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应用文-税制改革四路出击

应用文-税制改革四路出击

税制改革四路出击'关于税制改革的讨论已经有三年之久,这是一个非常敏感的话题,不单是中国如此。

因为税制改革引起资本市场剧烈波动的例子举不胜举,例如1987年10月19日美国股市的“黑色星期一”,就有人把一部分责任推到美国1986年的税收改革上。

政策制定的过程是一个利益集团之间博弈的过程。

政策制定者要根据国内外形势反复权衡,顺势而为。

从国内看,企业对高税率怨言很多;从国际上看,减税已成为各国刺激的重要手段。

在税制上与国际接轨对于我国企业参与国际竞争意义重大。

1994年的税制改革建立了分税制,奠定了增值税占据中国税收将近半壁江山的地位。

政府通过增值税加强了中央政府的财权,增强了对宏观经济的调控能力。

但是不可否认,现存的增值税制度在当时有助于实现反通货膨胀的首要目标,但在今天已有些不合时宜。

现行所得税制度受到的最大的批评在于外资企业的超国民待遇造成的不公平竞争。

由于名义税率高,征管水平不高,造成了企业逃税倾向严重。

根据一些媒体报道,中国近期将在如下几个方面推进税制改革:1.统一内外资企业所得税;2.增值税要由目前的生产型向消费型转变;3.调整消费税的征收税目,对一些高消费项目和国内供应能力不足的部分产品开征消费税;4.择机出台一些新的税种;5.中国将对出口产品实行零税率。

最新消息表明年内外资企业所得税有望统一。

税收是每一位财务总监都关心的话题,税收筹划是财务总监的重要。

本期推出税制改革,邀请了政府研究机构、研究机构的学者和从事税务咨询的国际大型机构的税务专家对中国税制改革进行解读,也邀请了一些财务总监谈了他们的切身感受。

在许多媒体的报道中,企业的声音往往有意无意地被忽略,这不是一个正常的现象。

中国正在走向国际化,中国企业对海外投资日益增加。

我们特意邀请两位学者就国外税制改革和避税反避税问题为本期撰稿,希望对财务总监有所裨益。

随着中国经济改革的进一步深入,原有的税制已经不适应经济的需要,税制改革的序幕即将拉开。

中国的税制改革(上)

中国的税制改革(上)

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税收制度和税收管理制度改革

税收制度和税收管理制度改革

税收制度和税收管理制度改革财政学第十一章税收制度和税收管理制度改革第十一章税收制度和税收管理制度改革1. 2.第一节工商税制改革第二节农村税费制度改革3.第三节税收管理制度及其改革Chapter 11 The reform in the tax system and tax administration11.1 The reform in the tax system of industry and commerceThe reform in tax and charges in the country4. Conclusion 3. Challenges Forward11.211.3Tax administration and it’s re form第一节工商税制改革一、税收制度改革的主要理论(the leading theory of tax reform)二、世界税制改革的实践(practice of tax reform in developed country)三、我国工商税制的现状和进一步改革的方向(actuality of the tax system of industry and commerce in China and reform in the future)第一节工商税制改革一、税收制度改革的主要理论(一) 公平课税论( 二) 最适课税论(三) 财政交换论 LOGO(一)公平课税论 (theory ofequitable taxation)一、内容公平课税论起源于亨利· 西蒙斯的研究成果,他认为政府在设计和改革税制时要按照公平原则筹措资金,政府向社会提供的服务必须是私人部门不能有效提供的服务,并通过再分配产生更大的公平。

公平课税论下的理想税制主要是根据综合所得概念对宽所得税基课征累进的个人直接税,以宽税基、低名义税率实现公平和效率的目标,并主张公司税、工薪税、间接消费税等税种的合理搭配。

中国古代税收制度

中国古代税收制度

中国古代税收制度中国古代税收制度Zhongguo gudai shuishou zhidu中国古代税收制度tax system in ancient China中国自先秦至清鸦片战争前历代的赋税制度。

中国古代长期实行以土地税(包括依附于土地的户税与丁税)为主,以商税(包括关税与市税)为辅的税收制度。

这一税制,初步形成于西周及春秋战国时期;秦汉时期已渐趋完备;魏、晋、南北朝和隋唐时期,在均田的基础上不断改革完善到了宋、元、明、清时期,随着均田制的破坏,土地兼并之风日盛,在不断清丈田亩、整理地籍的基础上,逐步实现地、户、丁税的合并征收,并加强商税和盐、茶、酒等货物税的征收制度,从而使商税与货物课税成为中国封建末期国家财政收入的重要来源。

先秦《周礼·大宰》有“以九赋敛财贿”的记载。

九赋即指邦中、四郊、邦甸、家削、邦县、邦都、关市、山泽、币余等九种赋税。

春秋时期,随着奴隶制的崩溃,各诸侯国相继实行“履亩而税”的田赋制度。

如齐国的“相地而衰征”,即根据土地的好坏或远近分等级征收田赋;鲁国的初税亩,即不分公田、私田,均按亩缴纳租税;楚国的“量入修赋”,即根据收入的多少征集军赋;郑国的“作丘赋”,即按田亩征发军赋。

公元前5世纪战国时期,各国为了应付战争支出需要,争相进行赋税制度的改革。

例如秦国商鞅变法,废除井田制,承认土地私有和买卖,按土地多少征收田赋,按人丁征户赋。

鼓励耕织和分户,对耕织收入多的,免其徭役;一户有两个以上成年男丁而不分家的,要加倍征收其赋税。

这些改革,促进了社会生产的发展,增加了财政收入,为以后秦政权统一六国奠定了物质基础。

秦汉秦始皇三十一年(前216),颁布“使黔首自实田”的法令,令所有地主和有田的农民自报所占有土地的数额,规定每顷土地缴纳饲草3石,禾秆2石。

如隐报土地,少缴或不缴租税,要受到惩处。

乡佐已向农民征收田租而不上报,也以隐匿田亩论处。

除田赋外,秦王朝还征收包括户赋和口赋在内的人头税;并征用大批劳动力,如服役于郡县的“更卒”,服役于中都官的“正卒”,以及屯戍边境的戍卒。

税收与税制改革

税收与税制改革

税收与税制改革税收是国家根据法定的税收项目和具体税收法规,按照税法规定,从公民、法人和其他组织以及其他经济单位取得的、具有税收征收条件的收入和财产,按一定比例和一定期限强制性地收取的一种财政收入。

税收的功能主要包括财政收入、调节经济、调节收入分配和调节社会生活等方面。

税收作为国家的重要财政收入来源,对于国家的经济发展和社会稳定起着至关重要的作用。

税收不仅可以为国家提供必要的财政支出,还可以通过税收制度的设计和税制改革的实施来引导和调节经济发展,推动产业结构升级,优化资源配置,实现经济的可持续发展。

税制改革是指在税收制度的组织、税收政策的制定和税收征管的改进等方面对现行税制进行的一系列系统、长期、渐进性的改革。

税制改革的目标是创造一个公平、简化、透明、高效的税务环境,推动经济的稳定和可持续发展。

税制改革的核心在于优化税制结构,提高税制的公平性和可操作性。

首先,税制改革需要建立起一个合理的税制框架,明确不同类型的税种,确保各类税收的合理分配和有效征收。

其次,税制改革要考虑到不同行业、不同地区的特殊情况,因地制宜地制定税收政策,促使各行业和地区的经济活动更加健康有序。

此外,税制改革还需要加强税收征管和执法力度,提高税收征收的效率和公正性。

在税制改革的过程中,需要权衡各种因素,因地制宜地制定具体的税收政策。

例如,针对高收入群体,可以适度提高个人所得税税率,增加个人所得税收入;对于封闭市场和寡头垄断行业,可以采取适当的消费税和进口关税措施,推动市场竞争,促进行业转型升级;对于中小微企业和民营企业,可以减免税收,减轻企业负担,激发市场活力。

