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牢记誓词永不叛党

牢记誓词永不叛党主讲人今天，我们这堂党课的题目是：牢记誓词，永不叛党。

党课分三个部分，一是重温一下我党历史上五个时期的入党誓词内容；二是讲一讲永不叛党是入党誓词的核心；三是讲一讲永不叛党是新时期共产党员的核心价值观。

当前，新的历史时期，世情、国情、党情发生了深刻变化，有些党员干部理想信念动摇，丧失马克思主义和共产主义信仰，精神萎靡不振，缺乏积极进取、勇于创新的精神状态。

看世情，当今世界正处在大发展大变革大调整时期。

世界多极化、经济全球化深入发展，科技进步日新月异，国际力量对比出现了新态势，和平与发展仍然是当今时代的主题；同时，发达国家在经济科技等方面仍占优势，综合国力竞争和各种力量较量更趋激烈，我国发展面临前所未有的挑战和机遇。

看国情，我国仍处于并将长期处于社会主义初级阶段的基本国情没有变，人民日益增长的物质文化需要同落后的社会生产之间的矛盾这一社会主要矛盾没有变。

特别是随着经济体制深刻变革、社会结构深刻变动、利益格局深刻调整、思想观念深刻变化，我国发展呈现一系列新的阶段性特征，出现一系列新情况新问题，改革发展的新要求接踵而至，各种矛盾大量涌现，对此如何应对和驾驭，给执政党的执政能力提出很高的要求。

看党情，党的领导水平和执政水平、党的建设状况、党员队伍素质总体上同党肩负的历史使命是适应的。

同时，党内也存在不少不适应新形势新任务要求、不符合党的性质和宗旨的问题。

这正像四中全会的《决定》中所指出的：‚这些问题削弱党的创造力、凝聚力、战斗力，严重损害党同人民群众的血肉联系，严重影响党的执政地位巩固和执政使命实现，必须引起全党警醒，抓紧加以解决。

