温斯顿·丘吉尔的铁幕演讲(英汉对照完整版)：和平的力量
丘吉尔著名演讲：NeverGiveUp（英语原文）
丘吉尔著名演讲：NeverGiveUp（英语原文）丘吉尔著名演讲：Never Give Up （英语原文）Never Give UpOctober 29, 1941Harrow SchoolWhen Churchill visited Harrow on October 29 to hear the traditional songs again, he discovered that an additional verse had been added to one of them. It ran: "Not less we praise in darker daysThe leader of our nation,And Churchill's name shall win acclaimFrom each new generation.For you have power in danger's hourOur freedom to defend, Sir!Though long the fight we know that rightWill triumph in the end, Sir!Almost a year has passed since I came down here at your Head Master's kind invitation in order to cheer myself and cheer the hearts of a few of my friends by singing some of our own songs. The ten months that have passed have seen very terrible catastrophic events inthe world - ups and downs, misfortunes - but can anyone sitting here this afternoon, this October afternoon, not feel deeply thankful for what has happened in the time that has passed and for the very great improvement in the position of our country and of our home? Why, when I was here last time we were quite alone, desperately alone, and we had been so for five or six months. We were poorly armed. We are not so poorlyarmed today; but then we were very poorly armed. We had the unmeasured menace of the enemy and their air attack still beating upon us, and you yourselves had had experience of this attack; and I expect you are beginning to feel impatient that there has been this long lull with nothing particular turning up!But we must learn to be equally good at what is short and sharp and what is long and tough. It is generally said that the British are often better at the last. They do not expect to move from crisis to crisis; they do not always expect that each day will bring up some noble chance of war; but when they very slowly make up their minds that the thing has to be done and the job put through and finished, then, even if it takes months - if it takes years - they do it.Another lesson I think we may take, just throwing our minds back to our meeting here ten months ago and now, is that appearances are often very deceptive, and as Kipling well says, we must "…meet with Triumph and Disaster. And treat those two impostors just the same."You cannot tell from appearances how things will go. Sometimes imagination makes things out far worse than they are; yet without imagination not much can be done. Those people who are imaginative see many more dangers than perhaps exist; certainly many more than will happen; but then they must also pray to be given that extra courage to carry this far-reaching imagination. But for everyone, surely, what we have gone through in this period - I am addressing myself to the School - surely from this period of ten months this is the lesson: never give in, never give in, never, never, never, never-in nothing, great or small, large or petty - never give in except to convictions of honour and good sense. Never yield to force; never yield to theapparently overwhelming might of the enemy. We stood all alone a year ago, and to many countries itseemed that our account was closed, we were finished. All this tradition of ours, our songs, our School history, this part of the history of this country, were gone and finished and liquidated.Very different is the mood today. Britain, other nations thought, had drawn a sponge across her slate. But instead our country stood in the gap. There was no flinching and no thought of giving in; and by what seemed almost a miracle to those outside these Islands, though we ourselves never doubted it, we now find ourselves in a position where I say that we can be sure that we have only to persevere to conquer.You sang here a verse of a School Song: you sang that extra verse written in my honour, which I was very greatly plimented by and which you have repeated today. But there is one word in it I want to alter - I wanted to do so last year, but I did not venture to. It is the line: "Not less we praise in darker days."I have obtained the Head Master's permission to alter darker to sterner. "Not less we praise in sterner days."Do not let us speak of darker days: let us speakrather of sterner days. These are not dark days; these are great days - the greatest days our country has ever lived; and we must all thank God that we have been allowed, each of us according to our stations, to play a part in making these days memorable in the history of our race.。
丘吉尔演讲翻译
丘吉尔演讲翻译丘吉尔演讲翻译篇一：丘吉尔英语演讲稿：就职演说(中英对照)1940年5月8日，由于前首相张伯伦遭到不信任质疑动议，被迫辞职。
5月10日下午6时，国王召见丘吉尔，令其组阁；一小时后丘吉尔会见工党领袖艾德礼，邀请工党加入内阁并获得支持。
3天后丘吉尔首次以首相身份出席下议院会议，发表了著名的讲话：“我没有别的，只有热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水献给大家??你们问：我们的目的是什么？我可以用一个词来答复：胜利，不惜一切代价去争取胜利，无论多么恐怖也要争取胜利，无论道路多么遥远艰难，也要争取胜利，因为没有胜利就无法生存。
”下议院最终以381票对0票的绝对优势表明了对丘吉尔政府的支持。
正文：onfridayeveninglastireceivedfromhismajestythemissiontoformanew administration.上星期五晚上，我奉陛下之命，组织新的一届政府。
itwastheevidentwillofparliamentandthenationthatthisshouldbeconceivedonthebroadestpossiblebasisandthatitshouldincludeallparties.按国会和国民的意愿，新政府显然应该考虑建立在尽可能广泛的基础上，应该兼容所有的党派。
我已经完成了这项任务的最主要的部分。
战时内阁已由五人组成，包括工党、反对党和自由党，这体现了举国团结一致。
由于事态的极端紧急和严峻，新阁政府须于一天之内组成，其他的关键岗位也于昨日安排就绪。
今晚还要向国王呈报一份名单。
我希望明天就能完成几位主要大臣的任命。
其余大臣们的任命照例得晚一些。
我相信，在国会下一次召开时，任命将告完成，臻于完善。
iconsidereditinthepublicinteresttosuggesttothespeakerthatthehouseshould besummonedtoday.attheendoftodaysproceedings,theadjournmentofthehou sewillbeproposeduntilmay2lwithprovisionforearliermeetingifneedbe.busine ssforthatwillbenotifiedtom.p.sattheearliestopportunity.为公众利益着想，我建议议长今天就召开国会。
丘吉尔铁幕演说(英文版)