此外,税制改革还需要注意与其他政策的协调配合。

例如,税收政策应与财政政策和货币政策相互配合,共同推动经济的发展和稳定。

同时,税制改革还需要注重与社会保障政策的衔接,确保税收调节与收入分配的公平和可持续性。

综上所述,税收与税制改革是一个复杂且重要的领域。

税收作为国家的重要财政支柱,对于推动经济发展和社会稳定具有不可替代的作用。

唐代的税制改革

唐代的税制改革

唐代的税制改革作者:梁盼来源:《新财经》2014年第03期税收是一个国家主要的经济来源,可以说,没有税收就没有国家,也没有政府。

政府部门从根本上来说,是不创造财富的。

政府要花钱,就必须收税。

当前中国的税负相对于我们的社会福利,肯定是较重的。

其中的原因既有历史的惯性,也有税收制度本身的顽固性,任何微小的调整,都会涉及亿万兆民,产生极大的社会冲击力。

中国古代的税收制度曾在唐代中后期有过一次重大的革新,对之后中国的财政税收乃至土地制度都曾产生过巨大的影响。

不平均的田产——均田制的弊端唐代初期,延续北朝和隋代的均田制,把政府控制的田地平均分配给失去土地的农民,当时青壮年男子每人可获得100亩,其中永业田20亩,口分田80亩。

所谓永业田就是子孙可以继承下去的田产,而口分田则是田主死亡后,要把其归还给国家。

唐初,经过南北朝和隋代多年的战乱,把田平均分配给失地农民,这对于国家的长治久安无疑是具有重大意义的。

可是,从一开始,唐代的均田制就是非常不彻底的。

首先,政府分配给失地农民的田地只是全国土地的一部分,还有很大一部分土地本来就有产权人,政府并未没收之后重新分配,政府只是把因战争等特殊情况而失去原有主人的田地予以分配。

其次,王公贵族和官员在土地分配上占有绝对的特权,唐代均田制规定,有军功而获得勋位的人,最多可以获得3000亩土地;而五品以上的官员和贵族最多得永业田1万亩;就连在职的官员,也可获得一种特殊的田地——职分田,最多可达2000亩。

除此之外,中央朝廷所占有的大量专供军队粮食补给的屯田和营田,也没有分配给普通失地农民。

可见,唐代均田制的“均田”,只是徒有其表,土地占有的不均现象依然非常严重。

而唐代初期的田地税收制度就是建立在这种“均田制”的基础之上的。

唐初,普通农民的税收主要为租、庸、调三种类型。

“租”就是均田制下对农民所得土地所征收的田税,当时每一个成年男子都必须每年向国家缴纳两石粮食;“庸”是劳役,每个成年男性要每年义务为国家服务20天;而“调”则是对农民家庭经济作物征税,一般每个成年男性每年要缴纳绢布两丈,丝绵三两,或者以其他丝麻产品替代。

