thesouth lawn in a quiet moment -- and asked himself what thetrue purpose of his office was for,what was the endpoint of his ambitions, hewould reach back in his own memory and he dremember his own experience withwant.and he knew that he had a uniquecapacity, as the most powerful white politician from thesouth, to not merelychallenge the convention that had crushed the dreams of so many, buttoultimately dismantle for good the structures of legal segregation. he s the only guy whocould do it -- and heknew there would be a cost, famously saying the democratic party may have lostthe south for a generation.that s what his presidency wasfor. that s where he meets hismoment. and possessed withan iron will,possessed with those skills that he had honed so many years in congress,pushedand supported by a movement of those willing to sacrifice everything for theirownliberation, president johnson fought for and argued and horse traded andbullied and persuadeduntil ultimately he signed the civil rights act into law.and he didn t stop there -- eventhough his advisors againtold him to wait, again told himlet the dust settle,let the country absorb this momentous decision. he shook them off. themeat inthe coconut, as president johnson would put it, was the voting rights act, sohe foughtfor and passed that as well. immigration reform came shortly after. and then, a fair housingact. andthen, a health care law that opponents described as socialized medicine thatwouldcurtail america s freedom, but ultimately freed millions of seniors fromthe fear that illnesscould rob them of dignity and security in their goldenyears, which we now know today asmedicare. (applause.)what president johnson understoodwas that equality required more than the absence ofoppression. it required the presence of economicopportunity. he wouldn t be as eloquentasdr. king would be in describing that linkage, as dr. king moved intomobilizing sanitationworkers and a poor people s movement, but he understoodthat connection because he hadlived it. a decent job, decent wages, health care -- those, too, were civil rightsworth fightingfor. an economy wherehard work is rewarded and success is shared, that was his goal. and heknew, as someone who had seen the newdeal transform the landscape of his texas childhood,who had seenthedifference electricity had made because of the tennessee valley authority,thetransformation concretely day in and day out in the life of his own family, heunderstood thatgovernment had a role to play in broadening prosperity to allthose who would strive for it.we want to open the gates toopportunity, president johnson said, but we are also goingto give all ourpeople, black and white, the help they need to walk through those gates.now, if some of this soundsfamiliar, it s because today we remain locked in this same greatdebate aboutequality and opportunity, and the role of government in ensuring each. as wastrue 50 years ago, there are those whodismiss the great society as a failed experiment and anencroachment onliberty; who argue that government has become the true source of all thatailsus, and that poverty is due to the moral failings of those who suffer fromit. there are alsothose who argue,john, that nothing has changed; that racism is so embedded in our dnathatthere is no use trying politics -- the game is rigged.but such theories ignore history. yes, it s true that, despite laws like thecivil rights act,and the voting rights act and medicare, our society is stillracked with division and poverty.yes,race still colors our political debates, and therehave been governmentprograms that havefallen short. in atime when cynicism is too often passed off as wisdom, it s perhaps easytoconclude that there are limits to change; that we are trapped by our ownhistory; and politicsis a fool s errand, and we d be better off if we rollback big chunks of lbj s legacy, or at least ifwe don t put too much of ourhope, invest too much of our hope in our government.i reject such thinking. (applause.) not just because medicare and medicaid have liftedmillions fromsuffering; not just because the poverty rate in this nation would be farworsewithout food stamps and head start and all the great society programs thatsurvive tothis day. i reject suchcynicism because i have lived out the promise of lbj s efforts. becausemichelle has lived out the legacy ofthose efforts. because my daughters havelived out thelegacy of those efforts. because i and millions of my generation were in a position to takethebaton that he handed to us. (applause.) because of the civil rightsmovement, because of the laws president johnson signed, newdoors ofopportunity and education swung open for everybody -- not all at once, but theyswungopen. not just blacks and whites,but also women and latinos; and asians and nativeamericans; and gayamericansand americans with a disability. theyswung open for you, andthey swung open for me. and that s why i m standing here today -- because of thoseefforts,because of that legacy. (applause.)and that means we ve got a debtto pay. that means we can t afford to becynical. half acentury later, the lawslbj passed are now as fundamental to our conception of ourselves andourdemocracy as the constitution and the bill of rights. they are foundational; an essentialpiece ofthe american character.but we are here today because weknow we cannot be complacent. forhistory travels notonly forwards; history can travel backwards, history cantravel sideways. and securing thegainsthis country has made requires the vigilance of its citizens. our rights, our freedoms --they are notgiven. they must be won. they must be nurtured through struggle anddiscipline,and persistence and faith.and one concern i have sometimesduring these moments, the celebration of the signing ofthe civil rights act,the march on washington -- from a distance, sometimes thesecommemorations seeminevitable, they seem easy. all the painand difficulty and struggle anddoubt -- all that is rubbedaway. and we look at ourselves and we say, oh,things are just toodifferent now; wecouldn t possibly do what was done then -- these giants, whattheyaccomplished. and yet, they were men andwomen, too. it wasn t easy then. it wasn tcertain then.still, the story of america is astory of progress. however slow, howeverincomplete, howeverharshly challenged at each point on our journey, howeverflawed our leaders, however manytimes we have to take a quarter of a loaf orhalf a loaf -- the story of america is a story ofprogress. and that s true because of men like presidentlyndon baines johnson. (applause.in so many ways, he embodiedamerica, with all our gifts and all our flaws, in all ourrestlessness and allour big dreams. this man -- born intopoverty, weaned in a world full ofracial hatred -- somehow found within himselfthe ability to connect his experience with thebrown child in a small texastown; the white child in appalachia; the black child in watts. aspowerful as he became in that oval office,he understood them. he understood whatit meant tobe on the outside. and hebelieved that their plight was his plight too; that his freedomultimately waswrapped up in theirs; and that making their lives better was what the hellthepresidency was for. (applause.)and those children were on hismind when he strode to the podium that night in the housechamber, when hecalled for the vote on the civil rights law. it never occurred to me, he said, in my fondest dreams that i mighthave the chance to help the sons and daughters of thosestudents that he hadtaught so many years ago, and to help people like them all overthiscountry. but now i do have thatchance. and i ll let you in on a secret-- i mean to use it.and i hope that youwill use it with me. (applause.)that was lbj s greatness. that s why we remember him. and if there is one thing that heand thisyear s anniversary should teach us, if there s one lesson i hope that malia andsasha andyoung people everywhere learn from this day, it s that with enougheffort, and enoughempathy, and enough perseverance, and enough courage, peoplewho love their country canchange it.in his final year, presidentjohnson stood on this stage, racked with pain, battered by thecontroversies ofvietnam, looking far older than his 64 years, and he delivered what would behisfinal public speech.we have proved that greatprogress is possible, he said. we knowhow much still remainsto be done. andif our effortscontinue, and if our will is strong, and if our hearts areright, and ifcourage remains our constant companion, then, my fellowamericans, i am confident, weshall overcome. (applause.)we shall overcome. we, the citizens of the united states. like dr. king, like abrahamlincoln, likecountless citizens who have driven this country inexorably forward, presidentjohnsonknew that ours in the end is a story of optimism, a story ofachievement and constant strivingthat is unique upon this earth. he knew because he had lived that story. he believed thattogether we can build anamerica that is more fair, more equal, and more free than the oneweinherited. he believed we make our owndestiny. and in part because of him, wemust believeit as well.thank you. god bless you. god bless the united states of america. (applause.)。
关于诺曼底登陆的英语作文
关于诺曼底登陆的英语作文The Normandy Landings, also known as D-Day, was the landing operations on Tuesday, 6 June 1944 of the Allied invasion of Normandy in Operation Overlord during World War II. It was the largest seaborne invasion in history and it began the liberation of German-occupied France. The operation began the invasion of German-occupied western Europe, and led to the restoration of the French Republic.The landings took place along a 50-mile (80 km) stretch of the Normandy coast divided into five sectors: Utah, Omaha, Gold, Juno, and Sword. The operation was a massive undertaking involving over 156,000 Allied troops, 5,000 ships and landing craft, and 11,000 aircraft. The objective was to secure a beachhead to launch a larger offensive in Europe and it was a critical turning point in the war.The planning and coordination for the Normandy Landings were immense. General Dwight D. Eisenhower was appointed as the Supreme Commander of the Allied Expeditionary Force and he worked closely with British, Canadian, and other Allied forces to plan and execute the invasion. The success of the operation hinged on secrecy, surprise, and the element ofspeed. The Allies also conducted extensive deception campaigns to mislead the Germans about the location and timing of the invasion.The invasion began in the early hours of June 6, 1944, with airborne and glider landings behind enemy lines, followed by an amphibious assault at dawn. The troops faced heavy resistance from the well-fortified German positions, especially at Omaha Beach, where the American forces suffered heavy casualties. However, through sheer determination and bravery, the Allied forces were able to establish a foothold on the beaches and push inland.The Normandy Landings were a pivotal moment in the war, as they opened up a new front in Europe and put tremendous pressure on the German forces. The success of the invasion allowed the Allies to advance and eventually liberate France from Nazi occupation. It also marked the beginning of the end for Hitler's Third Reich.诺曼底登陆，也被称为D日，是1944年6月6日星期二盟军对法国诺曼底的登陆行动，在二战期间的“霸王行动”中进行。