‛由此可见，‚三情变化‛的新形势表明，党面临的重大考验是长期的、复杂的、严峻的，落实党要管党、从严治党的任务比过去任何时候都更为繁重和紧迫。

胡锦涛总书记在中央纪委第六次全会上强调：‚理想信念是思想和行动的‘总开关’、‘总闸门’，理想的滑坡是最致命的滑坡，信念的动摇是最危险的动摇。

《共产党宣言》英文版

Manifesto of the Communist PartyBy Karl Marx and Fredrick EngelsWritten: Late 1847.First Published: February 1848.Source: Marx/Engels Selected Works, Volume One, Progress Publishers, Moscow, USSR, 1969, pp. 98-137. Translated: Samuel Moore in cooperation with Frederick Engels, 1888.Transcription/Markup: Zodiac and Brian BasgenProofread: Checked and corrected against the English Edition of 1888, by Andy Blunden, 2004.Public Domain: This work is completely free. Marx/Engels Internet Archive () 1991, 2000, 2004.A spectre is haunting Europe — the spectre of communism. All the powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre: Pope and Tsar, Metternich and Guizot, French Radicals and German police-spies.Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as communistic by its opponents in power? Where is the opposition that has not hurled back the branding reproach of communism, against the more advanced opposition parties, as well as against its reactionary adversaries?Two things result from this fact:I. Communism is already acknowledged by all European powers to be itself a power.II. It is high time that Communists should openly, in the face of the whole world, publish their views, their aims, their tendencies, and meet this nursery tale of the Spectre of Communism with a manifesto of the party itself.To this end, Communists of various nationalities have assembled in London and sketched the following manifesto, to be published in the English, French, German, Italian, Flemish and Danish languages.Bourgeois and Proletarians1The history of all hitherto existing society2 is the history of class struggles.Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild-master3 and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes.In the earlier epochs of history, we find almost everywhere a complicated arrangement of society into various orders, a manifold gradation of social rank. In ancient Rome we have patricians, knights, plebeians, slaves; in the Middle Ages, feudal lords, vassals, guild-masters, journeymen, apprentices, serfs; in almost all of these classes, again, subordinate gradations.The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins of feudal society has not done away with class antagonisms. It has but established new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of struggle in place of the old ones.Our epoch, the epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however, this distinct feature: it has simplified class antagonisms. Society as a whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, into two great classes directly facing each other — Bourgeoisie and Proletariat.From the serfs of the Middle Ages sprang the chartered burghers of the earliest towns. From these burgesses the first elements of the bourgeoisie were developed.The discovery of America, the rounding of the Cape, opened up fresh ground for the rising bourgeoisie. The East-Indian and Chinese markets, the colonisation of America, trade with the colonies, the increase in the means of exchange and in commodities generally, gave to1 By bourgeoisie is meant the class of modern capitalists, owners of the means of social production and employers of wage labour. By proletariat, the class of modern wage labourers who, having no means of production of their own, are reduced to selling their labour power in order to live. [Engels, 1888 English edition]2 That is, all written history. In 1847, the pre-history of society, the social organisation existing previous to recorded history, all but unknown. Since then, August von Haxthausen (1792-1866) discovered common ownership of land in Russia, Georg Ludwig von Maurer proved it to be the social foundation from which all Teutonic races started in history, and, by and by, village communities were found to be, or to have been, the primitive form of society everywhere from India to Ireland. The inner organisation of this primitive communistic society was laid bare, in its typical form, by Lewis Henry Morgan's (1818-1861) crowning discovery of the true nature of the gens and its relation to the tribe. With the dissolution of the primeval communities, society begins to be differentiated into separate and finally antagonistic classes. I have attempted to retrace this dissolution in The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State, second edition, Stuttgart, 1886. [Engels, 1888 English Edition and 1890 German Edition (with the last sentence omitted)]3 Guild-master, that is, a full member of a guild, a master within, not a head of a guild. [Engels, 1888 English Edition]commerce, to navigation, to industry, an impulse never before known, and thereby, to the revolutionary element in the tottering feudal society, a rapid development.The feudal system of industry, in which industrial production was monopolised by closed guilds, now no longer sufficed for the growing wants of the new markets. The manufacturing system took its place. The guild-masters were pushed on one side by the manufacturing middle class; division of labour between the different corporate guilds vanished in the face of division of labour in each single workshop.Meantime the markets kept ever growing, the demand ever rising. Even manufacturer no longer sufficed. Thereupon, steam and machinery revolutionised industrial production. The place of manufacture was taken by the giant, Modern Industry; the place of the industrial middle class by industrial millionaires, the leaders of the whole industrial armies, the modern bourgeois.Modern industry has established the world market, for which the discovery of America paved the way. This market has given an immense development to commerce, to navigation, to communication by land. This development has, in its turn, reacted on the extension of industry; and in proportion as industry, commerce, navigation, railways extended, in the same proportion the bourgeoisie developed, increased its capital, and pushed into the background every class handed down from the Middle Ages.We see, therefore, how the modern bourgeoisie is itself the product of a long course of development, of a series of revolutions in the modes of production and of exchange.Each step in the development of the bourgeoisie was accompanied by a corresponding political advance of that class. An oppressed class under the sway of the feudal nobility, an armed and self-governing association in the medieval commune4: here independent urban republic (as in Italy and Germany); there taxable “third estate” of the monarchy (as in France); afterwards, in the period of manufacturing proper, serving either the semi-feudal or the absolute monarchy as a counterpoise against the nobility, and, in fact, cornerstone of the great monarchies in general, the bourgeoisie has at last, since the establishment of Modern Industry and of the world market, conquered for itself, in the modern representative State, exclusive political sway. The executive of the modern state is but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie.4This was the name given their urban communities by the townsmen of Italy and France, after they had purchased or conquered their initial rights of self-government from their feudal lords. [Engels, 1890 German edition]“Commune” was the name taken in France by the nascent towns even before they had conquered from their feudal lords and masters local self-government and political rights as the "Third Estate". Generally speaking, for the economical development of the bourgeoisie, England is here taken as the typical country, for its political development, France. [Engels, 1888 English Edition]The bourgeoisie, historically, has played a most revolutionary part.The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to his “natural superiors”, and has left remaining no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest, than callous “cash payment”. It has drowned the most heavenly ecstasies of religious fervour, of chivalrous enthusiasm, of philistine sentimentalism, in the icy water of egotistical calculation. It has resolved personal worth into exchange value, and in place of the numberless indefeasible chartered freedoms, has set up that single, unconscionable freedom — Free Trade. In one word, for exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, it has substituted naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation.The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation hitherto honoured and looked up to with reverent awe. It has converted the physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man of science, into its paid wage labourers.The bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its sentimental veil, and has reduced the family relation to a mere money relation.The bourgeoisie has disclosed how it came to pass that the brutal display of vigour in the Middle Ages, which reactionaries so much admire, found its fitting complement in the most slothful indolence. It has been the first to show what man’s activity can bring about. It has accomplished wonders far surpassing Egyptian pyramids, Roman aqueducts, and Gothic cathedrals; it has conducted expeditions that put in the shade all former Exoduses of nations and crusades.The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionising the instruments of production, and