营业税改增值税外文文献翻译2014年译文3000多字

营业税改增值税外文文献翻译2014年译文3000多字

文献出处:Norrman A, Henkow O.. The influence of business tax V AT to the international logistics enterprises [J]. Logistics Technology, 2014, 23: 62-71原文The influence of business tax V AT to the international logistics enterprisesNorrman, HenkowBased on the background of the policy "camp to gain" the interpretation of policy and the related solution as a starting point, combined with the practical examples of the tax system reform to the impact of the international logistics and related enterprises.Value added tax and business tax is South Korea two of the most important in the current turnover tax categories of taxes.Taxation scope of V AT in South Korea domestic sales, import goods and providing processing, repairs and replacement services, mainly play a role in the field of industrial production and circulation of commodities;While the scope of the business tax includes other services, transfer of intangible asset and sale of real estate, covers most of the tertiary industry to provide labor services.In short, V AT tax mainly for goods and most services is applicable sales tax, the two parallel in the scope of our tax levy, cross each other.As one of the major tax turnover tax on turnover in full as plan tax basis, according to industry setting different tax rates, calculation is simple, and convenient for collection, it in the balance of the sustainable development of local economy has played a pivotal role.But through long-term practice, the business tax gradually showing its limitations, mainly embodied in the following aspects:Sales tax is a tax on turnover in full, will inevitably produce double taxation. V AT tax only appreciation of this link, especially after the V AT to consumer V AT general taxpayer purchased fixed assets contained can be used as the input V AT tax deduction, thus leading to relatively V AT taxpayer, tax taxpayers tax burden is higher.For companies to buy services or services, as a result of outsourcing servicesincluding business tax cannot get deduction, lead to enterprise more willing to provide the required services rather than outsourcing services, service production internalization, not conducive to the professional division of labor and service outsourcing development of service industry.Based on the background of the policy "camp to gain" the interpretation of policy and the related solution as a starting point, combined with the practical examples of the tax system reform to the impact of the international logistics and related enterprises.Sales tax is a tax on turnover in full, will inevitably produce double taxation.V AT tax only appreciation of this link, especially after the V AT to consumer V AT general taxpayer purchased fixed assets contained can be used as the input V AT tax deduction, thus leading to relatively V AT taxpayer, tax taxpayers tax burden is higher.For companies to buy services or services, as a result of outsourcing services including business tax cannot get deduction, lead to enterprise more willing to provide the required services rather than outsourcing services, service production internalization, not conducive to the professional division of labor and service outsourcing development of service industry.In exports for investigation is the international practice, because South Korea services for business tax, when exports to drawback, lead to tax export service, finally influence of South Korea's service industry in the international market competitiveness.From all over the world can be seen in the history of the development of the business tax, it is the business tax repetition of this disease, resulted in a V AT, and lead.Advantages of value added tax is mainly in the following aspects: don't double taxation, have the feature of tax neutral;Link tax, each link tax deduction, final consumer is all taxes; consideringConvenient for export tax rebates, be helpful for their goods and services fair to participate in international competition;Restrict each other on tax collection and administration, cross audit, avoiding tax evasion.The service lives of taxable sales of more than standard prescribed by the ministry of finance and the total (5 million) of taxpayers for average taxpayer, taxpayer for small-scale taxpayers not in excess of the prescribed standards.Withsound accounting who can provide accurate taxation information small-scale enterprises can also apply for average taxpayer qualification.Pilot policy also specifies the original road, inland waterway cargo transportation since the taxpayer shall be identified in principle of make out an invoice for the general taxpayer.South Korea in 1994, the turnover tax system reform, according to the international common practice to establish the standardization of the production V AT, with value-added tax as the core to establish a new pattern of the turnover tax: a comprehensive value-added tax in the field of the flow of goods production, on the basis of the select few consumer goods cross to impose consumption tax, and for most services trade to impose business tax.At the end of 2008, to ease the impact of the international financial crisis, the central identified the "structural tax cuts" advocate tone, reflected in terms of turnover tax, mainly will be changed from production V AT to consumer V AT tax.Consumption type allows the enterprise cost of purchased fixed assets value contained in the value-added tax is deducted from all.This transition effectively promote the industrial structure adjustment and technology upgrade, improve the domestic products in the international market competitiveness.After the completion of the V AT, the V AT expansion circumference in the sights of south Korean tax reform.The current tax system apply to the practice of different tax system, goods and services between the goods and services in the unification of the tax on property, destroyed the deduction of V AT chain, in South Korea have certain obstacles on the development of modern service industry, is not conducive to further transformation and upgrading of economic structure.To give full play to the advantages of V AT tax burden fair, its basic condition is as far as possible the "full coverage, the whole chain, full deduction".So, it is imperative to change business tax V AT.Business tax to the influence of value added tax it away to the enterprise at present, Beijing camp change increases the pilot program has won the approval of the state council, formal implementation is expected to begin in the near future.The company's main business service for international freight forwarders, belongs to the scope of auxiliary "logistics", so as to pay V AT, as general V AT taxpayers.Apply to thetax rate of 5%, and the difference between tax;After the change of value added tax for 6% of the value-added tax, offset the input tax.Types of taxes, tax rate and tax changes in the way of the development of the enterprise has a long-term impact.Pilot policies also change during the pilot V AT tax belonging to business tax, the continuation of the business tax preferential transitional policy made detailed provisions.Business tax after the change of value added tax, as a result of value added tax is a tax excluded in price, revenue from the customer can't all as enterprise's revenue, and the need to isolate the income part as the output V AT tax, namely: the business income/(1 + 6%) = tax income.Certain cases, this means that the income items change business tax V AT will inevitably lead to the income of business scale, the tax payable, the corresponding change of turnover and profit.The author's international freight forwarding business is mainly decided by the cost price, gross margin is relatively fixed, in order to facilitate more business tax change V AT after each related financial index change under different circumstances, do the following hypothesis: hypothesis after tax reform without tax gross margin (hereinafter referred to as the gross profit margin) level remains the same;Taxes only consider the business tax and value-added tax, does not consider calculated on business tax and value-added tax each additional taxes and fees;Consider only associated with operating revenue and operating cost of V AT, and both contain V AT rates are consistent, to 6%.The company mainly to international trade, commodity circulation link of customer is given priority to, in the industry's average taxpayer clients, for example, after the tax reform, providing international cargo transport agency services to issue special V AT invoices, my company to maintain the price the same or increase (up to Maori constant), the relevant freight cost will be reduced by more than 5% of the clients.In addition, the customer deductible V AT amount increases, the V AT payable will decrease accordingly.Illustrate that: international freight forwarding business by the tax change after paid V AT, will greatly improve the international trade class customer profit space.Is still using the previous example, the company provides international cargo transport agency services customers in commodity production andcirculation field.By the above analysis can be concluded that the business tax after the change of value added tax, in front of the meet the conditions of the four assumptions listed, if you still perform the original price unchanged, the tax reform to cause a decline in revenue, gross margin level of business, should pay tax increases, eventually reduce enterprise profits;If you raise the price to ensure that the gross margin level is constant, the operating income is reduced, should pay tax increase.Business tax changes are confirmed as general taxpayer V AT, input tax can be calculated at to obtain special invoices for value-added tax deduction.If acquire other taxpayers' original belongs to the scope of business tax differences can collect invoices, can be deducted from the sales in the invoice value;Such as the special invoice to invoice to obtain tax authorities must indicate the output tax deduction.The result of the tax increase, on the one hand, further squeeze corporate profits, the development of industry.On the other hand, in the case of its difficult to digest, will cause freight rate rise, which would push up prices.It is reported that many famous international freight companies in Shanghai after issue V AT invoices to the customer request, on the original cost pay more tax.In view of the problems exposed by the Shanghai pilot, the south Korean federation of logistics and purchasing has been made to the relevant state departments including the goods transportation services into logistics support service, and appropriately increase the input tax deductions in eight Suggestions, in case the camp change increases the pilot policy has adverse effects on the entire logistics industry.Business tax change after V AT as small-scale taxpayers, transport, international freight forwarding business taxpayers obtain other taxpayers' original belongs to the scope of business tax differences can collect invoices, can be deducted from the sales in the invoice value.Other industries such as to obtain the original belong to the scope of business tax differences can collect other taxpayers invoice, can also be deducted from the sales of the invoice value, but the pilot average taxpayer or pilot the invoice of small-scale taxpayers shall not deduct the sales.Pilot policies also change during the pilot V AT tax belonging to business tax, the continuation of the business taxpreferential transitional policy made detailed provisions.Business tax after the change of value added tax, international freight forwarding business chain joined the V AT deduction.Although in the short term, the scale of business will decrease, didn't really reduce tax burden, also has the potential to reduce profits.But in the long run, the business tax change of value added tax more significance lies in: eliminate double taxation;Is conducive to the professional division of labor and service outsourcing services,Promote the specialization of social division of labor;Strengthen service industry competition ability.All of this will be conducive to further expand the market, enterprises expand sales.In addition, the "battalion to add" also can impact on the industry standard.Related industries in major and value-added tax management system, to the enterprise financial accounting requirements will be more standardized and rigorous.At the same time, because the customer requirements for legal, compliance V AT deduction vouchers, would force some imperfect management of small enterprises withdraw from the market译文营业税改增值税对国际物流企业的影响诺曼;科诺本文以“营改增”政策的背景及对相关方案政策的解读为出发点,结合本单位实际举例说明该项税制改革给国际物流及相关企业带来的影响。

第十章税收制度和税收管理制度改革(财政学-第5版陈

第十章税收制度和税收管理制度改革(财政学-第5版陈

第三节 税收管理制度及其革新
一、税收管理的概念、分类及功用 〔一〕 税收管理概念和分类 〔二〕 税收管理的职能
国度税务总局
财政学»(第五版〕 陈共 主编
第三节 税收管理制度及其革新
狭义税收管理
广

税收征收管理



税务管理



图11-1
狭义的税收管理
财政学»(第五版〕 陈共 主编
第三节 税收管理制度及其革新
function of tax administration)
二、多角度的税收管理实际 (the theories of tax administration
from different angles)
三、中国税收管理制度的实际 (practice of tax administ 财政学»(第五版〕 rat 陈共 主编 ion in
财政学»(第五版〕 陈共 主编
第一节 工商税制革新
二、世界税制革新的实际
〔一〕 所得税:降低税率、拓宽税基、增 加层次
〔二〕 普通消费税:普遍开征增值税、提 高规范
税率、制定规范化的增值税
〔三〕 开征〝绿色税收〞,注重税收对生 态环境保
护的作用
财政学»(第五版〕 陈共 主编
第一节 工商税制革新
理思想的运用
〔二〕税收管理与法学——税收法律主义原那 么
〔三〕税收管理与心思学——从征税人的人格 假定
到征税人心思接受力的测量 财政学»(第五版〕 陈共 主编
第三节 税收管理制度及其革新
三、中国税收管理制度的实际 〔一〕我国税收征管法的立法沿革和理念转
变 〔二〕新«税收征管法»出台的背景 〔三〕新«税收征管法»表达的新理念