艾森豪威尔诺曼底登陆前演讲
Soilders,sailors and airman of the Allied Expenditionary Force. You are about to embark upon the great crusade towards which we have striven for many months. The eyes of the world are upon you. Hopes and prayers of the liberty-loving people everywhere march with you. In company with our brave allies and brothers in arms on other fronts,You will bring about the destruction of the German war machine, the elimination of Nazi tyranny over the oppressed peoples of Europe, and security for ourselves in a free world.Your task will not be an easy one. Your enemy is well trained, well equipped, and battle-hardened. He will fight savagely.But this is the year 1944. Much has happened since the Nazi triumphs of 1940-41.The United Nations have inflicted upon the Germans great defeat in open battle man to man. Our air offensive has seriously reduced their strength in the air and their capacity to wage war on the ground.Our home fronts have given us an overwhelming superiority in weapons and munitions of war and placed at our disposal great reserves of trained fighting men.The tide has turned.The free men of the world are marching together to victory. I have full confidence in your courage, devotion to duty, and skill in battle.We will accept nothing less than full victory.Good luck, and let us all beseech the blessings of Almighty God upon this great and noble undertaking.soldiers, sailors, and airmen of the Allied Expeditionary Force：[各位联合远征军的海陆空战士们：]you are about to embark upon the great crusade towards which we have striven these many months The eyes of the world are upon you the hopes and prayers of liberty-loving people everywhere march with you In company with our brave allies and brothers in arms on other fronts, you will bring about the destruction of the German war machine. The e1imination of Nazi t3'ranny over the oppressed people of Europe, and security for ourselves in a free world. Your task will not be an easy one Your enemy is wel-trained, well-equipped, and battle-hardenedyou are about to embark upon the great crusade towards which we have striven these many months.[你们马上就要踏上征程去进行一场伟大的圣战，为此我们已精心准备了数月。
艾森豪威尔就职演说_0
艾森豪威尔就职演说篇一：肯尼迪就职演讲稿,中英文friday,january20,1961vicepresidentjohnson,mr.speaker,mr.chiefjustice,presidenteisenhower,vice presidentnixon,presidenttruman,reverendclergy,fellowcitizens,weobservet odaynotavictoryofparty,butacelebrationoffreedom--symbolizinganend,as wellasabeginning--signifyingrenewal,aswellaschange.forihaveswornibefo reyouandalmightygodthesamesolemnoathourforebearslprescribednearlyac enturyandthreequartersago.leteverynationknow,whetheritwishesuswellorill,thatweshallpayanyprice,b earanyburden,meetanyhardship,supportanyfriend,opposeanyfoe,inorderto assurethesurvivalandthesuccessofliberty.thismuchwepledge--andmore. tothoseoldallieswhoseculturalandspiritualoriginsweshare,wepledgetheloy altyoffaithfulfriends.united,thereislittlewecannotdoinahostofcooperativev entures.divided,thereislittlewecando--forwedarenotmeetapowerfulchallen geatoddsandsplitasunder.past,thosewhofoolishlysoughtpowerbyridingthebackofthetigerendedupinsi de.finally,tothosenationswhowouldmakethemselvesouradversary,weoffernotapledgebutarequest:thatbothsidesbeginanewthequestforpeace,beforethedar kpowersofdestructionunleashedbyscienceengulfallhumanityinplannedorac cidentalself-destruction.wedarenottemptthemwithweakness.foronlywhenourarmsaresufficientbeyo nddoubtcanwebecertainbeyonddoubtthattheywillneverbeemployed. soletusbeginanew--rememberingonbothsidesthatcivilityisnotasignofweak ness,andsincerityisalwayssubjecttoproof.letusnevernegotiateoutoffear.butl etusneverfeartonegotiate. letbothsidesexplorewhatproblemsuniteusinsteadofbelaboringthoseproble mswhichdivideus.allthiswillnotbefinishedinthefirst100days.norwillitbefinishedinthefirst1,00 0days,norinthelifeofthisadministration,norevenperhapsinourlifetimeonthis planet.butletusbegin.inyourhands,myfellowcitizens,morethaninmine,willrestthefinal(:艾森豪威尔就职演说)successorfailureofourcourse.sincethiscountrywasfounded,eachgenerati onofamericanshasbeensummonedtogivetestimonytoitsnationalloyalty.theg ravesofyoungamericanswhoansweredthecalltoservicesurroundtheglobe. canweforgeagainsttheseenemiesagrandandglobalalliance,northandsouth,e astandwest,thatcanassureamorefruitfullifeforallmankind?willyoujoinintha thistoriceffort?andso,myfellowamericans:asknotwhatyourcountrycandoforyou--askwhatyoucandoforyourcountry.myfellowcitizensoftheworld:asknotwhatamericawilldoforyou,butwhattog etherwecandoforthefreedomofman.finally,whetheryouarecitizensofamericaorcitizensoftheworld,askofusthesa mehighstandardsofstrengthandsacrificewhichweaskofyou.withagood conscienceouronlysurereward,withhistorythefinaljudgeofourdeeds,letusgo forthtoleadthelandwelove,askinghisblessingandhishelp,butknowingthather eonearthgodsworkmusttrulybeourown.约翰-肯尼迪就职演讲星期五,1961年1月20日首席法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松副总统、杜鲁门总统、尊敬的牧师、各位公民：今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。
著名企业英语演讲稿
著名企业英语演讲稿篇一：著名英语演讲目录第一部分美国总统演说亚伯拉罕·林肯：葛底斯堡演说富兰克林·罗斯福：第一次就职演说富兰克林·罗斯福：论四大自由富兰克林·罗斯福：向日本宣战哈里·杜鲁门：在日本投降时发表的广播演说哈里·杜鲁门：杜鲁门主义德怀特·艾森豪威尔：告别演说约翰·F·旨尼迪：第一次就职演况约翰·F·肯尼迪：美国大学毕业典礼演讲林登·贝恩斯·约翰逊：我们会战胜理查德·尼克松：告别白宫罗纳德·里根：第一次就职演说罗纳德·里根：怀念挑战者号宇航员比尔·克林顿：告别演说比尔·克林顿：XX民主党全国大会演说乔治·W·布什：针对9·11恐怖分子袭击在参众议院联席会议上发表的演说乔治·W·布什：清华大学演讲乔治·W·布什：纪念哥伦比亚号宇航员乔治·W·布什：XX大选获胜时的演讲乔治·W·布什：第二次就职演说第二部分著名人士演说温德尔·威基：忠诚的反对党德怀特·艾森豪威尔：反攻动员令欧内斯特·海明威：接受诺贝尔奖时的演说乔治·C·马歇尔：马歇尔计划威廉·福克纳：接受诺贝尔奖时的演说道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟：结束军事生涯之际的演说阿德莱·史蒂文森：接受提名马丁·路德·金：我有一个梦马丁·路德·金：打破沉默的时候罗伯特·肯尼迪：马丁·路德·金之死斯皮罗·西奥多·阿格纽：电视新闻覆盖率芭芭拉·布什：威尔斯莉学院毕业典礼上的讲话玛丽·费雪：艾滋的低语柯林·鲍威尔：我的美国之旅查尔顿·赫斯顿：赢得文化战争伊利·威塞尔：冷漠的危险希拉里·克林顿：竞选纽约参议员的演讲史蒂夫·马丁及凯瑟琳·泽塔-琼斯：第七十三届奥斯卡颁奖晚会篇二：领导力英语演讲稿A good leadership is indispensable for any government, business ororganization. Qualities of a Good Leader and Leadership Abilities are essential to actuate others and achieve the desired goals. Different strategies and leadership styles are used to achieve the goals oforganization. A leader or executive directs and guides its subordinates to achieve the goals. Leaders are an essential and most significant part of any organization, which have responsibilities to set organizational goals, develop visions of future, motivate and influence subordinates and organization members to attain the goals. Leadership is one of the most important functions of any organization which is essential for maximization of efficiency and attainment of organizational goals.A leader’s job is not an easy and facile job. it is one of the mostchallenging jobs with huge responsibilities, and without specific leadership skills and qualities, it is hard to attain the desired goals. Organizations with highly enthusiastic, esteemed and skillful leaders get their goals efficiently and touch the skies of success.a leader has a set of challenging responsibilities like initiation, guidance, motivation ,building confidence and morale, building a sense of coordination and proper working environment. An effective leadership withsufficient managerial capabilities and leadership skills is an asset and key to success for any organization. To be a successful leader some leadership qualities requisites are really essential. Some qualities of a good leader are described below.: A honest leader is a precious asset to any organization. A leader must be honest with his organization and organizational workers as well. Honesty is one of the most essential qualities of a good leader. A good leader never compromise on organizational interests and never loose his integrity.and sincerity: A dedicated leader is always respected by others due to his professional approach.a good leader is always an inspirational source for his workers, due to his dedication and sincerity.and focus: A good leader always has a vision of future and possible circumstances of future. Visionary approach is also one of the most indispensable qualities of a good leader. a leader with visionary approach is able to look beyond common sight. And thenhe takes appropriate decisions according to possible circumstances of future. Future risk management is also related to this aspect of leadership qualities. a good leader must have an ability to visualize different situations. a proper focus on work and organizational goals, is of equal importance along with the vision of future.interpersonal communication skills: Communication skills are one of the most essential qualities of a good leader. As a leader has to communicate with others frequently, when you a have good communication skills and able to express what you want, then you can achieve the best.effective communication is necessary to develop good working relations, which are a requisite to attain the desired goals of an organization.capabilities: A good leader has an ability to motivate and incite his subordinates and workers to get the desired results or desired quality and quantity of the work. Motivation capabilities are one of the key qualities of a good leader. a good leader continues tomotivate and influence hissubordinates. This is very essential and effective to create a good working environment and attainment of good results. A good leader prefers the safety of workers and motivates workers adopt safety measures. He actuates them to work better improve the quality of work. he announces incentives and bonuses for hardworking workers. a good leader also announces awards and proper rewards for his subordinates in case of hard work and quality of work. These incentives and rewards are a true source of motivation for his workers.: Consistency is one of the qualities of a