thereby the relations of production, and with them the whole relations of society. Conservation of the old modes of production in unaltered form, was, on the contrary, the first condition of existence for all earlier industrial classes. Constant revolutionising of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions, everlasting uncertainty and agitation distinguish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones. All fixed, fast-frozen relations, with their train of ancient and venerable prejudices and opinions, are swept away, all new-formed ones become antiquated before they can ossify. All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to face with sober senses his, real conditions of life, and his relations with his kind.The need of a constantly expanding market for its products chases the bourgeoisie over the entire surface of the globe. It must nestle everywhere, settle everywhere, establish connexions everywhere.The bourgeoisie has through its exploitation of the world market given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every country. To the great chagrin of Reactionists, it has drawn from under the feet of industry the national ground on which it stood. All old-established national industries have been destroyed or are daily being destroyed. They are dislodged by new industries, whose introduction becomes a life and death question for all civilised nations, by industries that no longer work up indigenous raw material, but raw material drawn from the remotest zones; industries whose products are consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of the globe. In place of the old wants, satisfied by the production of the country, we find new wants, requiring for their satisfaction the products of distant lands and climes. In place of the old local and national seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction, universal inter-dependence of nations. And as in material, so also in intellectual production. The intellectual creations of individual nations become common property. National one-sidedness and narrow-mindedness become more and more impossible, and from the numerous national and local literatures, there arises a world literature.The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of production, by the immensely facilitated means of communication, draws all, even the most barbarian, nations into civilisation. The cheap prices of commodities are the heavy artillery with which it batters down all Chinese walls, with which it forces the barbarians’ intensely obstinate hatred of foreigners to capitulate. It compels all nations, on pain of extinction, to adopt the bourgeois mode of production; it compels them to introduce what it calls civilisation into their midst, i.e., to become bourgeois themselves. In one word, it creates a world after its own image.The bourgeoisie has subjected the country to the rule of the towns. It has created enormous cities, has greatly increased the urban population as compared with the rural, and has thus rescued a considerable part of the population from the idiocy of rural life. Just as it has made the country dependent on the towns, so it has made barbarian and semi-barbarian countries dependent on the civilised ones, nations of peasants on nations of bourgeois, the East on the West.The bourgeoisie keeps more and more doing away with the scattered state of the population, of the means of production, and of property. It has agglomerated population, centralised the means of production, and has concentrated property in a few hands. The necessary consequence of this was political centralisation. Independent, or but loosely connected provinces, with separate interests, laws, governments, and systems of taxation, became lumped together into onenation, with one government, one code of laws, one national class-interest, one frontier, and one customs-tariff.The bourgeoisie, during its rule of scarce one hundred years, has created more massive and more colossal productive forces than have all preceding generations together. Subjection of Nature’s forces to man, machinery, application of chemistry to industry and agriculture, steam-navigation, railways, electric telegraphs, clearing of whole continents for cultivation, canalisation or rivers, whole populations conjured out of the ground — what earlier century had even a presentiment that such productive forces slumbered in the lap of social labour?We see then: the means of production and of exchange, on whose foundation the bourgeoisie built itself up, were generated in feudal society. At a certain stage in the development of these means of production and of exchange, the conditions under which feudal society produced and exchanged, the feudal organisation of agriculture and manufacturing industry, in one word, the feudal relations of property became no longer compatible with the already developed productive forces; they became so many fetters. They had to be burst asunder; they were burst asunder.Into their place stepped free competition, accompanied by a social and political constitution adapted in it, and the economic and political sway of the bourgeois class.A similar movement is going on before our own eyes. Modern bourgeois society, with its relations of production, of exchange and of property, a society that has conjured up such gigantic means of production and of exchange, is like the sorcerer who is no longer able to control the powers of the nether world whom he has called up by his spells. For many a decade past the history of industry and commerce is but the history of the revolt of modern productive forces against modern conditions of production, against the property relations that are the conditions for the existence of the bourgeois and of its rule. It is enough to mention the commercial crises that by their periodical return put the existence of the entire bourgeois society on its trial, each time more threateningly. In these crises, a great part not only of the existing products, but also of the previously created productive forces, are periodically destroyed. In these crises, there breaks out an epidemic that, in all earlier epochs, would have seemed an absurdity — the epidemic of over-production. Society suddenly finds itself put back into a state of momentary barbarism; it appears as if a famine, a universal war of devastation, had cut off the supply of every means of subsistence; industry and commerce seem to be destroyed; and why? Because there is too much civilisation, too much means of subsistence, too much industry, too much commerce. The productive forces at the disposal of society no longer tend to further the development of the conditions of bourgeois property; on the contrary, they have become too powerful for these conditions, by which they are fettered, and so soon as they overcome these fetters, they bring disorder into the whole of bourgeois society, endanger the existence of bourgeois property. The conditions of bourgeois society are too narrow to comprise the wealth created by them. And howdoes the bourgeoisie get over these crises? On the one hand by enforced destruction of a mass of productive forces; on the other, by the conquest of new markets, and by the more thorough exploitation of the old ones. That is to say, by paving the way for more extensive and more destructive crises, and by diminishing the means whereby crises are prevented.The weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism to the ground are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself.But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring death to itself; it has also called into existence the men who are to wield those weapons — the modern working class — the proletarians.In proportion as the bourgeoisie, i.e., capital, is developed, in the same proportion is the proletariat, the modern working class, developed — a class of labourers, who live only so long as they find work, and who find work only so long as their labour increases capital. These labourers, who must sell themselves piecemeal, are a commodity, like every other article of commerce, and are consequently exposed to all the vicissitudes of competition, to all the fluctuations of the market.Owing to the extensive use of machinery, and to the division of labour, the work of the proletarians has lost all individual character, and, consequently, all charm for the workman. He becomes an appendage of the machine, and it is only the most simple, most monotonous, and most easily acquired knack, that is required of him. Hence, the cost of production of a workman is restricted, almost entirely, to the means of subsistence that he requires for maintenance, and for the propagation of his race. But the price of a commodity, and therefore also of labour, is equal to its cost of production. In proportion, therefore, as the repulsiveness of the work increases, the wage decreases. Nay more, in proportion as the use of machinery and division of labour increases, in the same proportion the burden of toil also increases, whether by prolongation of the working hours, by the increase of the work exacted in a given time or by increased speed of machinery, etc.Modern Industry has converted the little workshop of the patriarchal master into the great factory of the industrial capitalist. Masses of labourers, crowded into the factory, are organised like soldiers. As privates of the industrial army they are placed under the