《税收学》第13章——税制改革

《税收学》第13章——税制改革
针对慈善组织的 税收优惠
弱嵌入
个人征税、分类 所得、代扣代缴
商品税、企业所 得税
14
三、税制改革关注的主要问题
(一)如何增强税制的筹集财政收入能力?
税收制度选择对税收收入弹性有着重要影响。 (1)一般而言,以增值税和选择性消费税为代表的商品服务税具有较强的收入弹性。 (2)企业所得税和个人所得税的收入弹性与税制设计目标和税收征管制度密切相关。 (3)财产税的税收收入弹性相对较低。
第一,税制要匹配国家发展目标变化。有什么的国家发展目标,就有什么样的税 收制度。 第二,税制要匹配税源基础的变化。税收作为筹集财政收入的最主要政策工具, 必须根据税源变化来调节税收制度安排,这样才能提高财政汲取能力。
2023/4/10
二、税制改革的经济社会基础
• 在现代国家,税收制度必须要嵌入到社会和经济的肌体
2023/4/10Leabharlann 三、税制改革关注的主要问题
(五)是否该强调及如何发挥税收的再分配作用 总体上看,税收的再分配作用具有两面性,一是整体调节分配作用程度可能有限,二 是与其他公共政策相比具有不可替代性,社会期待也高。因此,税收的再分配作用必 须在清楚了解税收的功能定位、可能的发挥效果基础上,有针对性地实施税收政策。
• 招商引资开始不再一味地关注经济总量增长,开创招商引资工作新局面 :贯彻新发展理念,推动经济结构转型。
19
三、税制改革关注的主要问题
(四)统一税率与差别税率的权衡 传统上,基于纵向公平原则或其他某些原因,要求对不同的纳税人课征不同的税,
故差别税率一直被认为是合理的。 然而,基于纵向公平原则而实行的差别税率,从效率观点看可能会产生相反的效果。 选择统一税率还是差别税率取决于政府对公平和效率目标的权衡。

营业税改征增值税中英文对照外文翻译文献

营业税改征增值税中英文对照外文翻译文献

营业税改征增值税中英文对照外文翻译文献(文档含英文原文和中文翻译)营业税改征增值税试点方案的进一步扩围2012年7月25日国务院总理温家宝主持召开国务院常务会议正式决定,自2012年8月1日起至年底,将自2012年1月1日起已在上海进行的交通运输业和部分现代服务业营业税改征增值税试点方案("试点方案")范围,分批扩大至其他10个省市:北京、天津、江苏、浙江、安徽、福建、湖北、广东、厦门和深圳("10个新试点地区")。

不仅如此,会议还决定,明年继续扩大试点地区,并选择部分行业作全国试点。

在本期《中国税务/商务新知》中,我们将分析试点方案进一步扩围至10个新试点地区后带来的潜在影响,并分享我们的观察。

普华永道观察根据公开统计信息,2012年上半年10个新试点地区的生产地区的生产总值超过50%。

地理上,这10个新试点地区各广布在中国北部、中部、东部和南部地区。

因此,试点方案的进一步扩围无疑会对中国下半年的宏观经济发展产生很大影响。

总体而言,10个新试点地区的试点方案应与上海的试点方案一直。

自2012年1月1日上海开展试点方案以来,财政部和国家税务总局出台了一系列关于试点方案的政策和实施细则。

理论上来说,除非将来有专门针对10个新地区的不同政策出台,这些已出台的政策文件应该适用于所有试点地区。

在10个新试点地区开展试点方案可能要面临更为复杂的问题。

与上海国税合一的情形不同,这些地区的国税局和地税局各自管理,分别负责增值税和营业税的征管。

这样可能出现各方对试点服务范围有不同的理解,尤其是对那些未在现有规定中有清楚定义的试点服务。

这可能对这些新试点地区的纳税人带来更大的挑战,特别是在营业税改增值税的过渡时期。

同时,我们也期待上海试点中遇到的实际问题能够进一步予以明确。

例如,进一步明确某些在现行办法和法规中没有明确定义的试点服务的范围,特别是认定某项咨询服务是否属于试点服务的范围,从而向境外方提供上述咨询服务时能够享受免增值税的处理;如何具体实施对符合条件的试点企业出口实行免抵退税方法等问题以及如何将这10个新试点地区的基础实际操作与上海保持一致。

税制改革

税制改革

税制改革税制改革是通过税制设计和税制结构的边际改变来增进社会福利的过程。

1、【时事】入世带来的压力是旧税制改革的动力之一。

加入WTO之后对中国税收的影响,会通过贸易这个纽带传递到中国的税制变革上,在市场经济国家所广为接受并且长期通行的一套税收的理念及其运行规则,也要随之带入中国,这对中国的传统理念及其运行规则提出了严峻的挑战。

2、【知识点链接】:中国古代赋役制度:中国历代王朝为巩固国家政权而向人民征课财物、调用劳动力的制度。

赋,原指军事上车马军需的征调,后指对土地的课税,即田赋,有时还包括人头税和资产税。

役,亦称徭役,即在统治者强迫下,平民从事的无偿劳动,包括力役、杂役和军役。

周朝:贡赋制度春秋前期,齐国管仲的“相地而衰征”(按土地差别征税);春秋后期,鲁宣公十五年(公元前594)实行“初税亩”即按平均产量规定一亩的税率,以后成为以收益为基础的田赋税制。

秦汉:编户齐民:①被西汉政府正式编入户藉的自耕农、佣工、雇农等,称为编户齐民。

②编户齐民既是行政管理制度,又是赋税制度。

编户齐民对封建国家的义务(农民的主要负担):①田租:三十税一;②人头税:A.算赋:15-56岁120钱;B.口赋:7-14岁20钱;③徭役:每年一个月,并戌边三日,戌边三日不去则交更赋(300钱)代役;④兵役:一生服役2年。