good leader which have crucial importance. A good leader must be consistent in his approach as well as decisions.a good leader has some specific style ofleadership. He must be consistent to maintain his specific style. Inconsistency leads to failures. A good leader must avoid different approaches ormodifications. a sensible leader has a constant working approach with a little tolerance of modifications if necessary. Simple and consistentleadership approach leads to a successful leader.power and self esteem: Will power and self confidence are key qualities of a good leader. a good leader must have self confidence if he wants to earn the confidence of his subordinates. Self confidence is also necessary while taking particular decisions. a good leader is aware and confidents that his decisions are in the interest of organization and organizational members. Will power is also a requisite for effective leadership. A leader must know himself and able to control himself resolutely.of Work: Knowledge of work is also one of the most essential qualities of a good leader. a good leader always knows about the work being accomplished and resources and man power required for a specific task. Sufficient knowledge about the work helps to make appropriate decisions.: A good leader has always patience and calmness. These are one of the crucial qualities necessary for a good leader. A good leader does not loose his temper and always take decisions with a cool and peaceful mindafter analyzing the whole situation. capability according to the circumstances. Decision making is one of the most crucial qualities of a good leader. A good leader always appreciatessuggestions from its subordinated and low level management, but takes thelast decision after analyzing whole situation. Some crucial moments also demand some daring and bold decisions. a leader having decision making capabilities can cope with different crucial circumstances篇三：产品介绍英语演讲稿公司及产品讲稿各位亲爱的家人（朋友或伙伴们）：大家上午（下午）好！我是大漠紫光非常荣幸今天由我来介绍一下我们公司及产品（打招呼表示感谢）（塑造产品价值，突出产品独特卖点，引发强烈兴趣）各位亲爱的伙伴们在进入主题之前我可不可以和大家先做一下友好的互动（可以），请问大家我们每个人都特别渴望让自己变得更年轻长寿对不对（对），我们每个人都渴望让自己远离疾病与痛苦是不是（是的），我们每个人都特别想吃到营养全面最健康的食品对吗（对的）！但是我想讲的是现代科技尽管如此发达，人们的生活水平得到了显著提高，但是现代人的死亡率却在逐渐呈现年轻化，普遍化的趋势。
罗斯福就职演讲稿英文
罗斯福就职演讲稿英文president hoover mister chief justice, my friends:this is a day of national consecration, and i am certain that on this day my fellow americans expect that on my induction in the presidency i will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impeis. this is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today this great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper so first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself - nameless, unreasoning, un justified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. in every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory and i am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.in such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties. they concern, thank god, only material things. values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen, government of all kinds is faced by serious curtaiiment of income, the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side, farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.more important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of themoment.and yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague of locusts. compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed andwere not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for nature surrounds us with her bounty and human, efforts have multiplied it. plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated. practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.true, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition. faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. they only know the rules of a generation of self seekers. they have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civiiization. we may now restore that temp1e to the ancient truths. a measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.happiness lies not in the mere possession of money it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. these dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministeredon to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct in banking and in business, which too of ten has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing. small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty on honon on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance. without them it cannot live.restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. this nation is asking for action, and action now.our greatest primary task is to put people to work. this is no unsolvable problem if we take it wise1y and courageously it can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. it can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. it can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands thattheir costs be drastically reduce. it can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are of ten scattered, uneconomical, unequal. it can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. there are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by mere1y talking about it. we must act, we must act quickly.and finally in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people-s money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.these, my friends, are the lines of attack. i shall presently urge upon a new congress in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and i shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making income balance outflow our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy i favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. i shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.the basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. it is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the united states of america - a recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the american spirit of thepioneer. it is the way to recovery it is the immediate way it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.in the field of world policy i would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor. the neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does so, respects the rights ofothers. the neighbor who respects his ob1igation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.if i read the temper of our people correctly we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well. that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discip1ine, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. we are all ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a 1eadership which aims at the larger good. this, i propose to offet we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.with this pledge taken, i assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems. action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors. our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen. it has met every stress of vast expansion of territory of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.and it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority wi1l be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. but it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for underlay action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.we face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.we do not distrust the future of essential democracy the people of the united states have not failed. in their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. they have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. in the spirit of the gift, i take it.in this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the b1essings of god, may he protect each and every one of us, may he guide me in the days to come.。
【名人演讲】德怀特·戴维·艾森豪威尔：第二次总统就职演说
【名人演讲】德怀特·戴维·艾森豪威尔：第二次总统就职演说第二次总统就职演说(美国)德怀特·戴维·艾森豪威尔1957年l月21日主席先生，副总统先生，首席大法官先生，众议院议长先生，我的亲友们，同胞们及我们国家的朋友们：尽管大家分散在各地，但我们又重新相聚，正如四年前的此刻一样，你们再次亲眼目睹我庄严宣誓为你们诸位服务。
今天，我也是一个见证人，对于我们作为一个民族而保证奉行的原则和目标，我以你们的名义来作证。
首先，我们寻求全能的上帝保佑我们作为一个国家所做的共同努力。
我们心中的希望造就了全体人民最深切的祝福。
但愿我们追求正义而不自命公正。
但愿我们懂得在求同存异的基础上保持团结。
但愿我们的力量不断壮大而杜绝骄傲自满。
但愿我们与世界各国人民交往时永远讲真话和奉守公道。
这样，美国将在一切怀有善良愿望的人们面前证明，它对各项光荣的目标是忠诚不渝的。
在我们所经历的充满考验的整个时代里，我们作为一个民族受到这些目标的制约和支配。
我们生活在一个富饶的国度，但是整个世界却面临从未有过的危机。
在我们的国家里，人民各安其业，财富十分丰裕。
我国的人口不断增加。
我们的河流、港口、铁路和公路舟车云集，天空飞机穿梭，商业一派兴旺繁盛。
我国土地肥沃，农业出产丰富。
天空里回荡着工业奏出的乐章，这是一曲由轧钢机、冶炼炉、发电机、大水坝和装配线所奏出的富足美国的大合唱。
这就是我们的国家。
但这并不是我们世界的全部景象。
因为我们的世界包括我们的全部命运所涉及的每一角落，已获自由和即将获得自由的国家和人民都在其中。
对他们说来，现在并不是悠闲自在和高枕无忧的时候。
对我们来说亦复如此。
在这个地球的许多地方，还存在着贫困、纷争和危险。
新的势力和新兴的国家在全球各地纷纷奋起抗争，对自由世界的未来来说，他们的力量注定不是带来巨大的裨益，就是造成巨大的灾难。
从北非的沙漠到南太平洋的岛屿，全人类的三分之一已经参与一场争取一种新自由的历史性斗争，这是一场摆脱令人痛苦难熬的贫困的斗争。
奥巴马总统在民权峰会上的主旨英语演讲稿