The Sinews of Peace（丘吉尔的铁幕演说）Westminster College, Fulton, MissouriI am glad to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and am complimented that you should give me a degree. The name "Westminster" is somehow familiar to me.I seem to have heard of it before. Indeed, it was at Westminster that I receiveda very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.It is also an honour, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities - unsought but not recoiled from - the President has travelled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me, however, make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, andto try to make sure with what strength I have that what has been gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.The United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall guide and rule the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement. When American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words "over-all strategic concept." There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe today It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up in the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potentpart.To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded from the two giant marauders, war and tyranny. We all know the frightful disturbances in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winnerand those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilised society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them all is distorted, all is broken, even ground to pulp. When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualise what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called "the unestimated sum of human pain." Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed onthat.Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their "over-all strategic concept" and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step - namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organisation has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war, UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon the rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars - though not, alas, in the interval between them - I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organisation must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to delegate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organisation. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniform of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organisation. This might be started on a modest scale and would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust it may be done forthwith.It would nevertheless be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, Great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organisation, while it is still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one in any country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are at present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and if some Communist or neo-Fascist State monopolised for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess soformidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organisation with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organisation.Now I come to the second danger of these two marauders which threatens the cottage, the home, and the ordinary people - namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. But we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time andcustom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practise - let us practise what we preach.I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the homes of the people: War and Tyranny. I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and co-operation can bring in the next few years to the world, certainly in the next few decades newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience. Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly of sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learned fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran. "There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and in peace." So far I feel that we are in full agreement.Now, while still pursuing the method of realising our overall strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have travelled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organisation will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States. This is no time for generalities, and I will venture to be precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but thecontinuance of the intimate relationship between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire Forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.The United States has already a Permanent Defence Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have often been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to work together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come - I feel eventually there will come - the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organisation I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organisation will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada which I have just mentioned, and there are the special relations betweenthe United States and the South American Republics. We British have our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years Treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since 1384, and which produced fruitful results at critical moments in the late war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organisation; on the contrary they help it. "In my father's house are many mansions." Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbour no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable. I spoke earlier of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are inter-mingled, and if they have "faith in each other's purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each other's shortcomings" - to quote some good words I read here the other day - why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners Why cannot they share their tools and thus increase each other's working powers Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we shall all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war, incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind I have described, with all the extra strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, letus make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilising the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than cure.A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately lighted by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organisation intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytising tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshal Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain - and I doubt not here also - towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you, to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe. From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in many cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone - Greece with its immortal glories - is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous andwrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy. Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of Occupied Germany by showing special favours to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westwards, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies hadconquered.If now the Soviet Government tries, by separate action, to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the British and American zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts - and facts they are - this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.The safety of the world requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against theirwishes and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation had occurred. Twice the United States has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with its Charter. That I feel is an open cause of policy of very great importance. In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Tito's claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic.Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I have worked for a strong France and I never lost faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours.I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist centre. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilisation. These are sombre facts for anyone to have to recite on the morrow of a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremelyfavourable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might not extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you are all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there.I have felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world.I was a high minister at the time of the Versailles Treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over, and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful.I do not see or feel that same confidence or even the same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.On the other hand I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here to-day while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longerthis is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing they admire so much as strength, and there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles of the United Nations Charter, their influence for furthering those principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided or falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.Last time I saw it all coming and cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken her and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. There never was a war in all history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honoured to-day; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely must not let that happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organisation and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the world instrument, supported by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections.There is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to which I have given the title "The Sinews of Peace."Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose that we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony, or that half a century from now, you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world and united in defence of our traditions, our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary, there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the high-roads of the future will be clear, not only for us but for all, not only for our time, but for a century to come. The text of Sir Winston Churchill's "The Sinews of Peace" speech is quoted in its entirety from Robert Rhodes James (ed.), Winston S. Churchill: His Complete Speeches 1897-1963 Volume VII: 1943-1949 (New York: Chelsea House Publishers, 1974) 7285-7293.。
丘吉尔铁幕演说(英文版)