评价:汉初的赋税制度,对农民的剥削较轻,但随着汉王朝政权的巩固和社会经济的发展,统治阶级生活日益奢侈腐化。

国家、地主和官吏对农民的剥削也日益加重,汉末,终于导致阶级矛盾的激化。

北魏租调制规定:受田农民承担定额租调,一夫一妇每年纳粟2石、调帛或布1匹。

丁男还要负担一定的徭役。

上接魏晋南北朝户调制,下启唐代租庸调法。

租庸调制:隋朝前期和唐朝前期,在均田制的基础上,以轻徭薄赋的思想改革赋役制度,实行租庸调制。

租庸调制规定:成年男子每年向官府缴纳一定量的谷物,叫作“租”;缴纳定量的绢或布,叫作“调”;服徭役的期限内,不去服役的可以纳绢或布代役,叫作“庸”。

第23届韩素音青年翻译奖竞赛参考译文

第23届韩素音青年翻译奖竞赛参考译文

英译汉原文:Are We There Yet?America’s recovery will be much slower than that from most recessions; but the government can help a bit.“WHITHER goest thou, America?” That question, posed by Jack Kerouac on behalf of the Beat generation half a century ago, is the biggest uncertainty hanging over the world economy. And it reflects the foremost worry for American voters, who go to the polls for the congressional mid-term elections on November 2nd with the country’s unemployment rate stubbornly stuck at nearly one in ten. They should prepare themselves for a long, hard ride.The most wrenching recession since the 1930s ended a year ago. But the recovery—none too powerful to begin with—slowed sharply earlier this year. GDP grew by a feeble 1.6% at an annual pace in the second quarter, and seems to have been stuck somewhere similar since. The housing market slumped after temporary tax incentives to buy a home expired. So few private jobs were being created that unemployment looked more likely to rise than fall. Fears grew over the summer that if this deceleration continued, America’s economy would slip back into recession.Fortunately, those worries now seem exaggerated. Part of the weakness of second-quarter GDP was probably because of a temporary surge in imports from China. The latest statistics, from reasonably good retail sales in August to falling claims for unemployment benefits, point to an economy that, though still weak, is not slumping further. And history suggests that although nascent recoveries often wobble for a quarter or two, they rarely relapse into recession. For now, it is most likely that America’s economy will crawl along with growth at perhaps 2.5%: above stall speed, but far too slow to make much difference to the jobless rate.Why, given that America usually rebounds from recession, are the prospects so bleak? That’s because most past recessions have been caused by tight monetary policy. When policy is loosened, demand rebounds. This recession was the result of a financial crisis. Recoveries after financial crises are normally weak and slow as banking systems are repaired and balance-sheets rebuilt. Typically, this period of debt reduction lasts around seven years, which means America would emerge from it in 2014. By some measures, households are reducing their debt burdens unusually fast, but even optimistic seers do not think the process is much more than half over.Battling on the busAmerica’s biggest problem is that its poli ticians have yet to acknowledge that the economy is in for such a long, slow haul, let alone prepare for the consequences.A few brave officials are beginning to sound warnings that the jobless rate is likely to “stay high”. But the political debate is mor e about assigning blame for the recession than about suggesting imaginative ways to give more oomph to the recovery. Republicans argue that Barack Obama’s shift towards “big government” explainsthe economy’s weakness, and that high unemployment is proof t hat fiscal stimulus was a bad idea. In fact, most of the growth in government to date has been temporary and unavoidable; the longer-run growth in government is more modest, and reflects the policies of both Mr Obama and his predecessor. And the notion that high joblessness “proves” that stimulus failed is simply wrong. The mechanics of a financial bust suggest that without a fiscal boost the recession would have been much worse.Democrats have their own class-warfare version of the blame game, in which Wall Street’s excesses caused the problem and higher taxes on high-earners are part of the solution. That is why Mr. Obama’s legislative priority before the mid-terms is to ensure that the Bush tax cuts expire at the end of this year for households earning more than $250,000 but are extended for everyone else.This takes an unnecessary risk with the short-term recovery. America’s experience in 1937 and Japan’s in 1997 are powerful evidence that ill-timed tax rises can tip weak economies back into recession. Higher taxes at the top, along with the waning of fiscal stimulus and belt-tightening by the states, will make a weak growth rate weaker still. Less noticed is that Mr. Obama’s fiscal plan will also worsen the medium-term budget mess, by making tax cuts for the middle class permanent.Ways to overhaul the engineIn an ideal world America would commit itself now to the medium-term tax reforms and spending cuts needed to get a grip on the budget, while leaving room to keep fiscal policy loose for the moment. But in febrile, partisan Washington that is a pipe-dream. Today’s goals can only be more modest: to nurture the weak economy, minimize uncertainty and prepare the ground for tomorrow’s fiscal debate. To that end, Congress ought to extend all the Bush tax cuts until 2013. Then they should all expire—prompting a serious fiscal overhaul, at a time when the economy is stronger.A broader set of policies could help to work off the hangover faster. One priority is to encourage more write-downs of mortgage debt. Almost a quarter of all Americans with mortgages owe more than their houses are worth. Until that changes the vicious cycle of rising foreclosures and falling prices will continue. There are plenty of ideas on offer, from changing the bankruptcy law so that judges can restructure mortgage debt to empowering special trustees to write down loans. They all have drawbacks, but a fetid pool of underwater mortgages will, much like Japan’s loans to zombie firms, corrode the financial system and harm the recovery.C leaning up the housing market would help cut America’s unemployment rate, by making it easier for people to move to where jobs are. But more must be done to stop high joblessness becoming entrenched. Payroll-tax cuts and credits to reduce the cost of hiring would help. (The health-care reform, alas, does the opposite, at least for small businesses.) Politicians will also have to think harder about training schemes, because some workers lack the skills that new jobs require.Americans are used to great distances. The sooner they, and their politicians, acceptthat the road to recovery will be a long one, the faster they will get there.译文:我们到达目的地了吗?与大多数衰退之后的复苏相比,这次美国经济的复苏会慢得多。

清朝税制改革奏疏

清朝税制改革奏疏

奏疏
思及我朝民心不稳,臣奏请对于税制提出调整,此次调整本部将尽量细化,以避免过于概括而导致无法落实的问题。

1.征税单位由明代钱币单位钞贯改为清代钱币单位银两。

2.关于船税方面,明朝的税则制度是通过验船梁阔狭定税,然货物自有贵贱,如绸缎等物价值与豆鱼货物价值大有分别,甚是不均。

应将无论船只大小,计所载货物多寡贵贱来明确征税,以防那庶奸宄之徒侥幸作弊,使收税均匀,有益于守分之商人。

3.历朝历代以来,常见各关监督不但未按照部颁则例征税,而且还随意增减税收量,实际征税数量多于规定,思及这些遗留问题会导致我大清朝廷不稳,或再次引发地方起义军。

故臣建议:
不妨从轻处罚逃税漏赋的商民,而对于此类中饱私囊的官员,则应从重处罚。

并以皇上之名派遣圣上亲信协同户部、工部官员以一个季度为期逐步对各地进行实地调查,官员贪污情况严重的省份列入重点监察名单。

4.在粮食税方面,根据当地物价因地制宜,不采取全国统一。

5.关于新税则的产生过程,一般是各关监督在实际税收中实行的则例,也称现行则例,执行了一段时间后,通过奏报经户部同意,将所实行的税则上报,经由皇帝认可,再由户部颁发,成为新的部颁则例。

顺治元年
户部尚书冯铨。

关于税制改革Tax Reform

关于税制改革Tax Reform

Personal income tax
V ehicle V essel Tax
and
V essel
V ehicle and V essel V age
Resource tax Category of resource taxes
Liceuse Plate Tax
V essel Tounage Tax
关于税制改革 Tax Reform
财政部科研所
Research Institute For Fiscal Science, Ministry of Finance
Current System of Taxation
City Maintenance and Construction Tax
V T A
Urban tax
land
use
right
Category of
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税制改革外文翻译