奥巴马总统在民权峰会上的主旨英语演讲稿thank you. thank you very much. (applause.) thank you so much. please,please, have aseat. thank you.what a singular honor it is forme to be here today.i want to thank,first and foremost, thejohnson family for giving us this opportunity and thegraciousness with which michelle and ihave been received.we came down a little bit latebecause we were upstairs looking at some of the exhibits andsome of theprivate offices that were used by president johnson and mrs. johnson. and michellewas in particular interested to-- of a recording in which lady bird is critiquing presidentjohnson’sperformance. (laughter.) and she said, come, come, you need to listento this. (laughter.) and she pressed the button and nodded herhead. some things do not change --(laughter) -- even 50 years later.to all the members of congress,the warriors for justice, the elected officials andcommunity leaders who arehere today -- i want to thank you.four days into his suddenpresidency -- and thenight before he would address a jointsession of thecongress in which he once served -- lyndon johnson sat around a table withhisclosest advisors, preparing his remarks to a shattered and grieving nation.he wanted to call on senators andrepresentatives to pass a civil rights bill -- the mostsweeping sincereconstruction. and most of his staffcounseled him against it. they said itwashopeless; that it would anger powerful southern democrats and committeechairmen; that itrisked derailing the rest of his domestic agenda. and one particularly bold aide said he didnotbelieve a president should spend his time and power on lost causes, howeverworthy they mightbe. to which, it issaid, president johnson replied, “well, what the hell’s the presidencyfor?” (laughter and applause.) what the hell’s the presidency for if not tofight for causes youbelieve in?today, as we commemorate the 50thanniversary of the civil rights act, we honor the menand women who made itpossible. some of them are heretoday. we celebrate giants like johnlewisand andrew young and julian bond. werecall the countless unheralded americans, blackandwhite, students andscholars, preachers and housekeepers -- whose names are etched notonmonuments, but in the hearts of their loved ones, and in the fabric of thecountry theyhelped to change.but we also gather here, deep inthe heart of the state that shaped him, to recall one giantman’s remarkableefforts to make real the promise of our founding: “we hold these truths to beself-evident,that all men are created equal.”those of us who have had thesingular privilege to hold the office of the presidency knowwell that progressin this country can be hard and it can be slow, frustrating andsometimesyou’re stymied. the office humblesyou. you’re reminded daily that in thisgreatdemocracy, you are but a relay swimmer in the currents of history, boundby decisions madeby those who came before, reliant on the efforts of those whowill follow to fully vindicate yourvision.but the presidency also affords aunique opportunity to bend those currents -- by shapingour laws and by shapingour debates; by working within the confines of the world as it is, butalso byreimaginingthe world as it should be.this was president johnson’sgenius. as a master of politics and thelegislative process, hegrasped like few others the power of government tobring about change.lbj was nothing if not arealist. he was well aware that the lawalone isn’t enough to changehearts and minds. a full century after lincoln’s time, he said, “until justice is blind tocolor, untileducation is unaware of race, until opportunity is unconcernedwith the color of men’s skins,emancipation will be a proclamation but not afact.”he understood laws couldn’taccomplish everything. but he also knewthat only the law couldanchor change, and set hearts and minds on a differentcourse. and a lot of americansneededthe law’s most basic protections at that time. as dr. king said at the time, “it may betrue that the law can’t make a manlove me but it can keep him from lynching me, and i thinkthat’s pretty important.” (applause.)and passing laws was what lbjknew how to do. no one knew politics andno one lovedlegislating more thanpresident johnson. he was charming when he needed to be,ruthlesswhen required. (laughter.) he could wear you down with logic andargument. he could horsetrade, and hecould flatter. “you come with me on thisbill,”he would reportedly tell a keyrepublican leader from my home stateduring the fight for the civil rights bill, “and 200 yearsfrom now,schoolchildren will know only two names: abraham lincoln and everett dirksen!”(laughter.) and he knew thatsenators would believe things like that. (laughter and applause.)president johnson likedpower. he liked the feel of it, thewielding of it. but that hunger washarnessedand redeemed by a deeper understanding of the human condition; by a sympathyforthe underdog, for the downtrodden, for the outcast. and it was a sympathy rooted in hisownexperience.as a young boy growing up in thetexas hill country, johnson knew what being poor feltlike. “poverty was so common,” he would later say,“we didn’t even know it had a name.” (laughter.) the family homedidn’t have electricity or indoor plumbing. everybody workedhard, including the children. president johnson had known themetallictaste of hunger; the feelof a mother’s calloused hands, rubbed raw fromwashing and cleaning and holding a householdtogether. his cousin ava remembered sweltering daysspent on her hands and knees in thecotton fields, with lyndon whisperingbeside her, “boy, there’s got to be a better way to make aliving thanthis. there’s got to be a better way.”it wasn’t until years later whenhe was teaching at a so-called mexican school in a tiny townin texas that hecame to understand how much worse the persistent pain of poverty could beforother races in a jim crow south. oftentimes his students would show up to class when he’d visit their homes, he’d meetfathers who were paid slave wages by the farmersthey worked for. those children were taught, he would latersay, “that the end of life is in a beetrow, a spinach field, or a cottonpatch.”deprivation and discrimination --these were not abstractions to lyndon baines knew that poverty and injustice are asinseparable as opportunity and justice are that was in him from an early age.now, like any of us, he was not aperfect man. hisexperiences in ruraltexas may havestretched his moral imagination, but he was ambitious, veryambitious, a young man in a hurryto plot his own escape from poverty and tochart his own political career. and inthe jim crowsouth, that meant not challenging convention. during his first 20 years in congress,heopposed every civil rights bill that came up for a vote, once calling the pushfor federallegislation “a farce and a sham.”he was chosen as a vice presidential nominee in part becauseof hisaffinity with, and ability to deliver, that southern white vote. and at the beginning of thekennedy administration,he shared with president kennedy a caution towards racialcontroversy.but marchers kept marching. four little girls were killed in achurch. bloody sundayhappened. the winds of change blew. and when the time came, when lbj stood in theovaloffice -- i picture him standing there, taking up the entire doorframe,looking out over thesouth lawn in a quiet moment -- and asked himself what thetrue purpose of his office was for,what was the endpoint of his ambitions, hewould reach back in his own memory and he’dremember his own experience withwant.and he knew that he had a uniquecapacity, as the most powerful white politician from thesouth, to not merelychallenge the convention that had crushed the dreams of so many, buttoultimately dismantle for good the structures of legal segregation. he’s the only guy whocould do it -- and heknew there would be a cost, famously saying the democratic party may“have lostthe south for a generation.”that’s what his presidency wasfor. that’s where he meets hismoment. and possessed withan iron will,possessed with those skills that he had honed so many years in congress,pushedand supported by a movement of those willing to sacrifice everything for theirownliberation, president johnson fought for and argued and horse traded andbullied and persuadeduntil ultimately he signed the civil rights act into law.and he didn’t stop there -- eventhough his advisors again told him to wait, again told himlet the dust settle,let the country absorb this momentous decision. he shook them off. “themeat inthe coconut,”as president johnson would put it, was the voting rights act, sohe foughtfor and passed that as well.immigration reform came shortly after. and then, a fair housingact. andthen, a health care law that opponents described as “socialized medicine” thatwouldcurtail america’s freedom, but ultimately freed millions of seniors fromthe fear that illnesscould rob them of dignity and security in their goldenyears, which we now know today asmedicare. (applause.)what president johnson understoodwas that equality required more than the absence ofoppression. it required the presence of economicopportunity. he wouldn’t be as eloquentasdr. king would be in describing that linkage, as dr. king moved intomobilizing sanitationworkers and a poor people’s movement, but he understoodthat connection because he hadlived it. a decent job, decent wages, health care -- those, too, were civil rightsworth fightingfor. an economy wherehard work is rewarded and success is shared, that was his goal. and heknew, as someone who had seen the newdeal transform the landscape of his texas childhood,who had seen thedifference electricity had made because of the tennessee valley authority,thetransformation concretely day in and dayout in the life of his own family, heunderstood thatgovernment had a role to play in broadening prosperity to allthose who would strive for it.“we want to open the gates toopportunity,”president johnson said, “but we are also goingto give all ourpeople, black and white, the help they need to walk through those gates.”now, if some of this soundsfamiliar, it’s because today we remain locked in this same greatdebate aboutequality and opportunity, and the role of government in ensuring each. as wastrue 50 years ago, there are those whodismiss the great society as a failed experiment and anencroachment onliberty; who argue that government has become the true source of all thatailsus, and that poverty is due to the moral failings of those who suffer fromit. there are alsothose who argue,john, that nothing has changed; that racism is so embedded in our dnathatthere is no use trying politics -- the game is rigged.but such theories ignore history. yes, it’s true that, despite laws like thecivil rights act,and the voting rights act and medicare, our society isstillracked with division and ,race still colors our political debates, and there have been governmentprograms that havefallen short. in atime when cynicism is too often passed off as wisdom, it’s perhaps easytoconclude that there are limits to change; that we are trapped by our ownhistory; and politicsis a fool’s errand, and we’d be better off if we rollback big chunks of lbj’s legacy, or at least ifwe don’t put too much of ourhope, invest too much of our hope in our government.i reject such thinking. (applause.) not just because medicare and medicaid have liftedmillions fromsuffering; not just because the poverty rate in this nation would be farworsewithout food stamps and head start and all the great society programs thatsurvive tothis day. i reject suchcynicism because i have lived out the promise of lbj’s efforts. becausemichelle has lived out the legacy ofthose efforts. because my daughters havelived out thelegacy of those efforts. because i and millions of my generation were in a position to takethebaton that he handed to us. (applause.)because of the civil rightsmovement, because of the laws president johnson signed, newdoors ofopportunity and education swung open for everybody -- not all at once, but theyswungopen. not