command of a perfect hierarchy of officers and sergeants. Not only are they slaves of the bourgeois class, and of the bourgeois State; they are daily and hourly enslaved by the machine, by the overlooker, and, above all, by the individual bourgeois manufacturer himself. The more openly this despotism proclaims gain to be its end and aim, the more petty, the more hateful and the more embittering it is.The less the skill and exertion of strength implied in manual labour, in other words, the more modern industry becomes developed, the more is the labour of men superseded by that of women. Differences of age and sex have no longer any distinctive social validity for the working class. All are instruments of labour, more or less expensive to use, according to their age and sex.No sooner is the exploitation of the labourer by the manufacturer, so far, at an end, that he receives his wages in cash, than he is set upon by the other portions of the bourgeoisie, the landlord, the shopkeeper, the pawnbroker, etc.The lower strata of the middle class — the small tradespeople, shopkeepers, and retired tradesmen generally, the handicraftsmen and peasants — all these sink gradually into the proletariat, partly because their diminutive capital does not suffice for the scale on which Modern Industry is carried on, and is swamped in the competition with the large capitalists, partly because their specialised skill is rendered worthless by new methods of production. Thus the proletariat is recruited from all classes of the population.The proletariat goes through various stages of development. With its birth begins its struggle with the bourgeoisie. At first the contest is carried on by individual labourers, then by the workpeople of a factory, then by the operative of one trade, in one locality, against the individual bourgeois who directly exploits them. They direct their attacks not against the bourgeois conditions of production, but against the instruments of production themselves; they destroy imported wares that compete with their labour, they smash to pieces machinery, they set factories ablaze, they seek to restore by force the vanished status of the workman of the Middle Ages.At this stage, the labourers still form an incoherent mass scattered over the whole country, and broken up by their mutual competition. If anywhere they unite to form more compact bodies, this is not yet the consequence of their own active union, but of the union of the bourgeoisie, which class, in order to attain its own political ends, is compelled to set the whole proletariat in motion, and is moreover yet, for a time, able to do so. At this stage, therefore, the proletarians do not fight their enemies, but the enemies of their enemies, the remnants of absolute monarchy, the landowners, the non-industrial bourgeois, the petty bourgeois. Thus, the whole historical movement is concentrated in the hands of the bourgeoisie; every victory so obtained is a victory for the bourgeoisie.But with the development of industry, the proletariat not only increases in number; it becomes concentrated in greater masses, its strength grows, and it feels that strength more. The various interests and conditions of life within the ranks of the proletariat are more and more equalised, in proportion as machinery obliterates all distinctions of labour, and nearly everywhere reduces wages to the same low level. The growing competition among the bourgeois, and the resulting commercial crises, make the wages of the workers ever morefluctuating. The increasing improvement of machinery, ever more rapidly developing, makes their livelihood more and more precarious; the collisions between individual workmen and individual bourgeois take more and more the character of collisions between two classes. Thereupon, the workers begin to form combinations (Trades’ Unions) against the bourgeois; they club together in order to keep up the rate of wages; they found permanent associations in order to make provision beforehand for these occasional revolts. Here and there, the contest breaks out into riots.Now and then the workers are victorious, but only for a time. The real fruit of their battles lies, not in the immediate result, but in the ever expanding union of the workers. This union is helped on by the improved means of communication that are created by modern industry, and that place the workers of different localities in contact with one another. It was just this contact that was needed to centralise the numerous local struggles, all of the same character, into one national struggle between classes. But every class struggle is a political struggle. And that union, to attain which the burghers of the Middle Ages, with their miserable highways, required centuries, the modern proletarian, thanks to railways, achieve in a few years.This organisation of the proletarians into a class, and, consequently into a political party, is continually being upset again by the competition between the workers themselves. But it ever rises up again, stronger, firmer, mightier. It compels legislative recognition of particular interests of the workers, by taking advantage of the divisions among the bourgeoisie itself. Thus, the ten-hours’ bill in England was carried.Altogether collisions between the classes of the old society further, in many ways, the course of development of the proletariat. The bourgeoisie finds itself involved in a constant battle. At first with the aristocracy; later on, with those portions of the bourgeoisie itself, whose interests have become antagonistic to the progress of industry; at all time with the bourgeoisie of foreign countries. In all these battles, it sees itself compelled to appeal to the proletariat, to ask for help, and thus, to drag it into the political arena. The bourgeoisie itself, therefore, supplies the proletariat with its own elements of political and general education, in other words, it furnishes the proletariat with weapons for fighting the bourgeoisie.Further, as we have already seen, entire sections of the ruling class are, by the advance of industry, precipitated into the proletariat, or are at least threatened in their conditions of existence. These also supply the proletariat with fresh elements of enlightenment and progress.Finally, in times when the class struggle nears the decisive hour, the progress of dissolution going on within the ruling class, in fact within the whole range of old society, assumes such a violent, glaring character, that a small section of the ruling class cuts itself adrift, and joins the revolutionary class, the class that holds the future in its hands. Just as, therefore, at an earlierperiod, a section of the nobility went over to the bourgeoisie, so now a portion of the bourgeoisie goes over to the proletariat, and in particular, a portion of the bourgeois ideologists, who have raised themselves to the level of comprehending theoretically the historical movement as a whole.Of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie today, the proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class. The other classes decay and finally disappear in the face of Modern Industry; the proletariat is its special and essential product.The lower middle class, the small manufacturer, the shopkeeper, the artisan, the peasant, all these fight against the bourgeoisie, to save from extinction their existence as fractions of the middle class. They are therefore not revolutionary, but conservative. Nay more, they are reactionary, for they try to roll back the wheel of history. If by chance, they are revolutionary, they are only so in view of their impending transfer into the proletariat; they thus defend not their present, but their future interests, they desert their own standpoint to place themselves at that of the proletariat.The “dangerous class”, [lumpenproletariat] the social scum, that passively rotting mass thrown off by the lowest layers of the old society, may, here and there, be swept into the movement by a proletarian revolution; its conditions of life, however, prepare it far more for the part of a bribed tool of reactionary intrigue.In the condition of the proletariat, those of old society at large are already virtually swamped. The proletarian is without property; his relation to his wife and children has no longer anything in common with the bourgeois family relations; modern industry labour, modern subjection to capital, the same in England as in France, in America as in Germany, has stripped him of every trace of national character. Law, morality, religion, are to him so many bourgeois prejudices, behind which lurk in ambush just as many bourgeois interests.All the preceding classes that got the upper hand sought to fortify their already acquired status by subjecting society at large to their conditions of appropriation. The proletarians cannot become masters of the productive forces of society, except by abolishing their own previous mode of appropriation, and thereby also every other previous mode of appropriation. They have nothing of their own to secure and to fortify; their mission is to destroy all previous securities for, and insurances of, individual property.All previous historical movements were movements of minorities, or in the interest of minorities. The proletarian movement is the self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in the interest of the immense majority. The proletariat, the lowest stratum of。