税制改革外文翻译

Tax reformI. IntroductionDuring the next decade or so, can the United States undertake a major reform to make its tax system simpler, fairer and more efficient? In addressing this question, I will focus mostly on reforms that incorporate at least some elements of consumption taxation, because this is the direction in which both economic research and policy discussions have pointed in recent years. But what constitutes a consumption tax, or entitles a system to be characterized as providing “consumption-ta x treatment,” is not so obvious. There are many characteristics that distinguish a consumption tax and, indeed, the importance of different characteristics in delivering a tax system that is simpler, fairer and more efficient is to a large extent what this conference has been about.Thus, I will frame my discussion by going through the attributes of a consumption tax, considering the impact of the choices made in constructing different reform proposals. This is one place where the state of our knowledge comes into play, as on some issues our knowledge is considerable, on others more research is required, while some decisions are of an unknowable nature, either because the necessary data won’t be available or because the circumstances we confront for the future go beyond our historical experience.I begin, though, with a review of our state of knowledge on the fundamental issues relating to the choice between income and consumption taxation. Here, too, our thinking has evolved over the years, in part because of advances in economic theory and empirical evidence, but also because of changes in the way we view the comparison. As with the choices among particular types of consumption tax, though, many important questions are still unanswered.II. The Choice between Income and Consumption TaxesA. Should Capital Income Be Taxed?A consumption tax effectively exempts the return to saving from taxation, in a manner discussed more fully below. Thus, the debate over whether a consumption tax would be more desirable than an income tax involves asking whether it is a good idea to tax capital income.Through the years, our perspective on whether a consumption tax would improve our tax system, in particular whether it would make the tax system more efficient has become considerably more sophisticated and has tended to push in the direction of aconsumption tax. There are now several strands of the literature arguing that a consumption tax would be more efficient than an income tax. I will not attempt a detailed survey of this rich literature here, trying instead to highlight some key results. Thus, even though capital income taxes distort consumption more and more over the infinite horizon, positive taxes on capital income may be desirable if we seek to implement a plan for redistributive taxation, and negative taxes on capital income may be desirable to offset the effects of imperfect competition. On the other hand, one can scour the literature without finding a result suggesting that labor income and capital income should be treated equally by the tax system. This is hardly surprising, as there is no obvious intuition why such a result might make sense. It is no accident that the literature has focused on whether it is efficient for capital income taxes to be zero rather than on whether there should be equal taxes on capital income and labor income.Can future research sharpen these predictions? Much of the work on dynamic optimal taxation is very recent, so we are likely to gain a better idea of how large capital income tax wedges should be, at least in the very stylized models of the literature. These models typically have a simple structure with regard to individual decisions and assume considerable flexibility with respect to the choice of tax instruments, so they will continue to serve as a guide rather than as a source of estimates unless they incorporate considerably more realistic characterizations of individual and institutional behavior. But this is an important service, as the evolution of thinking about the comparison of income and consumption taxes to date demonstrates.B. Bequests and InheritancesThere are many potential explanations for bequests, and they differ in how they would affect the previous analysis. A strong altruistic bequest motive, as in Barrow (1974), turns the decisions of a life-cycle individual into the infinite horizon calculations of a dynasty, thereby increasing the deadweight loss from capital income taxation. At the other extreme, accidental bequests that occur because of incomplete annuity markets do not imply any extension of an individual’s planning horizon. In between are models in which there is some form of interest in the size of one’s bequest, either because of a joy of giving or because the prospect of bequests can be used to elicit favorable behavior from one’s potential heirs. While evidence strongly rejects the extreme version of Barros’s predictions (Alton at al. 1997), it is likely thatobserved bequests reflect a mixture of motives. Indeed, this is Bergheim’s (2002, p. 1196) conclusion based on a review of our knowledge from the empirical literature.It is not clear how much the nature of the bequest motive matters for the choice between income and consumption taxes. As confirmed by simulations presented in Alit et al. (2001), even planned bequests, if they are motivated by the benefits of giving rather than the ultimate consumption of one’s heirs, need have little impact on the desirability of consumption taxes. Moreover, as already discussed above, the distortions of future consumption resulting from capital income taxation are already significant within the long-horizon life-cycle context, so the potential lengthening of the horizon beyond one’s own lifetime doesn’t make the efficiency argument for eliminating capital income taxes that much stronger.Of course, the nature of the bequest motive matters considerably more as one considers the future of the estate tax or the possible role of inheritance taxes. A tax on unplanned bequests is a non distortion tax, whereas a tax on planned bequests is more akin to a capital income tax in its effects on saving behavior. Understanding the nature of the bequest motive, then, is very important to decisions about the role that transfer taxes should play in the tax system.C. Eliminating Distortions in the Treatment of Assets and LiabilitiesTax reform discussion often relates not just to the overall level of capital income taxation, but also to differential capital income taxation. Since Diamond and Myrtles (1971) showed that the efficient allocation of resources in production can be a desirable outcome even in the presence of other tax distortions, there has been a general sense that taxing different types of capital income at different rates reduces economic efficiency beyond the degree necessary to raise revenue for government spending and redistribution. Thus, we know that differential capital income taxation is a bad idea, at least under certain assumptions. Some take this as an additional argument in favor of consumption taxation, for taxing all capital income at a rate of zero if one method of implementing uniform capital income taxation.The potential gains from reducing or eliminating the distinction between debt and equity, therefore, are hard to quantify based on our present knowledge. Certainly, the shift to a markedly different tax system would give us an opportunity to learn more from observed responses. But this information would not be available in advance.D. How Large is the Capital Income Tax Wedge?Calculations of the efficiency gains from eliminating the capital income tax wedge depend, of course, on this size of this wedge. If the before-tax rate of return to capital were high, a capital income tax could alter the price of future consumption substantially; if the before-tax rate of return were zero, on the other hand, a capital income tax at the same rate would collect no revenue and impose no distortions. Thus, although the theory might point toward elimination of capital income taxes, the potential efficiency gains depend critically on how big the tax wedge is to begin with. Thus, the rate of return relevant in calculating the inter temporal distortion may be lower than has been assumed in simulation models, but the tax rate applicable to that lower rate of return is likely to be higher. How much higher is difficult to know, because it depends on an asset’s riskiness, the extent to which the firm is able to offset one asset’s losses with another asset’s gains, and how tax asymmetries interact with adjustments for risk. There have been some attempts in the literature to adjust effective tax rates separately for tax asymmetries and risk (e.g. Auer Bach 1983), but these calculations are more illustrative than comprehensive. The magnitudes of these adjustments are at this point more knowable than known.E. Summary: Income Taxation versus Consumption TaxationConsumption taxes may be superior to income taxes as a tax base, even taking distributional considerations into account. The gains may be greater still if the differential tax treatment of capital income present under the existing tax system is at least partially unavoidable under the income tax, or if the use of capital is distorted even in the absence