just blacks and whites,but also women and latinos; and asians and nativeamericans; and gay americansand americans with a disability. theyswung open for you, andthey swung open for me. and that’s why i’m standing here today -- because of thoseefforts,because of that legacy. (applause.)and that means we’ve got a debtto pay. that means we can’t afford to becynical. half acentury later, the lawslbj passed are now as fundamental to our conception of ourselves andourdemocracy as the constitution and the bill of rights. they are foundational; an essentialpiece ofthe american character.but we are here today because weknow we cannot be complacent. forhistory travels notonly forwards; history can travel backwards, history cantravel sideways. and securing thegainsthis country has made requires the vigilance of its citizens. our rights, our freedoms --they are notgiven. they must be won. theymust be nurtured through struggle anddiscipline,and persistence and faith.and one concern i have sometimesduring these moments, the celebration of the signing ofthe civil rights act,the march on washington -- from a distance, sometimes thesecommemorations seeminevitable, they seem easy. all the painand difficulty and struggle anddoubt -- all that is rubbed away. and we look at ourselves and we say, oh,things are just toodifferent now; wecouldn’t possibly do what was done then -- these giants, whattheyaccomplished. and yet, they were men andwomen, too. it wasn’t easy then. it wasn’tcertain then.still, the story of america is astory of progress. however slow, howeverincomplete, howeverharshly challenged at each point on our journey, howeverflawed our leaders, however manytimes we have to take a quarter of a loaf orhalf a loaf -- the story of america is a story ofprogress. and that’s true because of men like presidentlyndon baines johnson. (applause.in so many ways, he embodiedamerica, with all our gifts and all our flaws, in all ourrestlessness andallour big dreams. this man -- born intopoverty, weaned in a world full ofracial hatred -- somehow found within himselfthe ability to connect his experience with thebrown child in a small texastown; the white child in appalachia; the black child in watts. aspowerful as he became in that oval office,he understood them. he understood whatit meant tobe on the outside. and hebelieved that their plight was his plight too; that his freedomultimately waswrapped up in theirs; and that making their lives better was what the hellthepresidency was for. (applause.)and those children were on hismind when he strode to the podium that night in the housechamber, when hecalled for the vote on the civil rights law. “it never occurred to me,” he said, “in my fondest dreams that i mighthave the chance to help the sons and daughters of thosestudents” that he hadtaught so many years ago, “and to help people like them all overthiscountry. but now i do have thatchance. and i’ll let you in on a secret-- i mean to use i hope that youwill use it with me.” (applause.)that was lbj’s greatness. that’s why we rememberhim. and if there is one thing that heand thisyear’s anniversary should teach us, if there’s one lesson i hope that malia andsasha andyoung people everywhere learn from this day, it’s that with enougheffort, and enoughempathy, and enough perseverance, and enough courage, peoplewho love their country canchange it.in his final year, presidentjohnson stood on this stage, racked with pain, battered by thecontroversies ofvietnam, looking far older than his 64 years, and he delivered what would behisfinal public speech.“we have proved that greatprogress is possible,”he said. “we knowhow much still remainsto be done. andif our efforts continue, and if our will is strong, and if our hearts areright, and ifcourage remains our constant companion, then, my fellowamericans, i am confident, weshall overcome.” (applause.)we shall overcome. we, the citizens of the united states. like dr. king, like abrahamlincoln, likecountless citizens who have driven this country inexorably forward, presidentjohnsonknew that ours in the end is a story of optimism, a story ofachievement and constant strivingthat is unique upon this earth.he knew because he had lived that story. he believed thattogether we can build anamerica that is more fair, more equal, and more free than the oneweinherited. he believed we make our owndestiny. and in part because of him, wemust believeit as well.thank you. god bless you. god bless the united states of america. (applause.)XX奥巴马总统在开学日的讲话奥巴马总统在胡德堡枪击案悼念仪式上英语演讲稿奥巴马总统就美国经济和外交政策发布会演讲稿奥巴马总统每周电台英语演讲稿XX年奥巴马总统竞选演讲稿。
初中英语名人演讲稿艾森豪微尔告别演说素材
艾森豪微尔告别演说Dwight D. Eisenhower: Farewell AddressGood evening, my fellow Americans.First, I should like to express my gratitude to the radio and television networks for the opportunities they have given me over the years to bring reports and messages to our nation. My special thanks go to them for the opportunity of addressing you this evening.Three days from now, after a half century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen. Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the nation. My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-war period, and finally to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years. In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the nation good, rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the nation should go forward. So, my official relationship with Congress ends in a feeling -- on my part -- of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together.We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts, America is today the strongest, the most influential, and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace, to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among peoples and among nations. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure traceable to arrogance or ourlack of comprehension or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt, both at home and abroad.Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. It commands our whole attention, absorbs our very beings. We face a hostile ideology global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insidious in method. Unhappily, the danger it poses promises to be of indefinite duration. To meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather those which enable us to carry forward steadily, surely, and without complaint the burdens of a prolonged and complex struggle with liberty the stake. Only thus shall we remain, despite every provocation, on our charted course toward permanent peace and human betterment.Crises there will continue to be. In meeting them, whether foreign or domestic, great or small, there is a recurring temptation to feel that some spectacular and costly action could become the miraculous solution to all current difficulties. A huge increase in newer elements of our defenses; development of unrealistic programs to cure every ill in agriculture; a dramatic expansion in basic and applied research -- these and many other possibilities, each possibly promising in itself, may be suggested as the only way to the road we wish to travel.But each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in and among national programs, balance between the private and the public economy, balance between the cost and hoped for advantages, balance between the clearly necessary and the comfortably desirable, balance between our essential requirements as a nation and the duties imposed by the nation upon the individual, balance between actions of the moment and the national welfare of the future. Good judgment seeks balance and progress. Lack of it eventually finds imbalance and frustration. The record of many decades stands as proof that our people and their Government have, in the main, understood these truths and have responded to them well, in the face of threat and stress.But threats, new in kind or degree, constantly arise. Of these, I mention two only.A vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. Our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction. Our military organization today bears little relation to that known by any of my predecessors in peacetime, or, indeed, by the fighting men of World War II or Korea.Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry. American makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well. But now we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense. We have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defenseestablishment. We annually spend on military security alone more than the net income of all United States corporations.Now this conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence -- economic, political, even spiritual --is felt in every city, every Statehouse, every office of the Federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources, and livelihood are all involved. So is the very structure of our society.In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist. We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together.Akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial-military posture, has been the technological revolution during recent decades. In this revolution, research has become central, it also becomes more formalized, complex, and costly. A steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the Federal government.Today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his shop, has been overshadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and testing fields. In the same fashion, the free university, historically the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery, has experienced a revolution in the conduct of research. Partly because of the huge costs involved, a government contract becomes virtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity. For every old blackboard there are now hundreds of new electronic computers. The prospect of domination of the nation's scholars by Federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present -- and is gravely to be regarded.Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itself become the captive of a scientific-technological elite.It is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system – ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society.Another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time. As we peer into society's future, we -- you and I, and our government -- must avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering for our own ease and convenience the precious resources of tomorrow. We cannot mortgage the material assets of our grandchildrenwithout risking the loss also of their political and spiritual heritage. We want democracy to survive for all generations to come, not to become the insolvent phantom of tomorrow.During the long lane of the history yet to be written, America knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate, and be, instead, a proud confederation of mutual trust and respect. Such a confederation must be one of equals. The weakest must come to the conference table with the same confidence as do we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. That table, though scarred by many past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certain agony of the battlefield.Disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing imperative. Together we must learn how to compose differences, not with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose. Because this need is so sharp and apparent, I confess that I lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a definite sense of disappointment. As one who has witnessed the horror and the lingering sadness of war, as one who knows that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years, I wish I could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight.Happily, I can say that war has been avoided. Steady progress toward our ultimate goal has been made. But so much remains to be done. As a private citizen, I shall never cease to do what little I can to help the world advance along that road.So, in this my last good night to you as your President, I thank you for the many opportunities you have given me for public service in war and in peace. I trust that in that service you find some things worthy. As for the rest of it, I know you will find ways to improve performance in the future.You and I, my fellow citizens, need to be strong in our faith that all nations, under God, will reach the goal of peace with justice. May we be ever unswerving in devotion to principle, confident but humble with power, diligent in pursuit of the Nations' great goals.To all the peoples of the world, I once more give expression to America's prayerful and continuing aspiration: We pray that peoples of all faiths, all races, all nations, may have their great human needs satisfied; that those now denied opportunity shall come to enjoy it to the full; that all who yearn for freedom may experience its few spiritual blessings. Those who have freedom will understand, also, its heavy responsibilities; that all who are insensitive to the needs of others will learn charity; and that the scourges of poverty, disease and ignorance will be made to disappear from the earth; and that, in the goodness of time, all peoples will come to live together in a peace guaranteed by the binding force of mutual respect and love.Now, on Friday noon, I am to become a private citizen. I am proud to do so. I look forward to it.Thank you, and good night.。
当隆美尔遇上艾森豪威尔,作文
当隆美尔遇上艾森豪威尔,作文When Rommel Met EisenhowerDuring World War II, two legendary military leaders, Erwin Rommel and Dwight D. Eisenhower, found themselves on opposite sides of the conflict. Rommel, also known as the Desert Fox, was a German general who gained fame for his tactical brilliance in North Africa. Eisenhower, on the other hand, was the Supreme Commander of the Allied forces and played a crucial role in the planning and execution of the D-Day invasion.If Rommel and Eisenhower were to meet, it would undoubtedly be an intriguing encounter. Both men were highly respected in their respective armies and possessed a deep understanding of military strategy. The meeting would provide an opportunity for them to exchange ideas, discuss their experiences, and perhaps even gain insights from one another.In such a meeting, language barriers would be a challenge. Rommel was a German speaker, while Eisenhower primarily spoke English. However, it is likely that they would have had interpreters present to facilitate communication. Despite the language barrier, theshared language of military tactics and strategy would have allowed them to understand each other to some extent.The conversation between Rommel and Eisenhower would likely revolve around their experiences in the war. Rommel might have shared his strategies for successful desert warfare, while Eisenhower could have discussed the challenges of leading a multinational coalition. They might have discussed the importance of logistics, the role of intelligence, and the impact of morale on the battlefield.Furthermore, given their positions as high-ranking officers, they might have discussed the broader political and strategic aspects of the war. They could have debated the effectiveness of different strategies employed by their respective sides and shared their thoughts on the future course of the conflict.Overall, a meeting between Rommel and Eisenhower would have been a fascinating encounter between two military geniuses. It would have provided an opportunity for them to learn from each other's experiences and gain a deeper understanding of the challenges they faced. Despite their opposing roles in the war, such a meeting couldhave fostered mutual respect and admiration between these two remarkable leaders.当隆美尔遇上艾森豪威尔在第二次世界大战期间，两位传奇的军事领导人，埃尔温·隆美尔和德怀特·D·艾森豪威尔，发现自己在战争的对立面。
罗斯福就职演讲稿英文.doc
罗斯福就职演讲稿英文president hoover mister chief justice, my friends: this is a day of national consecration, and i am certain that on this day my fellow americans expect that on my induction in the presidency i will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impeis. this is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today this great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper so first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself - nameless, unreasoning, un justified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. in every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory and i am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days. in such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our mon difficulties. they concern, thank god, only material things. values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen, government of all kinds is faced by serious curtaiiment of ine, the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves ofindustrial enterprise lie on every side, farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone. more important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment. and yet, our distress es from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague of locusts. pared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for nature surrounds us with her bounty and human, efforts have multiplied it. plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own inpetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated. practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men. true, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition. faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence.they only know the rules of a generation of self seekers. they have no vision, and when there is no vision, thepeople perish. yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civiiization. we may now restore that temp1e to the ancient truths. a measure ofthat restoration lies in the extent to which we applysocial value, more noble than mere moary profits. happiness lies not in the mere possession of money it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgottenin the mad chase of evanescent profits. these dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men. recognition ofthe falsity of material wealth as the standard of suessgoes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false beliefthat public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct in banking and in business, which too of ten has given to a sacredtrust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing.small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrivesonly on honesty on honon on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance. without them it cannot live. restoration calls,however, not for changes in ethics alone. this nation is asking for action, and action now. our greatest primary task is to put people to work. this is no unsolvable problem if we take it wise1y and courageously it can be aomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, aomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources. hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land. yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. it can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. it can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce. it can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are of ten scattered, uneconomical, unequal. it can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of munications, and other utilitiesthat have a definitely public character. there are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by mere1y talking about it. we must act, we must act quickly. and finally in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people-s money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency. these, my friends, are the lines of attack. i shall presently urge upon a new congress in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and i shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states. through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making ine balance outflow our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy i favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. i shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that aomplishment. the basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. it is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the variouselements in all parts of the united states of america - a recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the american spirit of the pioneer. it is the way to recovery it is the immediate way it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure. in the field of world policy i would dedicate this nation to the policyof the good neighbor. the neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does so, respects the rights