入党誓词内容的认识

入党誓词内容的认识入党的同志面对党旗宣誓，表示其遵守誓词各项内容的决心。

以下是店铺精心搜集的入党誓词内容的认识范文，希望对你有帮助!入党誓词内容的认识范文篇一通过梳理90年来中国共产党入党誓词的演变，并对不同时期入党誓词的内涵进行分析，可以得出以下几点认识：(一)入党誓词的演变反映了我们党从不放松党的建设在井冈山时期，毛泽东亲自带领新党员面对党旗宣誓，意在抓好军队和地方的建党工作，落实“支部建在连上”的原则，进而形成一个坚强有力的党的领导核心;在延安时期，陈云等中央领导人经常参加新党员的入党宣誓仪式，并向他们讲解怎样做一名合格的共产党员，意在加强党员的思想意识教育，解决革命青年在思想上完全入党的问题;而在改革开放的新时期，我们党又将入党誓词写入党章，意在规范和完善发展党员程序，加强党员的理想信念教育。

这些和入党誓词有关的生动实践充分证明了我们党从来没有放松党的建设，也为我们揭示了加强党的建设是中国共产党从小到大，从弱到强，散而复聚，弱而复强的法宝之一，是我们党永远不可丢失的传家宝。

(二)入党誓词的演变反映了我们党善于把握不同历史时期的主题和要求来发展党员在不同的历史时期，我们党都有不同的历史使命。

历史使命的演变，在不同历史时期的入党誓词中得到了动态的反映。

从强调“阶级斗争”，到“坚决抗战到底”，从“决心为实现新民主主义和最后实现社会主义、共产主义而奋斗到底”到“为共产主义事业奋斗终身”，我们党牢牢把握住了不同历史时期的时代脉搏，并以此为标准来发展新党员，以此为目标来鼓舞新党员，以此为动力来推动党的建设向前发展。

(三)入党誓词的演变反映了我们党高度重视对党员进行党性教育和理想信念教育无论是在白色恐怖下举行的秘密入党宣誓仪式，还是今天隆重、庄严的入党宣誓仪式，新党员一般都要面对党旗，宣读入党誓词。

这对于新党员而言，意味着一种身份的转变，意味着一种责任的承担，意味着一种忠诚的承诺，更意味着以后的人生将具有更加坚定的理想和信念。

共产党宣言英文版

共产党宣言英文版The Manifesto of the Communist Party elaborated for the first time the theory of scientific socialism and pointed out that the Communist movement had become an irresistible historical trend. The basic principle which forms the core of the Declaration is that the principal modes of production and exchange and the social structure which inevitably engender them in each historical era are the basis on which the political and spiritual history of that era is founded, and from which only history can be explained. The whole history of human society since the disintegration of primitive society has been a history of class struggle; This history consists of a series of stages of development which have reached the stage at which the proletariat cannot liberate itself from the rule of bourgeois exploitation without simultaneously liberating the entire society from any exploitation, oppression, class division and class struggle.In the communist manifesto, Marx and Engels system, concentrated, expounds their point of view: "eliminating private ownership", "to overthrow the rule of the bourgeoisie, the seizure of power by the proletariat", then "step by stepand take all the capital of the capitalist class, to concentrate all the means of production in countries that become the ruling class of the proletariat's hands, and add to the amount of productivity" as soon as possible. Moreover, "Communists disdain to conceal their views and intentions. They declared publicly that their aim could be achieved only by the violent overthrow of the entire existing capitalist system."The Communist Manifesto (officially Manifesto of the Communist Party) is an 1848 political manifesto by German philosophers Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels that laid out the programme of the Communist League. Originally published in German (as Manifest der kommunistischen Partei) just as the revolutions of 1848 began to erupt, the Manifesto has since been recognized as one of the world's most influential political manuscripts. It presents an analytical approach to the class struggle (historical and present) and the problems of capitalism and the capitalist mode of production, rather than a prediction of communism's potential future forms.The Communist Manifesto contains Marx and Engels' theories about the nature of society and politics, that in theirown words, "The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles". It also briefly features their ideas for how the capitalist society of the time would eventually be replaced by socialism, and then finally communism.。

南丁格尔誓言中英文版

南丁格尔誓言余谨以至诚於上帝及会众面前宣誓：终身纯洁，忠贞职守，勿为有损之事，勿取服或故用有害之药，慎守病人及家属之秘密，竭诚协助医师之诊治，务谋病者之福利。

谨誓！英语版（原版）I solemnly pledge myself before God and in the presence of this assembly,to pass my life in purity and to practice my profession faithfully.I will abstain from whatever is deleterious and mischievous,and will not take or knowingly administer any harmful drug.I will do all in my power to maintain and elevate the standard of my profession,and will hold in confidence all personal matters committed to my keeping and all family affairs coming to my knowledge in the practice of my calling.With loyalty will I endeavor to aid the physician in his work,and devote myself to the welfare of those committed to my care.—— The Florence Nightingale Pledge感谢下载!欢迎您的下载，资料仅供参考。