The Sinews of Peace（丘吉尔的铁幕演说1946.3.5）Westminster College, Fulton, MissouriI am glad to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and am complimented that you should give me a degree. The name "Westminster" is somehow familiar to me. I seem to have heard of it before. Indeed, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.It is also an honour, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities - unsought but not recoiled from - the President has travelled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me, however, make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has been gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.The United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall guide and rule the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement. When American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words "over-all strategic concept." There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe today? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up in the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part. To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded from the two giant marauders, war and tyranny. We all know the frightful disturbances in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glaresus in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilised society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them all is distorted, all is broken, even ground to pulp. When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualise what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called "the unestimated sum of human pain." Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their "over-all strategic concept" and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step - namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organisation has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war, UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon the rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars - though not, alas, in the interval between them - I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organisation must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to delegate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organisation. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniform of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organisation. This might be started on a modest scale and would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust it may be done forthwith.It would nevertheless be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, Great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organisation, while it is still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one in any country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are at present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and if some Communist or neo-Fascist State monopolised for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat ofemployment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organisation with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organisation.Now I come to the second danger of these two marauders which threatens the cottage, the home, and the ordinary people - namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. But we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practise - let us practise what we preach.I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the homes of the people: War and Tyranny. I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and co-operation can bring in the next few years to the world, certainly in the next few decades newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience. Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly of sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learned fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran. "There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and in peace." So far I feel that we are in full agreement.Now, while still pursuing the method of realising our overall strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have travelled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organisation will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States. This is no time for generalities, and I will venture to be precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relationship between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity ofweapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire Forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.The United States has already a Permanent Defence Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have often been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to work together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come - I feel eventually there will come - the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organisation? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organisation will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada which I have just mentioned, and there are the special relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years Treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since 1384, and which produced fruitful results at critical moments in the late war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organisation; on the contrary they help it. "In my father's house are many mansions." Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbour no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable. I spoke earlier of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are inter-mingled, and if they have "faith in each other's purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each other's shortcomings" - to quote some good words I read here the other day - why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why cannot they share their tools and thus increase each other's working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we shall all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war, incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind I have described, with all the extra strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that itplays its part in steadying and stabilising the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than cure.A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately lighted by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organisation intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytising tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshal Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain - and I doubt not here also - towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you, to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe. From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in many cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone - Greece with its immortal glories - is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy. Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of Occupied Germany by showing special favours to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westwards, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.If now the Soviet Government tries, by separate action, to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the British and American zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts - and facts they are - this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.The safety of the world requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wishes and their traditions, againstarguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation had occurred. Twice the United States has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with its Charter. That I feel is an open cause of policy of very great importance. In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Tito's claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic.Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I have worked for a strong France and I never lost faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist centre. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilisation. These are sombre facts for anyone to have to recite on the morrow of a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favourable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might not extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you are all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there. I have felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world.I was a high minister at the time of the Versailles Treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over, and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or even the same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.On the other hand I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here to-day while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see whathappens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing they admire so much as strength, and there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles of the United Nations Charter, their influence for furthering those principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided or falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.Last time I saw it all coming and cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken her and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. There never was a war in all history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honoured to-day; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely must not let that happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organisation and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the world instrument, supported by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to which I have given the title "The Sinews of Peace."Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose that we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony, or that half a century from now, you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world and united in defence of our traditions, our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary, there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the high-roads of the future will be clear, not only for us but for all, not only for our time, but for a century to come. The text of Sir Winston Churchill's "The Sinews of Peace" speech is quoted in its entirety from Robert Rhodes James (ed.), Winston S. Churchill: His Complete Speeches 1897-1963 V olume VII: 1943-1949 (New York: Chelsea House Publishers, 1974) 7285-7293.。
《至暗时刻》：丘吉尔最震撼演讲
《至暗时刻》：丘吉尔最震撼演讲电影《至暗时刻》中，1940年5月13日下午，丘吉尔发表了鼓舞英国人民同法西斯德国战斗的演讲，精彩部分如下（英汉对照）：We Shall Fight on the BeachesWe shall go on to the end, we shall fight in France, we shall fight on the seas and oceans, we shall fight with growing confidence and growing strength in the air, we shall defend our Island, whatever the cost may be, we shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills;我们将战斗到底。