of others. the neighbor who respects his ob1igation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, aworld of neighbor. if i read the temper of our people correctly we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well. that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willingto sacrifice for the good of a mon discipline, because without such discip1ine, no progress can be made, no leadership bees effective. we are all ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a 1eadership which aims at the larger good. this, i propose to offet we are going tolarger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as asacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife. with this pledge taken, i assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of ourpeople dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our mon problems. action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors. our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen. it has met every stress of vast expansion of territory of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. and it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority wi1l befully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. but it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for underlay action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure. we face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that es from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life. we do not distrust the future of essential democracy the people of the united states have not failed. in their need, they have registered a mandate that theywant direct, vigorous action. they have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. in the spirit of the gift, i take it.in this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the b1essings of god, may he protect each and every one of us, may he guide me in the days to e.。
【2018-2019】艾森豪威尔就职演说-优秀word范文 (16页)
本文部分内容来自网络整理，本司不为其真实性负责，如有异议或侵权请及时联系，本司将立即删除！== 本文为word格式，下载后可方便编辑和修改！ ==艾森豪威尔就职演说篇一：艾森豪威尔离职演讲美国第34任总统艾森豪威尔告别演说(全文)时间：1961年1月17日地点：白宫我来说两句再过三天，在我为我国服务半个世纪之后，随着总统的权威按传统的隆重仪式归属我的继任者，本人将卸下公职。
我们现在的日期距本世纪中点已过十年，这个世纪经历了大国之间四次大的战争，我们自己的国家卷入其中三次。
尽管发生了这些大规模的战祸，当今美国乃是世界上最强大、最有影响、生産力最高的国家。
我们自然爲此卓越成就感到自豪，但我们也意识到，美国的领导地位和威信不仅取决于我们举世无双的物质进步、财富和军事力量，而且取决于我们如何爲世界和平与人类福利使用我们的力量。
纵观美国在自由政府体制上的探索历程，我们的基本目的始终是维护和平，促进人类进步，在人民中和国家之间增进自由权，提高尊严，宏扬正直的品质。
追求较低的目标会辱没一个自由、有虔诚宗教信仰的民族。
任何由于骄傲自大或理解力不强或缺乏奉献精神的失败都将在国内外给我们带来严重损害。
走向这些崇高目标的进程一直受到现在正席卷全球的冲突的威胁。
这种冲突迫使我们全神贯注，全力以赴。
我们面对一种敌对的意识形态──具有世界性规模和无神论性质，目标残忍，手段阴险。
不幸的是，它所造成的危险将长期存在。
欲成功地对付它，所要求的与其说是危急关头感情上短暂的痛苦，毋宁说是作出牺牲以使我们能坚定踏实、任劳任怨地承担一场长期复杂斗争的重任──与自由共存亡。
只有这样我们才能战胜一次又一次的挑衅，始终朝着世界持久和平和人类美好未来的方向前进。
我们的军队是维护和平必不可少的要素。
我们的武装力量必须强大，随时准备投入行动，以使任何潜在的侵略者都不敢贸然以卵击石。
我们今天的军事组织与我的任何一位和平时期前任所了解的，与第二次世界大战或朝鲜战争中的军人所了解的军事组织大相径庭。
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英语演讲稿Atoms for Peace by 德怀特·艾森豪威尔美国名人100大演讲Madam President and* Members of the General Assembly: When Secretary General Hammarskjold’s invitation to address this General Assembly reached me in Bermuda, I was just beginning a series of conferences with the Prime Ministers and Foreign Ministers of Great Britain and of France. Our subject was some of the problems that beset our world.During the remainder of the Bermuda Conference, I had constantly in mind that ahead of me lay a great honor. That honor is mine today, as I stand here, privileged to address the General Assembly of the United Nations.At the same time that I appreciate the distinction of addressing you, I have a sense of exhilaration as I look upon this Assembly. Never before in history has so much hope for so many people been gathered together in a single organization. Your deliberations and decisions during these somber years have already realized part of those hopes.But the great tests and the great accomplishments still lie ahead. And in the confident expectation of those accomplishments, I would use the office which, for the time being, I hold, to assure you that the Government of the United States will remain steadfast in its support of this body. This we shall do in the conviction that you will provide a great share of the wisdom, of the courage, and the faith which can bring to this world lasting peace for all nations, and happiness and well-being for all men.Clearly, it would not be fitting for me to take this occasion to present to you a unilateral American report on Bermuda. Nevertheless, I assure you that in our deliberations on that lovely island we sought to invoke those same great concepts of universal peace and human dignity which are so cleanly etched in your Charter. Neither would it be a measure of this great opportunity merely to recite, however hopefully, pious platitudes.I therefore decided that this occasion warranted my saying to you some of the things that have been on the minds and hearts of my legislative and executive associates, and on mine, for a great many months -- thoughts I had originally planned to say primarily to the American people.I know that the American people share my deep belief that if a danger exists in the world, it is a danger shared by all; and equally, that if hope exists in the mind of one nation, that hope should be shared by all.Finally, if there is to be advanced any proposal designed to ease even by the smallest measure the tensions of today’s world, what more appropriate audience could there be than the members of the General Assembly of the United Nations. I feel impelled to speak today in a language that in a sense is new, one which I, who have spent so much of my life in the military profession, would have preferred never to use. That new language is the language of atomic warfare.The atomic age has moved forward at such a pace that every citizen of the world should have some comprehension, at least in comparative terms, of the extent of this development, of the utmost significance to everyone of us. Clearly, if the peoples of the world are to conduct an intelligent search for peace, they must be armed with the significant facts of today’s existence.My recital of atomic danger and power is necessarily stated in United States terms, for these are the only incontrovertible facts that I know. I need hardly point outto this Assembly, however, that this subject is global, not merely national in character.On July 16, 1945, the United States set off the world’s first atomic explosion.Since that date in 1945, the United States of America has conducted forty-two test explosions. Atomic bombs today are more than twenty-five times as powerful as the weapons with which the atomic age dawned, while hydrogen weapons are in the ranges of millions of tons of TNT equivalent.Today, the United States stockpile of atomic weapons, which, of course, increases daily, exceeds by many times the total [explosive] equivalent of the total of all bombs and all shells that came from every plane and every gun in every theatre of war in all the years of World War II.A single air group, whether afloat or land based, can now deliver to any reachable target a destructive cargo exceeding in power all the bombs that fell on Britain in all of World War II. In size and variety, the development of atomic weapons has been no less remarkable. The development has been such that atomic weapons have virtually achieved conventional status within our armed services.In the United States, the Army, the Navy, the Air Force,and the Marine Corps are all capable of putting this weapon to military use. But the dread secret and the fearful engines of atomic might are not ours alone.In the first place, the secret is possessed by our friends and allies, Great Britain and Canada, whose scientific genius made a tremendous contribution to our original discoveries and the designs of atomic bombs.The secret is also known by the Soviet Union.The Soviet Union has informed us that, over recent years, it has devoted extensive resources to atomic weapons. During this period the Soviet Union has exploded a series of atomic advices -- devices, including at least one involving thermo-nuclear reactions. If at one time the Unites States possessed what might have been called a monopoly of atomic power, that monopoly ceased to exist several years ago.Therefore, although our earlier start has permitted us to accumulate what is today a great quantitative advantage, the atomic realities of today comprehend two facts of even greater significance.First, the knowledge now possessed by several nations will eventually be shared by others, possibly all others.Second, even a vast superiority in numbers of weapons,and a consequent capability of devastating retaliation, is no preventive, of itself, against the fearful material damage and toll of human lives that would be inflicted by surprise aggression. The free world, at least dimly aware of these facts, has naturally embarked on a large program of warning and defense systems. That program will be accelerated and expanded. But let no one think that the expenditure of vast sums for weapons and systems of defense can guarantee absolute safety for the cities and citizens of any nation. The awful arithmetic of the atomic bomb does not permit of any such easy solution. Even against the most powerful defense, an aggressor in possession of the effective minimum number of atomic bombs for a surprise attack could probably place a sufficient number of his bombs on the chosen targets to cause hideous damage.Should such an atomic attack be launched against the United States, our reactions would be swift and resolute. But for me to say that the defense capabilities of the United States are such that they could inflict terrible losses upon an aggressor, for me to say that the retaliation capabilities of the Unites States are so great that such an aggressor’s land would be laid waste, all this, while fact, is not the true expression of the purpose and the hope of the United States.To pause there would be to confirm the hopeless finality of a belief that two atomic colossi are doomed malevolently to eye each other indefinitely across a trembling world. To stop there would be to accept hope -- helplessly the probability of civilization destroyed, the annihilation of the irreplaceable heritage of mankind handed down to use generation from generation, and the condemnation of mankind to begin all over again the age-old struggle upward from savagery toward decency, and right, and justice. Surely no sane