西方结婚誓词（英文版）

西方结婚誓词（英文版）西方结婚誓词是怎样的呢?下面小编整理了西方结婚誓词，希望对大家有所帮助。

Minister:We are gathered here today to witness the coming together of two people, ____________ and ____________, whose hearts and spirits are entwined as one. They now desire to profess before all the world their intention henceforth to walk the road of life together.To these two young people, this marriage signifies the birth of a new spirit, a spirit which is a part of each of us, yet not of any one of us alone. This "birth of spirit" reminds us of spring, the season when all life is reborn and looms again. It is appropriate, therefore, that this wedding of ____________ and ____________ be in the spring, and that it be under the open sky, where we are close to the earth and to the unity of life, the totality of living things of which we are part.The beliefs and thoughts about love which motivate these two people are perhaps best expressed in the words of poet Kahlil Gibran:"You were born to be together, and together you shall be forevermore.You shall be together when the wings of death scatter your days.Ay, you shall be together even in your silent memory.But let there be spaces in your togetherness,And let the winds of the heaven dance between you.Love one another, but make not a bondage of love.Let it rather be a moving sea between the shores of yoursouls.Fill each other\'s cup, but drink not from one cup.Give one another of your bread, but eat not of the same loaf.Sing and dance together and be joyous, but let each of you be alone,Even as the strings of a lute are alone, though they quiver with the same music.Give your hearts, but not into each other\'s keeping,For only the hand of life can contain your hearts.And stand together, yet not too near together,For the pillars of the temple stand apart,And the oak tree and the cypress grow not in shadow."Minister to Bride:Do you ____________, knowing this man\'s love for you and returning it, realizing his strengths and learning from them, recognizing his weaknesses and helping him to overcome them, take ____________ to be your lawfully wedded husband?Bride:I do.Minister:Place the ring on his finger.Minister to Groom:Do you ____________, knowing this woman\'s love for you and returning it, realizing her strengths and learning form them, recognizing her weaknesses and helping her to overcome them, take ____________ to be your lawfully wedded wife?Groom:I do.Minister:Place the ring on her finger. Let these rings serve as locks–not binding you together–but as keys, unlocking the secrets of your hearts for each other to know, and thus bringing you closer together forever.And now ____________ and ____________, seeking the fulfillment of love and marriage, find again that the poet Gibran speaks for them:"Love has no other desire but to fulfill itself.To wake at dawn with a winged heart and give thanks to another day of loving.To rest at the noon hour and meditate love\'s ecstasy;To return home eventide with gratitude, and then sleep with a prayerFor the beloved in your heart and a song of praise upon your lips."I now pronounce you husband and wife.。

英文版医学生誓词

英文版医学生誓词下面是小编为您精心整理的英文版医学生誓词的全部内容，希望可以帮到您。

如果您喜欢的话可以分享给身边的小伙伴们!The Hippocratic OathOriginal, translated from Greek.I swear by ?sculapius, Hygeia, and Panacea, and I take to witness all the gods, all the goddesses, to keep according to my ability and my judgement, the following Oath.To consider dear to me as my parents him who taught me this art; to live in common with him and if necessary to share my goods with him; T o look upon his children as my own brothers, to teach them this art if they so desire without fee or written promise; to impart to my sons and the sons of the master who taught me and the disciples who have enrolled themselves and have agreed to the rules of the profession, but to these alone the precepts and the instruction.I will prescribe regimens for the good of my patients according to my ability and my judgment and never do harm to anyone.To please no one will I prescribe a deadly drug nor give advice which may cause his death.Nor will I give a woman a pessary to procure abortion.But I will preserve the purity of my life and my art.I will not cut for stone, even for patients in whom the disease is manifest; I will leave this operation to be performed by practitioners, specialists in this art.In every house where I come I will enter only for the good of my patients, keeping myself far from all intentional ill-doing and all seduction and especially from the pleasures of love withwomen or with men, be they free or slaves.All that may come to my knowledge in the exercise of my profession or in daily commerce with men, which ought not to be spread abroad, I will keep secret and will never reveal.If I keep this oath faithfully, may I enjoy my life and practice my art, respected by all men and in all times; but if I swerve from it or violate it, may the reverse be my lot.英文的誓词又叫做希波克拉底誓词希波克拉底( Hippocrates,约公元前460-前377)，古希腊医生，被誉为医学之父。