我们将在法国作战，我们将在海洋中作战，我们将以越来越大的信心和越来越强的力量在空中作战，我们将不惜一切代价保卫本土，我们将在海滩作战，我们将在敌人的登陆点作战，我们将在田野和街头作战，我们将在山区作战；we shall never surrender, and even if, which I do not for a moment believe, this Island or a large part of it were subjugated and starving, then our Empire beyond the seas, armed and guarded by the British Fleet, would carry on the struggle, until, in God’s good time, the New World, with all its power and might, steps forth to the rescue and the liberation of the old.我们绝不投降，即使我们这个岛屿或这个岛屿的大部分被征服并陷于饥饿之中——我从来不相信会发生这种情况——我们在海外的帝国臣民，在英国舰队的武装和保护下也会继续战斗，直到新世界在上帝认为适当的时候，拿出它所有一切的力量来拯救和解放这个旧世界。
丘吉尔演讲翻译
丘吉尔演讲翻译丘吉尔演讲翻译篇一：丘吉尔英语演讲稿：就职演说(中英对照)1940年5月8日，由于前首相张伯伦遭到不信任质疑动议，被迫辞职。
5月10日下午6时，国王召见丘吉尔，令其组阁；一小时后丘吉尔会见工党领袖艾德礼，邀请工党加入内阁并获得支持。
3天后丘吉尔首次以首相身份出席下议院会议，发表了著名的讲话：“我没有别的，只有热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水献给大家??你们问：我们的目的是什么？我可以用一个词来答复：胜利，不惜一切代价去争取胜利，无论多么恐怖也要争取胜利，无论道路多么遥远艰难，也要争取胜利，因为没有胜利就无法生存。
”下议院最终以381票对0票的绝对优势表明了对丘吉尔政府的支持。
正文：onfridayeveninglastireceivedfromhismajestythemissiontoformanew administration.上星期五晚上，我奉陛下之命，组织新的一届政府。
itwastheevidentwillofparliamentandthenationthatthisshouldbeconceivedonthebroadestpossiblebasisandthatitshouldincludeallparties.按国会和国民的意愿，新政府显然应该考虑建立在尽可能广泛的基础上，应该兼容所有的党派。
我已经完成了这项任务的最主要的部分。
战时内阁已由五人组成，包括工党、反对党和自由党，这体现了举国团结一致。
由于事态的极端紧急和严峻，新阁政府须于一天之内组成，其他的关键岗位也于昨日安排就绪。
今晚还要向国王呈报一份名单。
我希望明天就能完成几位主要大臣的任命。
其余大臣们的任命照例得晚一些。
我相信，在国会下一次召开时，任命将告完成，臻于完善。
iconsidereditinthepublicinteresttosuggesttothespeakerthatthehouseshould besummonedtoday.attheendoftodaysproceedings,theadjournmentofthehou sewillbeproposeduntilmay2lwithprovisionforearliermeetingifneedbe.busine ssforthatwillbenotifiedtom.p.sattheearliestopportunity.为公众利益着想，我建议议长今天就召开国会。
丘吉尔著名的铁幕演说
丘吉尔著名的铁幕演说 1946年3⽉，英国前⾸相丘吉尔在美国富尔顿发表的反苏演说，⼜称铁幕演说。
铁幕演说也被认为是正式拉开了冷战的序幕。
以下是丘吉尔演讲的部分节选。
以下是店铺为⼤家整理的丘吉尔著名的铁幕演说，仅供参考，⼤家⼀起来看看吧。
英⽂原⽂： The United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American democracy. For with this primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. As you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done, but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here now, clear and shining, for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the aftertime. It is necessary that constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshal Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- toward the peoples of all the Russians and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. It is my duty, however, to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe. From Stetting in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia; all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject, in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and in some cases increasing measure of control from Moscow. The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice the United States has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to fight the wars，But now we all can find any nation, wherever it may dwell, between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter. In a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization. The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might not extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further eighteen months from the end of the German war. I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable -- still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become. From what I have seen of our Russian friends and allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing they admire so much as strength, and there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken her and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. There never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented, in my belief, without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We must not let it happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealth be added to that of the United States, with all that such cooperation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe, and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength, seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men, if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the high roads of the future will be clear, not only for us but for all, not only for our time but for a century to come. 拓展： 丘吉尔铁幕演说的影响 当时美苏两国是世界上最强⼤的两个国家，俗话说“⼀⼭不容⼆虎”，随着战争的结束，共同敌⼈的消失，美苏之间的利益摩擦也就⽇趋剧烈，不只是单独的美苏之间的利益争夺，也是资本主义和共产主义两种截然不⽤的意识形态之间的⽃争，可以说在当时双⽅之间已经有了很多的摩擦，只是还碍于各种各样的原因没有摆到明⾯上来，⽽丘吉尔的这⼀场铁幕演说就是直接的撕开了双⽅的遮羞布，将整件事情挑明了。
丘吉尔演讲稿中英对照
丘吉尔演讲稿中英对照丘吉尔演讲稿：热血、汗水与眼泪英文原文On Friday evening last I received from His Majesty the mission to form a new administrationIt was the evident will of Parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all partiesI have already completed the most important part of this task A war cabinet has been formed of five members, representing, with the Labour, Opposition and Liberals, the unity of the nationThe three party leaders have agreed to serve, either in the war cabinet or in high executive office The three fighting services have been filled It was necessary that this should be done in one single day on account of the extreme urgency and rigor of eventsA number of other key positions were filled yesterday I am submitting a further list to His Majesty tonight I hope to complete the appointment of principal Ministers during tomorrowThe appointment of other Ministers usually takes a little longer I trust when Parliament meets again this part of my task will be completed and that the administration will be complete in all respectsI considered it in the public interest to suggest to the Speaker that the House should be summoned today At the end of today's proceedings, the adjournment of the House will be proposed until May 21 with provision for earlier meeting if need be Business for the urgent consideration of Parliament will be