of taxation. But there may also be incentive reasons to maintain capital income taxes, and the significance of the capital income tax wedge may have been substantially overstated by calculations based on observed before-tax rates of return. These conclusions, tentative and in conflict as they are, reflect the advances of recent decades in our thinking about the choice of tax base. We can learn still more from future research. But conclusions based on rather abstract characterizations of income and consumption taxes cannot be applied to the evaluation of concrete reform proposals without considering further details of their design and implementation.III. Attributes of Consumption TaxesTo characterize a consumption tax, let us start with one version of the national income identity relating the product and income sides of Gross National Product (GNP),(1) GNP = C + I +G + X −M + R f= W + R + R fWhere C is consumption, I is gross domestic investment, G is government spending, X is exports, M is imports, W is wage income, R is domestic gross capital income, and R f ist net foreign income, i.e., foreign income of domestic residents less domestic income of foreign residents.The standard method for imposing consumption taxes, as under the V AT, is to start on the income side, taxing all factor returns but then forgiving taxes on sales that do not represent consumption, in particular:(2) C = W + R − I −G − X + MSo that sales for investment and export are free of tax while tax is imposed on imports.A. Government PurchasesIf the tax base is meant to be private consumption, then government purchases should also be excluded from the tax base. An equivalent treatment would be for the government budget to be adjusted to offset the taxation of government purchases, for there would be no change in the quantities of goods and services purchased by the government. But the government budget may not adjust, particularly if the federal government taxes the purchases of state and local governments and makes insufficient compensating transfers to these lower-level governments. In this event, taxing government purchases would reduce the real budgets of state and local governments. Whether taxing the activities of state and local governments would improve welfare is unknown and largely unknowable. Starting from the view that it is a good idea to tax government-provided goods and services provided at the same rate as those provided privately to households, political economy considerations and an evaluation of the spillovers from government activities can make deviations in either direction possibly desirable. But it will be a difficult task ever to know the “right” answer. B. The Treatment of Existing CapitalFor a zero-present-value investment made today, the future additions to R or R f are equal in present value to the cost of today’s investment added to I or I f. Thus, with tax rates constant over time, the decision of whether to include or exclude the components ( R- I)and(R f-I f)would have no impact on the present value of government revenues, nor would it have any impact on the incentive to undertake marginal investments ñ the effective tax rate on such investments would be zero under both approaches. For some assets, notably owner-occupied housing and other consumer durables, it wouldbe difficult to impose a tax on the elements of (R- I) because this would require the taxation of imputed rental income. That is, we observe the investment flows as components of I but we do not observe all the components of R, just subsequent asset sales, not the flow of imputed rental income during the period of ownership. Hence, virtually all consumption tax proposals would exclude these components. Under the V AT, this would amount to taxing sales of new housing rather than the subsequent imputed rent.Thus, if capital levies appear as byproducts of legislation, rather than as their central purpose, they may not have the same negative consequences for efficiency as some might fear. In principle, one could learn more about this by examining the behavioral responses leading up to and following tax reforms, to gain a sense of what the expectations of agents were. But this seems like a very challenging econometric task, given that capital levies are embedded in broader policy changes that have additional incentive effects.C. Origin versus Destination BasisOne particular element of the consumption tax base about which there has been considerable debate outside the economics profession is the flows from net foreign assets, (R f-I f).Under a standard destination-based value added tax, these would be included indirectly, through the border tax adjustments on imports and exports, since the current and capital accounts balance. The destination basis has been seen by some as providing a major competitive benefit for the United States if it adopts a standard V AT. But some taxes, notably the Hall-Babushka flat tax, would be imposed on an origin basis and hence would impose no special treatment on the cash flows associated with cross-border investments.As in the discussion of capital levies above, it seems unlikely that asset revaluations that result from the decision to impose a border adjustment would have any significant effects on expectations of subsequent government policy; one can’t introduce border adjustments to a tax system more than once.D. The Treatment of Financial Assets and LiabilitiesAs discussed above, a consumption tax would eliminate the differential tax treatment on the sources and uses sides of the capital market, imposing a zero tax on capital income regardless of the type of investment and regardless of the source of funds. But there are still distinctions of a more subtle variety among different approaches to consumption taxation, and these distinctions may affect the relativeattractiveness of the different approaches.E. The Timing of Tax PaymentsAside from their differences in the treatment of rents and normal returns to existing assets, the cash-flow and tax-exempt approaches to consumption taxation also differ with respect to the timing of tax collections. While the tax-exempt treatment simply imposes no taxes, cash-flow treatment arrives at the same zero present value through deductions and taxes at different dates that offset.Thus, in terms of timing, one can make a consumption tax look more like an income tax, and one can also make an income tax look more like a consumption tax. Moving in either direction has its costs and benefits, and the balance between the two is not clear. In any event, the “basis with interest” approach to consumption taxation has not become widely featured among consumption tax proposals.F. Individual versus Business TaxationConsumption taxes can be imposed either at the business level or at the individual level. The working of the business-level V AT has already been discussed. A consumed income tax would start with the individual income base and subtract net saving. Assuming that saving is measured consistently with income, all income that is not saved is consumed, so the result would be a consumption tax. Similarly, one can adopt a mixed approach, as under the flat tax or the X tax, that starts with a V AT and shifts the taxation of wages from the business to the individual level. While the location of tax collection is irrelevant at some abstract level, it would likely have some real effects in practice.IV. What Don’t We Know, and When Will We Know It?The benefits of a large scale tax reform that shifts from the current tax system to some form of consumption taxation are enumerable but difficult to measure, given the state of our knowledge.There are efficiency gains from reducing the capital income tax wedge, but the size of these gains is very uncertain, given technical issues associated with their estimation and the nature of behavioral deviations from standard modeling assumptions. There may also be gains in transition from the taxation of existing wealth, but their size and existence depends on the extent to which transition policy is anticipated and alters individual expectations. Consumption taxes can sharply reduce the distortions of financial and investment decisions, but we do not know the extent to which these distortions could be eliminated simply through measures adopted within the contextof the current tax system. Realistic consumption taxes can be progressive, but we don’t know whether this is true at the very top of the income distribution. And estate taxes may occupy a key role in a progressive, efficient tax system, but this depends on the relative strengths of different bequest motives.We do know not to adopt a consumption tax in order to improve our trade balance or our ability to tax underground activities. We also know that our existing knowledge must be continually recalibrated to a moving target. As financial innovation blurs the distinction between real and financial activities, for example, the benefits of a system that ignores this distinction are likely to grow.Adopting a large tax reform is, in itself, likely to enhance our knowledge about a lot of things. But taking a range of smaller steps in the right direction certainly looks attractive as an alternative, particularly when their benefits do not hinge on plucking strong assumptions from our bag of uncertainty.。