贺页朵用生命守护入党誓词

贺页朵用生命守护入党誓词作者：翁梯敏来源：《老友》2021年第11期“牺牲个人，言首蜜（严守秘密），阶级斗争，努力革命，伏（服）从党其（纪），永不叛党。

”这是中国国家博物馆珍藏的一份入党誓词，也是现存最早的中国共产党人入党誓词。

入党宣誓书的主人贺页朵，生于1886年，是江西省永新县才丰乡北田村的一位贫苦农民，却冒着杀头的危险守护着这份自己在井冈山斗争时期的入党宣誓书。

1927年，是中国人民饱经血和火洗礼的一年。

蒋介石、汪精卫先后发动“四一二”“七一五”反革命政变和血腥屠杀，国共合作彻底破裂，轰轰烈烈的大革命惨遭失败。

国民党反动派在全国各地进行疯狂的阶级报复，残酷镇压工农革命运动，屠杀共产党人和革命群众，整个中国笼罩在一片白色恐怖之中。

但是中国共产党人和中国人民并没有被吓倒、被征服、被杀绝，他们从地上爬起来，揩干净身上的血迹，掩埋好同伴的尸首，又继续战斗了。

1927年8月7日，中共在汉口召开紧急会议，确定了开展土地革命和武装反抗国民党反动派的总方针，决定在群众基础较好的湘鄂粤赣四省发动农民举行秋收起义。

八七会议后，毛泽东受中共中央委派，以中共中央特派员的身份前往湖南长沙，领导湘赣边界的秋收起义。

1927年9月9日，秋收起义爆发了。

9月29日，毛泽东率领秋收起义部队，艰难转战到达永新三湾，进行了著名的三湾改编。

三湾改编后，毛泽东挥师上井冈山，点燃了工农武装割据的星星之火，创建了以宁冈为中心的井冈山革命根据地。

那一年，贺页朵已经41岁，家境贫寒，以帮人榨油和打短工为生，日子过得十分艰难。

当井冈山地区农民运动开展得如火如荼的时候，贺页朵接触到了中共地下党员贺龙雪。

贺龙雪经常借聊天的机会，向贺页朵宣传革命思想，宣讲革命故事。

贺页朵从贺龙雪身上学到了很多东西，他懂得了只有跟着毛委员闹革命，推翻受压迫剥削的旧社会，老百姓才能过上幸福的生活。

此后，贺页朵满怀热情地投身革命，还担任了乡农民协会副主席。

井冈山地处湘赣两省交界的罗霄山脉中段，群峰连绵，地形复杂，交通运输和通信联络极为不便。

入党誓词内容的认识

入党誓词内容的认识本文是关于入党誓词内容的认识，仅供参考，希望对您有所帮助，感谢阅读。

入党誓词内容的认识范文篇一通过梳理90年来中国共产党入党誓词的演变，并对不同时期入党誓词的内涵进行分析，可以得出以下几点认识：(一)入党誓词的演变反映了我们党从不放松党的建设在井冈山时期，毛泽东亲自带领新党员面对党旗宣誓，意在抓好军队和地方的建党工作，落实“支部建在连上”的原则，进而形成一个坚强有力的党的领导核心;在延安时期，陈云等中央领导人经常参加新党员的入党宣誓仪式，并向他们讲解怎样做一名合格的共产党员，意在加强党员的思想意识教育，解决革命青年在思想上完全入党的问题;而在改革开放的新时期，我们党又将入党誓词写入党章，意在规范和完善发展党员程序，加强党员的理想信念教育。

(二)入党誓词的演变反映了我们党善于把握不同历史时期的主题和要求来发展党员在不同的历史时期，我们党都有不同的历史使命。

历史使命的演变，在不同历史时期的入党誓词中得到了动态的反映。

这对于新党员而言，意味着一种身份的转变，意味着一种责任的承担，意味着一种忠诚的承诺，更意味着以后的人生将具有更加坚定的理想和信念。

所以，入党宣誓仪式虽然只是一种形式，但却是一堂严肃而生动的党性教育和理想信念教育课。

爱国名人名言英语版

爱国名人名言英语版爱国名人名言英语版1.Mycountry,alwayswrong.——StudentSlogan我的国家，总是错的。

——学生口号2.Ourcountryrightorwrong.——StephenDecatur我们的国家正确或错误。

——斯蒂芬·德凯特(美国海军军官)3.Tomakeusloveourcountry,ourcountryoughttobelovely.——EdmundBurke要让我们爱我们的国家，我们的国家应该可爱才行。

——爱德蒙·柏克4.Mycountryrightorwrong;whenright,tokeepherright;whenwro ng,toputherright.——CarlSchurz我的国家不一定总是正确的;当它正确时，保持它的正确;当它错误时，促使它正确。

——卡尔·舒尔茨5.Itissometimesnecessarytoliedamnablyintheinterestsofthe nation.——HilaireBelloc有时需要为了国家利益撒弥天大谎。

——海莱尔·贝洛克(1870-1953,出生于法国的英国评论家,诗人)6.Mycountrywrongorright,islikesayingmymother,drunkorsobe r.——GilbertK.Chesterton我的国家错误或正确，就像说，我的母亲醉酒或清醒。

——吉尔伯特·K.切斯特顿7.Manyabumshowhasbeensavedbytheflag.——GeorgeM.Cohan许多无聊的做秀被旗帜所救。

——乔治·M.科汉8.Itisthepatrioticdutyofeverymantolieforhiscountry.——AlfredAdler为他的国家说谎是每一个爱国者的职责。

——阿尔弗雷德·阿德勒9.Thecitizenwhocriticizeshiscountryispayingitanimpliedtr ibute.——JamesW.Fulbright批评他的国家的公民是在含蓄地为国家作贡献。

入党誓词中英文

入党誓词中英文入党誓词中英文，下面是带来的入党誓词中英文，欢迎阅读!入党誓词中英文作为20世纪国际共产主义运动成立的第34个共产党，中国共产党虽屡遭磨难，却不懈艰苦奋斗，只经过28年就在全国取得执政地位，且使中国发生了翻天覆地的变化，党员数量如今在全世界共产党员中占比也最大。