notified to Members at the earliest opportunityI now invite the House by a resolution to record its approval of the steps taken and declare its confidence in the new governmentThe resolution:＂That this House welcomes the formation of a government representing the united and inflexible resolve of the nation to prosecute the war with Germany to a victorious conclusion＂To form an administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in itself But we are in the preliminary phase of one of the greatest battles in history We are in action at many other points in Norway and in Holland and we have to be prepared in the Mediterranean The air battle is continuing, and many preparations have to be made here at homeIn this crisis I think I may be pardoned if I do not address the House at any length today, and I hope that any of my friends and colleagues or former colleagues who are affected by the political reconstruction will make all allowances for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to actI say to the House as I said to ministers who have joined this government, I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind We have before us many, many months of struggle and sufferingYou ask, what is our policy? I say it is to wage war by land, sea and air War with all our might and with all the strength God has given us, and to wage war against a monstrous tyranny never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crimeThat is our policyYou ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word: Victory Victory at all costs Victory in spite of all terrors Victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survivalLet that be realized No survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall move forward toward his goalI take up my task in buoyancy and hope I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among menI feel entitled at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid of all and to say, ＂Come then, let us go forward together with our united strength＂中文译文上星期五晚上，我奉陛下之命，组织新的一届政府。
丘吉尔演讲翻译（范本）
丘吉尔演讲翻译丘吉尔演讲翻译篇一：丘吉尔英语演讲稿：就职演说(中英对照) 1940年5月8日，由于前首相张伯伦遭到不信任质疑动议，被迫辞职。
5月10日下午6时，国王召见丘吉尔，令其组阁；一小时后丘吉尔会见工党领袖艾德礼，邀请工党加入内阁并获得支持。
3天后丘吉尔首次以首相身份出席下议院会议，发表了著名的讲话：“我没有别的，只有热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水献给大家……你们问：我们的目的是什么？我可以用一个词来答复：胜利，不惜一切代价去争取胜利，无论多么恐怖也要争取胜利，无论道路多么遥远艰难，也要争取胜利，因为没有胜利就无法生存。
”下议院最终以381票对0票的绝对优势表明了对丘吉尔政府的支持。
正文：n Fr iday eveni ng last Ireceived f rm His Maj esty the m issin t fr m a ne adm inistratin. 上星期五晚上，我奉陛下之命，组织新的一届政府。
It a s the evid ent ill fParliament and the n atin thatthis shuld be cnceiv ed n the b radest pss ible basis and thatit shuld i nclude all parties.按国会和国民的意愿，新政府显然应该考虑建立在尽可能广泛的基础上，应该兼容所有的党派。
I havealready pl eted the m st imprtan t part f t his task.A ar cabin et has bee n frmed ffive membe rs, repres enting, it h the Labr, ppsitinand Libera ls, the un ity f thenatin. 我已经完成了这项任务的最主要的部分。
丘吉尔演讲翻译
丘吉尔演讲翻译丘吉尔演讲翻译篇一：丘吉尔英语演讲稿：就职演说(中英对照)1940年5月8日，由于前首相张伯伦遭到不信任质疑动议，被迫辞职。
5月10日下午6时，国王召见丘吉尔，令其组阁；一小时后丘吉尔会见工党领袖艾德礼，邀请工党加入内阁并获得支持。
3天后丘吉尔首次以首相身份出席下议院会议，发表了著名的讲话：“我没有别的，只有热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水献给大家??你们问：我们的目的是什么？我可以用一个词来答复：胜利，不惜一切代价去争取胜利，无论多么恐怖也要争取胜利，无论道路多么遥远艰难，也要争取胜利，因为没有胜利就无法生存。
”下议院最终以381票对0票的绝对优势表明了对丘吉尔政府的支持。
正文：onfridayeveninglastireceivedfromhismajestythemissiontoformanew administration.上星期五晚上，我奉陛下之命，组织新的一届政府。
itwastheevidentwillofparliamentandthenationthatthisshouldbeconceivedonthebroadestpossiblebasisandthatitshouldincludeallparties.按国会和国民的意愿，新政府显然应该考虑建立在尽可能广泛的基础上，应该兼容所有的党派。
我已经完成了这项任务的最主要的部分。
战时内阁已由五人组成，包括工党、反对党和自由党，这体现了举国团结一致。
由于事态的极端紧急和严峻，新阁政府须于一天之内组成，其他的关键岗位也于昨日安排就绪。
今晚还要向国王呈报一份名单。
我希望明天就能完成几位主要大臣的任命。
其余大臣们的任命照例得晚一些。
我相信，在国会下一次召开时，任命将告完成，臻于完善。
iconsidereditinthepublicinteresttosuggesttothespeakerthatthehouseshould besummonedtoday.attheendoftodaysproceedings,theadjournmentofthehou sewillbeproposeduntilmay2lwithprovisionforearliermeetingifneedbe.busine ssforthatwillbenotifiedtom.p.sattheearliestopportunity.为公众利益着想，我建议议长今天就召开国会。
丘吉尔演讲稿
丘吉尔演讲稿尊敬的各位贵宾，先生们女士们，我今天的演讲主题是“我们将在战争中战斗到底”。
我有幸成为国家领袖，并且面对了世界上最为艰难和危险的时刻。
我们面临的是一个残酷的现实：我们的敌人正在加紧进行侵略，并且借助其军力来瓦解我们的国家和我们的盟友。
为了让我们的国家得以生存下去并保持自由和民主，我们必须付出一切。
在这个决定性的时刻，我对我们的军队充满信心。
我们的军队是英勇而坚韧的，他们已经在最困难的时刻表现出了非凡的勇气和信仰。
他们是我们国家生存的保障，是我们领先的力量。
我同时要提醒我们，我们也都应该像我们的军队一样坚韧不拔。
我们必须能够长期坚持，并持续为我们的祖国而战斗。
我们不能在困难的时候弃捐，我们不能认为这场战争已经结束了，我们还需要做更多的努力来确保胜利。
我们不应该因为我们的敌人所扮演的角色而感到绝望，而应该在自己的信仰中寻求力量。
我向你们承诺，我们将继续战斗，直至最后一个枪声响起。
我们必须坚持到底。
我们必须记住，我们的祖国需要我们来保护它的未来和我们的自由。
我们的军队与我们并肩作战，我们也必须与他们并肩作战，以确保我们的国家能够生存下来并继续前进。
战争是残酷的，但我们必须想尽一切办法来取得胜利。
我们也必须记住，我们的胜利需要牺牲和坚韧不拔。
我们需要在获胜之前为我们的国家和我们的盟友付出极大的努力。
在这个时刻，我要鼓励我们所有人关注我们自己的信仰和价值观，并将它们运用到我们的行动中。
我们需要注意我们所做的事情，以确保我们在这场战争中处于正确的道路上。
最后，我要鼓舞我们所有人，坚定地相信我们会战胜我们的敌人，并保护我们的祖国和我们所珍视的自由。
我们的胜利将标志着一个时代的结束，新时代的到来。
谢谢大家！。
温斯顿·丘吉尔铁幕演讲(英汉对照完整版)：和平的力量
Winston Churchill: The Sinews of Peace温斯顿·丘吉尔的铁幕演讲（英汉对照完整版）：和平的力量delivered 5 March 1946 Westminster College, Fulton Missouri1946年3月5日发表于密苏里州富尔顿市威斯敏斯特学院[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio version .]译、校：张少军President McClure, ladies and gentlemen, and last but certainly not least，President of the United States of America:麦克卢尔院长、女士们先生们，最后，但当然不是最低微的，美利坚合众国总统：I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. The name "Westminster" somehow or other seems familiar to me. I -- I feel as if I've heard of it before. Indeed now that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric -- and one or two other things. So, in fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.我真的很高兴今天下午来到威斯敏斯特学院。
丘吉尔铁幕演说原文
丘吉尔铁幕演说原文丘吉尔铁幕演说原文是作为英国首相的丘吉尔在1946年3月5日在美国富尔顿发表的反苏、反共演说。
也正因为此铁幕演说正式拉开了冷战的序幕。
下面是这篇丘吉尔铁幕演说原文丘吉尔铁幕演说原文美国此刻正高踞于世界权力的顶峰。
对美国民主来说这是一个庄严的时刻。
拥有最大的力量。
也就是对未来负有令人敬畏的责任。