member of the human race could discover victory in such desolation.Could anyone wish his name to be coupled by history with such human degradation and destruction? Occasional pages of history do record the faces of the “great destroyers,” but the whole book of history reveals mankind’s never-ending quest for peace and mankind’s God-given capacity to build.It is with the book of history, and not with isolated pages, that the United States will ever wish to be identified. My country wants to be constructive, not destructive. It wants agreements, not wars, among nations. It wants itself to live in freedom and in the confidence that the people of every other nation enjoy equally the right of choosing their own way oflife.So my country’s purpose is to help us move out of the dark chamber of horrors into the light, to find a way by which the minds of men, the hopes of men, the souls of men everywhere, can move forward toward peace and happiness and well-being.In this quest, I know that we must not lack patience.I know that in a world divided, such as ours today, salvation cannot be attained by one dramatic act. I know that many steps will have to be taken over many months before the world can look at itself one day and truly realize that a new climate of mutually peaceful confidence is abroad in the world. But I know, above all else, that we must start to take these steps now.The United States and its allies, Great Britain and France, have, over the past months, tried to take some of these steps. Let no one say that we shun the conference table. On the record has long stood the request of the United States, Great Britain, and France to negotiate with the Soviet Union the problems of a divided Germany. On that record has long stood the request of the same three nations to negotiate an Austrian peace treaty. On the same record still stands the request of the United Nations to negotiate the problems of Korea.Most recently we have received from the Soviet Union what is in effect an expression of willingness to hold a four-Power meeting. Along with our allies, Great Britain and France, we were pleased to see that his note did not contain the unacceptable pre-conditions previously put forward. As you already know from our joint Bermuda communiqué, the United States, Great Britain, and France have agreed promptly to meet with the Soviet Union.The Government of the United States approaches this conference with hopeful sincerity. We will bend every effort of our minds to the single purpose of emerging from that conference with tangible results towards peace, the only true way of lessening international tension. We never have, we never will, propose or suggest that the Soviet Union surrender what is rightfully theirs. We will never say that the people of Russia are an enemy with whom we have no desire ever to deal or mingle in friendly and fruitful relationship.On the contrary, we hope that this coming conference may initiate a relationship with the Soviet Union which will eventually bring about a free intermingling of the peoples of the East and of the West -- the one sure, human way of developing the understanding required for confident and peacefulrelations.Instead of the discontent which is now settling upon Eastern Germany, occupied Austria, and the countries of Eastern Europe, we seek a harmonious family of free European nations, with none a threat to the other, and least of all a threat to the peoples of the Russia. Beyond the turmoil and strife and misery of Asia, we seek peaceful opportunity for these peoples to develop their natural resources and to elevate their lives.These are not idle words or shallow visions. Behind them lies a story of nations lately come to independence, not as a result of war, but through free grant or peaceful negotiation. There is a record already written of assistance gladly given by nations of the West to needy peoples and to those suffering the temporary effects of famine, drought, and natural disaster. These are deeds of peace. They speak more loudly than promises or protestations of peaceful intent.But I do not wish to rest either upon the reiteration of past proposals or the restatement of past deeds. The gravity of the time is such that every new avenue of peace, no matter how dimly discernible, should be explored. There is at least one new avenue of peace which has not yet been well explored-- an avenue now laid out by the General Assembly of the Unites Nations.In its resolution of November 18th, 1953 this General Assembly suggested -- and I quote -- “that the Disarmament Commission study the desirability of establishing a sub-committee consisting of representatives of the Powers principally involved, which should seek in private an acceptable solution and report such a solution to the General Assembly and to the Security Council not later than September 1, of 1954.”The United States, heeding the suggestion of the General Assembly of the United Nations, is instantly prepared to meet privately with such other countries as may be “principally involved,” to seek “an acceptable solution” to the atomic armaments race which overshadows not only the peace, but the very life of the world. We shall carry into these private or diplomatic talks a new conception.The United States would seek more than the mere reduction or elimination of atomic materials for military purposes. It is not enough to take this weapon out of the hands of the soldiers. It must be put into the hands of those who will know how to strip its military casing and adapt it to the arts ofpeace.The United States knows that if the fearful trend of atomic military build-up can be reversed, this greatest of destructive forces can be developed into a great boon, for the benefit of all mankind. The United States knows that peaceful power from atomic energy is no dream of the future. That capability, already proved, is here, now, today. Who can doubt, if the entire body of the world’s scientists and engineers had adequate amounts of fissionable material with which to test and develop their ideas, that this capability would rapidly be transformed into universal, efficient, and economic usage?To hasten the day when fear of the atom will begin to disappear from the minds of people and the governments of the East and West, there are certain steps that can be taken now.I therefore make the following proposals:The governments principally involved, to the extent permitted by elementary prudence, to begin now and continue to make joint contributions from their stockpiles of normal uranium and fissionable materials to an international atomic energy agency. We would expect that such an agency would be set up under the aegis of the United Nations.The ratios of contributions, the procedures, and otherdetails would properly be within the scope of the “private conversations” I have referred to earlier.The United States is prepared to undertake these explorations in good faith. Any partner of the United States acting in the same good faith will find the United States a not unreasonable or ungenerous associate.Undoubtedly, initial and early contributions to this plan would be small in quantity. However, the proposal has the great virtue that it can be undertaken without the irritations and mutual suspicions incident to any attempt to set up a completely acceptable system of world-wide inspection and control.The atomic energy agency could be made responsible for the impounding, storage, and protection of the contributed fissionable and other materials. The ingenuity of our scientists will provide special, safe conditions under which such a bank of fissionable material can be made essentially immune to surprise seizure.The more important responsibility of this atomic energy agency would be to devise methods whereby this fissionable material would be allocated to serve the peaceful pursuits of mankind. Experts would be mobilized to apply atomic energy tothe needs of agriculture, medicine, and other peaceful activities. A special purpose would be to provide abundant electrical energy in the power-starved areas of the world. Thus the contributing Powers would be dedicating some of their strength to serve the needs rather than the fears of mankind.The United States would be more than willing -- it would be proud to take up with others “principally involved” the development of plans whereby such peaceful use of atomic energy would be expedited.Of those “principally involved” the Soviet Union must, of course, be one. I would be prepared to submit to the Congress of the United States, and with every expectation of approval, any such plan that would, first, encourage world-wide investigation into the most effective peacetime uses of fissionable material, and with the certainty that they [the investigators] had all the material needed for the conduct of all experiments that were appropriate; second, begin to diminish the potential destructive power of the world’s atomic stockpiles; third, allow all peoples of all nations to see that, in this enlightened age, the great Powers of the earth, both of the East and of the West, are interested in human aspirations first rather than in building up the armaments of war; fourth,open up a new channel for peaceful discussion and initiate at least a new approach to the many difficult problems that must be solved in both private and public conversations, if the world is to shake off the inertia imposed by fear and is to make positive progress toward peace.Against the dark background of the atomic bomb, the United States does not wish merely to present strength, but also the desire and the hope for peace.The coming months will be fraught with fateful decisions. In this Assembly, in the capitals and military headquarters of the world, in the hearts of men everywhere, be they governed or governors, may they be the decisions which will lead this world out of fear and into peace.To the making of these fateful decisions, the United States pledges before you, and therefore before the world, its determination to help solve the fearful atomic dilemma -- to devote its entire heart and mind to find the way by which the miraculous inventiveness of man shall not be dedicated to his death, but consecrated to his life.I again thank the delegates for the great honor they have done me in inviting me to appear before them and in listening me -- to me so courteously.Thank you.delivered 8 December 1953, United Nations General Assembly。