中国共产党是国际共产主义运动的后起之秀和中流砥柱。

——中国人民大学教授、国际共产主义运动史专家高放今年是中国共产党成立95周年。

近来全国各地纷纷开展学习党章党规、举办党课讲座等活动，其中让人们深受触动的一项活动是“重温入党誓词”。

党员们或站在鲜红的党旗下，或面向伟人雕像，抑或回到自己曾经入党宣誓的地方，高举右拳，再一次庄严宣誓，铿锵的誓词、坚定的承诺让参与者感慨万分。

浙江嘉兴新兴街道的一名党员感慨：“重温入党誓词无疑是对心灵的一次震撼和洗礼，让我重温了入党的初衷。

”入党誓词是《中国共产党章程》的重要内容，是党员入党时对党和人民做出的庄严承诺。

那么，入党誓词是建党之日就有的吗?随着时代的发展，其内容是否有变化?经查阅多方资料、请教党史专家，记者发现，目前学界对“入党誓词”的研究成果并不多。

南京大学马克思主义学院副院长王建华、中共中央文献研究室《党的文献》杂志社编辑王为衡等曾撰文考证、梳理、解读各个时期的入党誓词。

目前，学界普遍将中国共产党入党誓词的演变分为以下五个阶段。

建党初期：“永不叛党”成为誓词核心1921年，中国共产党诞生了。

在党的一大和二大上，分别通过了《中国共产党纲领》和《中国共产党章程》。

《纲领》和《章程》都对党员入党资格、条件和言行提出了要求，并在之后党的代表大会上，对党章不断进行修改，从而对党员的要求做了进一步完善。

通过一些老党员的回忆文章我们可以得知，当时的党组织不仅要为新党员举办入党宣誓仪式，而且形成了不同版本的入党誓词。

“这一时期比较规范的入党誓词可以追溯到1926年毛泽东主办第六届广州农民运动讲习所时期。

英文版红色演讲稿三分钟

Today, I stand before you not just as a speaker, but as a beacon of hope and a voice for the countless souls who have fought and continue tofight for a better world. This is a speech about the red that symbolizes passion, sacrifice, and the unyielding spirit of the human race.As we gather here today, we are reminded of the profound impact that the color red has had on the course of history. It is the red of the roses that bloom in the fields of hope, the red of the blood that has been shed for justice, and the red of the flag that waves in the hearts of the brave.Let us journey back to the time when the world was shrouded in darkness, when the poor and the marginalized were treated as mere pawns in the hands of the elite. It was during this period that the red flag was raised, a symbol of resistance and the call for change.The red flag, a testament to the courage of the workers and the farmers, fluttered in the breeze, heralding the dawn of a new era. It was a flag that represented the collective struggle for dignity, for equality, and for the rights of all humanity. It was a flag that inspired millions to rise up against oppression and to demand a seat at the table of power.But the road to progress was not without its challenges. The journey was fraught with pain, with sacrifice, and with the indomitable will to persevere. The red of the flag became synonymous with the blood of the martyrs, the tears of the orphans, and the struggles of the oppressed.The red flag, a symbol of solidarity, brought together people from all walks of life, uniting them in a common cause. It was a flag that inspired the creation of unions, the organization of movements, and the awakening of the masses. It was a flag that reminded us that together, we are stronger, and that our voices, when united, can shake the very foundations of injustice.As we reflect on the past, we must also look to the future. The red flag still waves high, not just as a relic of history, but as a beacon of inspiration for the generations to come. It reminds us that the fightfor a just and equitable society is far from over.In today's world, we are faced with new challenges, new forms of oppression, and new enemies. But the spirit of the red flag remains unchanged. It calls upon us to stand up against the forces of greed, to fight for the rights of the vulnerable, and to protect our planet for future generations.Let us not forget the heroes who have walked before us, the ones who have given their lives for a cause greater than themselves. They are the ones who have stained the flag with their blood, and it is theirsacrifice that fuels our determination.As we move forward, let us carry the red flag in our hearts, let it be a reminder of the battles we have won, and the battles we must yet win.Let it be a symbol of our unity, our strength, and our resolve to create a world where no one is left behind.In conclusion, the red flag is not just a color, it is a testament tothe human spirit. It is a call to action, a promise of a better tomorrow, and a reminder that the struggle for justice is a never-ending journey. Together, let us raise the red flag high, let it be a symbol of our commitment to a world where love, equality, and peace reign supreme.Thank you.。

【精编范文】誓词的英文及参考例句-范文word版 (2页)

【精编范文】誓词的英文及参考例句-范文word版
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誓词的英文及参考例句
誓词的英文：
oath
pledge
参考例句：
Those 34 words made Lyndon Baines Johnson, one-time farmboy and schoolteacher of Johnson City, the President.
这简短的誓词使林登·贝恩斯·约翰逊从当年的农庄少年和约翰逊市的中学教师一跃而为美国总统。

Next, Dan led us in renewing our baptismal vows and baptized Tom in the Catholic tradition
接着，丹领着我们重复了我们的洗礼誓词，然后给汤姆进行天主教传统的洗礼。

But today's cartoon is not really about the wording or propriety of the Pledge of Allegiance
但是今天的漫画其实并不是关于效忠誓词的措词如何或者是否得当。

oath是什么意思：
n. 誓言，誓约；宣誓；诅咒，咒骂
It contained oaths and slang phrases.
起中有咒骂，也有黑话。

Zeus mocks lovers'oaths.
天神嘲笑情人之间虚伪的誓言。

入党誓词英文版

入党誓词英文版入党誓词英文版怎么写?入党誓词大家都看过中文版，那么你知道英文版的吗?请看下面：The admission oath reads as follows:I hereby declare, by oath, that I am committed to joining the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) on a voluntary basis, and I absolutely and entirely admit all allegiance and fidelity to its program and constitution; that I will fulfill a Party member’s duties whole-heartedly and carry out all the Party’s decisions; that I will strictly observe the Party’s discipline, and guard all its secrets; and that I will maintain loyalty and faithfulness to it, working hard and fighting for the prospective Communism throughout my life; and that I will be ready at all times to sacrifice all I have in the interest of the Party as well as the people, and that above all, I will never, ever betray the Party in all weathers.誓词如下：我志愿加入中国共产党，拥护党的纲领，遵守党的章程，履行党员义务，执行党的决定，严守党的纪律，保守党的秘密，对党忠诚，积极工作，为共产主义奋斗终身，随时准备为党和人民牺牲一切，永不叛党。

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