放眼四顾，你不但觉得已经尽了应尽的责任，也感到忧虑，恐怕以后的成就未必能达到这样高的水平。
对你我两国来说现在都有一个机会在这里，一个明确的、光彩夺目的机会。
如果拒绝、忽视、或糟蹋这个机会，我们将受到后世长期的责备。
当美国的军事人员在立场严重的局势时，他们习惯于在他们的指令的头上写上全面战略概念字样。
这种做法是明智的，因为它能使思想明朗化。
那么，什么是我们为今天所应题写的全面战略概念呢?它不应该低于在一切地方的所有男女的所有家庭的安全和幸福以及自由和进步。
为了使这些无数的家庭得到安全，必须保护他们，使他们不受两个可怕的掠夺者战争和暴政的侵犯。
为了防止战争这一主要目的已经建立了一个世界组织。
我们必须使这一切得到肯定。
它的工作是有成果的，它是一种现实而不是一种假象，它是一种行动力量而不仅只是语言的空谈，它是一种真正的和平之宫而不仅只是纷纷扰扰争吵的场所然而，我有一个明确而实际的行动建议要提出来。
宫廷和地方行政长官没有县吏和皂吏就不能办事。
因此，必须马上着手给联合国配备一支国际武装力量。
在这个问题上，只能一步一步来，但我们必须从现在开始着手做。
我建议，应邀请每一个大国和其它成员国派出一定数量的空军中队，为这个世界性组织服役。
这些中队将由本国训练和筹备，但在各国轮流驻扎。
他们身着本国的军服，佩戴不同的徽章。
不能要求他们对自己的国家作战，但在其它方面将受这世界性组织的指挥。
这个办法可以小规模地实行起来，让它随着我们信心的增长而扩大。
第一次世界大战后我曾希望做到这一步，相信现在会立即办到。
不过，如果把美国、英国和加拿大现在所共同掌握的制造原子弹的秘密知识和经验托付给这个仍处于婴儿时代的世界性组织，马氏错误的和轻率的。
丘吉尔演讲翻译
丘吉尔演讲翻译丘吉尔演讲翻译篇一：丘吉尔英语演讲稿：就职演说(中英对照)1940年5月8日，由于前首相张伯伦遭到不信任质疑动议，被迫辞职。
5月10日下午6时，国王召见丘吉尔，令其组阁；一小时后丘吉尔会见工党领袖艾德礼，邀请工党加入内阁并获得支持。
3天后丘吉尔首次以首相身份出席下议院会议，发表了著名的讲话：“我没有别的，只有热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水献给大家??你们问：我们的目的是什么？我可以用一个词来答复：胜利，不惜一切代价去争取胜利，无论多么恐怖也要争取胜利，无论道路多么遥远艰难，也要争取胜利，因为没有胜利就无法生存。
”下议院最终以381票对0票的绝对优势表明了对丘吉尔政府的支持。
正文：onfridayeveninglastireceivedfromhismajestythemissiontoformanew administration.上星期五晚上，我奉陛下之命，组织新的一届政府。
itwastheevidentwillofparliamentandthenationthatthisshouldbeconceivedonthebroadestpossiblebasisandthatitshouldincludeallparties.按国会和国民的意愿，新政府显然应该考虑建立在尽可能广泛的基础上，应该兼容所有的党派。
我已经完成了这项任务的最主要的部分。
战时内阁已由五人组成，包括工党、反对党和自由党，这体现了举国团结一致。
由于事态的极端紧急和严峻，新阁政府须于一天之内组成，其他的关键岗位也于昨日安排就绪。
今晚还要向国王呈报一份名单。
我希望明天就能完成几位主要大臣的任命。
其余大臣们的任命照例得晚一些。
我相信，在国会下一次召开时，任命将告完成，臻于完善。
iconsidereditinthepublicinteresttosuggesttothespeakerthatthehouseshould besummonedtoday.attheendoftodaysproceedings,theadjournmentofthehou sewillbeproposeduntilmay2lwithprovisionforearliermeetingifneedbe.busine ssforthatwillbenotifiedtom.p.sattheearliestopportunity.为公众利益着想，我建议议长今天就召开国会。
丘吉尔的铁幕演说
丘吉尔的铁幕演说丘吉尔铁幕演说原文中英文“美国此刻正高踞于世界权力的顶峰。
对美国民主来说，这是一个庄严的时刻。
拥有最大的力量，也就是对未来负有令人敬畏的责任。
放眼四顾，你不但觉得已经尽了应尽的责任，也感到忧虑，恐怕以后的成就未必能达到这样高的水平。
对你我两国来说，现在都有一个机会在这里，一个明确的、光彩夺目的机会。
如果拒绝、忽视、或糟蹋这个机会，我们将受到后世长期的责备。
……“当美国的军事人员在立场严重的局势时，他们习惯于在他们的指令的头上写上‘全面战略概念’字样。
这种做法是明智的，因为它能使思想明朗化。
那么，什么是我们为今天所应题写的全面战略概念呢?它不应该低于在一切地方的所有男女的所有家庭的安全和幸福以及自由和进步。
……“为了使这些无数的家庭得到安全，必须保护他们，使他们不受两个可怕的掠夺者——战争和暴政——的侵犯。
……“……为了防止战争这一主要目的，已经建立了一个世界组织。
……我们必须使这一切得到肯定：它的工作是有成果的，它是一种现实而不是一种假象，它是一种行动力量而不仅只是语言的空谈，它是一种真正的和平之宫而不仅只是纷纷扰扰争吵的场所……“然而，我有一个明确而实际的行动建议要提出来。
宫廷和地方行政长官没有县吏和皂吏就不能办事。
因此，必须马上着手给联合国配备一支国际武装力量。
在这个问题上，只能一步一步来，但我们必须从现在开始着手做。
我建议，应邀请每一个大国和其它成员国派出一定数量的空军中队，为这个世界性组织服役。
这些中队将由本国训练和筹备，但在各国轮流驻扎。
他们身着本国的军服，佩戴不同的徽章。
不能要求他们对自己的国家作战，但在其它方面将受这世界性组织的指挥。
这个办法可以小规模地实行起来，让它随着我们信心的增长而扩大。
第一次世界大战后我曾希望做到这一步，相信现在会立即办到。
“不过，如果把美国、英国和加拿大现在所共同掌握的制造原子弹的秘密知识和经验托付给这个仍处于婴儿时代的世界性组织，马氏错误的和轻率的。
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Winston Churchill: The Sinews of Peace温斯顿·丘吉尔的铁幕演讲（英汉对照完整版）：和平的力量delivered 5 March 1946 Westminster College, Fulton Missouri1946年3月5日发表于密苏里州富尔顿市威斯敏斯特学院[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio version .]译、校：张少军President McClure, ladies and gentlemen, and last and last but certainly not least，President of the United States of America:麦克卢尔院长、女士们先生们，最后，但当然不是最不重要的，美利坚合众国总统：I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. The name "Westminster" somehow or other seems familiar to me. I -- I feel as if I've heard of it before. Indeed now that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric -- and one or two other things. So, in fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.我真的很高兴今天下午来到威斯敏斯特学院。
有人恭维我，说你们应该给我一个声誉如此稳固的机构的学位。
“威斯敏斯特”这个名字对我来说似乎有些耳熟。
我——我觉得好像以前听说过它。
事实上，现在我想起来了，我在政治、辩证法、修辞学——还有其他一两个方面的教育有很大一部分都得自威斯敏斯特。
所以，事实上，我们都接受过相同或类似的教育，或者至少是类似的学术机构的教育。
It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for aprivate visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities -- unsought but not recoiled from -- the President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here today and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and -- and perhaps some other countries too. The -- The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. Now, I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me, however, make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.这也是一种荣誉，女士们、先生们，一位平民访客被美国总统介绍给一群学术听众，可能几乎是一种独一无二的荣誉。
尽管他肩负沉重的负担、义务和责任——那些他既未追求也决不推卸的负担、义务和责任——他旅行一千多英里，就为了使我们今天在这儿的会议高贵而显赫。
他给予我一个机会，对这个与我们同宗同源的国家，对那些横渡大洋定居于此的我的同胞们——也许还有其他一些国家——演讲。
总统告诉过你们，他希望我有充分的自由，在这个令人焦虑和令人困惑的时刻给出我真实而诚挚的建议；我肯定，这也是你们的愿望。
现在，我当然会利用这一自由；并且，因为年轻时所珍惜的任何个人抱负都已经得到超出我最狂妄梦想的满足，我感到有更多的权利这样做。
然而，让我清楚地表明，我没有任何官方的使命或任何形式的地位，我只代表我自己发言。
这里除了你看到的什么都没有。
I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to playover the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has been gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.因此，我可以让我的头脑以毕生的经验来讨论那些在战争完全胜利后困扰我们的问题，并尝试发挥我的长处，确保——为了人类未来的荣耀和安全——确保那些以如此巨大的牺牲和痛苦所获得的东西将得以保存。
Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If, as you look around you -- If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. And we must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.女士们，先生们，美国此刻正站在世界强国之巅。
对于美国民主政体来说，这是一个庄严的时刻。
因为至高的权利也伴随着一种令人敬畏的对于未来的责任。
如果你环顾四周——如果你环顾四周，你不仅必然感受到自己应尽的责任，还必然感到唯恐自己落在一般成就的水平之下的焦虑。
此时此刻，我们两国的机遇清晰可见，光芒闪耀；拒绝它，忽略它或者浪费它都将给我们带来后世一切长久的耻辱。
我们有必要像在战争中那样，用不屈不挠的意志、始终不渝的目标，以及至大至简的决定，来支配和指导英语民族在和平时代的行为。
我们必须，而且我相信我们能够，证明自己符合这一严格的要求。
President McCluer, when American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words "over-all strategic concept." There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the overall strategic concept which we should inscribe today? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up in the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.麦克卢尔院长，当美国军人面临一些危险的情况时，他们通常会在命令的前面写上“总体战略概念”几个字。