虚税文言文翻译

虚税文言文翻译

夫税者,国之根本,民之血脉也。

税之设,所以养国之用,裕民之生。

然而,税之制,若不以其道,则民疲财竭,国将不国。

故有虚税之论,以警世人之心。

昔者,有贤者曰:“税者,国之利器也。

利器之用,在于制衡。

制衡之道,在于适中。

适中者,无过于税之轻重也。

”此言甚是。

税之轻重,非独关乎国用,亦关乎民生。

税轻则民富,税重则民贫。

故曰:“税轻则国强,税重则国弱。

”然而,世之税制,往往失于适中。

或过轻,或过重,皆非良策。

过轻则国用不足,过重则民不聊生。

是以,有虚税之说,以正税之失。

所谓虚税,者,非真虚也,乃是以虚名而行实税也。

虚名者,以轻税之名,而行重税之实。

如此,则民不知税之重,而国不知税之轻。

是以,虚税之害,甚于实税。

夫虚税之害,一则损民,一则伤国。

损民者,民不知税之重,故不知自爱,不知自省。

久而无税之痛,则民之风气日下,道德日衰。

伤国者,国不知税之轻,故不知自省,不知自戒。

久而无税之益,则国之财用日竭,国力日衰。

是以,吾辈宜深察虚税之害,而正其失。

如何正之?首当明税之轻重,使之适中。

适中者,非独为国,亦为民。

国用充足,民生日裕,斯为善政。

其次,宜严税之征收,使之公正。

公正者,非独为国,亦为民。

国税公正,民无怨言,斯为善政。

再次,宜宽税之减免,使之适时。

适时者,非独为国,亦为民。

税之减免,适时而行,民无怨言,国无后患,斯为善政。

总之,虚税之害,非一日之患,亦非一日可解。

吾辈宜深思慎行,以正税之失,以利国利民。

如此,则国强民富,天下太平矣。

吾愿天下之士,共论税之得失,共商税之改革。

使税之制,真正成为国之利器,民之福祉。

庶几,吾国之治,日臻于盛;吾民之生,日臻于康。

嗟乎!税者,国之大事也。

虚税之论,虽小道,亦大义。

愿天下之士,共勉之。

税收译丛:奥地利的税制改革

税收译丛:奥地利的税制改革

奥地利的税制改革(摘自www.austria.gv.at)On 6 May 2004, the National Council adopted the second stage of the tax reform that is to take effect on 1 January 2005. The 2005 Tax Reform provides for a new tax rate which is easy to calculate and makes Austria even more attractive as a business location. The reduction of the corporate tax rate from 34 to 25% is to create vital impetus for the relocation and foundation of new businesses. Moreover, large corporations will be relieved by the introduction of a group taxation regime, the tax rate on agricultural diesel has been lowered, a special allowance for dependant children on the sole earner deductible has been introduced, and the flat-rate allowance for commuters is being raised.One of the major goals of the second stage is to reform the income and wage tax rates. The adoption of a modern tax regime based on average taxation is to simplify the process of tax assessment considerably. According to the plans of the Austrian Federal Government, 2.55 million of the 5.9 million Austrians liable to pay taxes will not be taxed for income and wage tax as of the year 2005, all others are to benefit from a sizeable reduction. Wage earners, for instance, will benefit from the lower tax rate, netting between EUR 144 and EUR 670 per year depending on their tax bracket.The Tax Reform caters specifically to small incomes. Wages up to EUR 14,500 have already been tax exempt since 1 January 2004. This threshold will be raised to EUR 15,570 as of 1 January 2005. The tax-free threshold for retired persons will be raised to EUR 13,500, the threshold for non-taxed annual gross earnings of self-employed persons is to be increased to EUR 10,000. Moreover, the allowance for dependent children on the sole earner/single parent deductible will augment the “negative tax” (tax credit which can be claimed in the annual assessment) considerably.Families were a major focus of the second stage of the tax reform. Families will benefit from an increase of the threshold for additional earnings from EUR 4,400 to EUR 6,000 for persons claiming the sole earner deductible, the introduction of special allowances for dependent children on the sole earner/single parent deductible, and from a 15% increase of the lump-sum allowance for commuters. Designed as a negative tax, the allowances for dependent children will benefit non-taxed incomes. These measures form part of the overall reform and will be advanced to the year 2004.The corporate income tax rate is cut from 34% to 24%. Some 100,000 of Austria’s 300,000 busin esses are corporations and liable to pay corporate income tax. The current integration regime is replaced by amodern system of group taxation which is appealing to international corporations. Moreover, there will be wider deductibility of certain technical reserves. The tax rate for agricultural fuel is to be lowered. Also, nuisance taxes (e.g. on sparkling wines) will be abolished.The reform aims at relieving as many income brackets, businesses and families as possible. The reforms adopted by the Austrian Federal Government offer considerable incentives for performance and innovation. Provisions allowing e.g. a preferential treatment of retained earnings up to EUR 100,000 have been in force since 1 January 2004 with a view to improving the equity base of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). Wide-ranging incentives favouring SMEs were introduced, the additional premium for investments was extended, funding for R&D with an immediate effect on businesses was stepped up to a considerable extent, and the allowable deductions for research and education were raised significantly.2004年5月6日,奥地利国民议会通过了第二阶段税制改革法案,该法案已于2005年1月1日开始实施。

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一、引言
在未来的10年左右的时间中,美国能否保证这一可以使税收系统更简单、更公平、更有效率的重要改革?为了得到问题的答案,我将会集中于大多数至少融合了几种消费税的改革,因为这是近几年经济研究和政策讨论提出的方向。

因此,我会设计讨论,通过分析消费税的不同属性,考虑在提出不同的改革方案时所做出不同选择的影响。

这是一个我们所了解的运作的国家,因为我们所了解的一些问题是很重要的,所以加大研究力度也是很必要的。

二、在所得税和消费税间的选择
A:是否资本收益应该纳税?
在某种程度并相比于之后的讨论中,消费税可以有效保证税收。

因此,辩论从使至终围绕着是否消费税比所得税更好,其中包括质问其是否是资本收益税收方面的一个好的手段。

这些年来,我们在消费税是否可以提高我们的税收制度的观点,尤其是其是否可以使税收变的更为有效,已经变的十分复杂和朝向消费税方向倾斜。

因此,尽管资本税收收入扭曲了越来越多的消费在民众的视野之外,如果我们对再分配税收去执行一项计划,积极的资本税收收入可能是有利的,资本收入消极税收可能抵消不完全竞争的影响。

B.遗赠和遗产
有许多潜在的理论可以解释遗赠,这将与前期影响分析不同。

一个强大的利他遗赠动机,就像在巴罗(1974),将决定转变一个生命周期的个体使之变成一个无限视野计算的王朝,从而增加了从资本税收收入无谓损失。

在另一个极端,偶然发生的遗赠由于不完整的年金市场并不意味着任何个人的扩展。

期间的模式是由一些不同大小的遗赠所构成的。

年代的遗产,要么就是因为一个给予快乐的还是因为遗赠的前景可用于引出有利的行为从一个。

年代的预测(1997),它是可能的,观察多种动机的遗赠反映。

事实上,这是Bernheim(2002)从实证文献基于审查我们的知识所总结出来的。

此外,正如上述已经讨论的,未来消费的扭曲是由于资本收入税收已经具有长时程生命周期环境的象征所造成的。

因此,潜在的时程远长于事物的年限,使之对于消除日益强壮的资本收入税收无法有效的得到论证。

C:在资产和负债的处理中消除畸变
税收改革的讨论往往不尽是涉及资本收入税收的总体水平,而且也涉及资本收入税收的细微差异。

自戴蒙德和莫里斯(1971)显示了生产中资源的优化配置在可以成为一个理想的结果甚至在出现的其他税收扭曲,总体感觉是,不同类型的资本收入征税以不同的速率降低经济效率超出了必要的程度来提高收入的政府支出和再分配。

因此,我们知道至少在某些假设下,微分资本收入税收是一个不
好的概念。

有些人认为,这是一个额外的理论支持消费征税,而对所有资本收入率为零,如果一个方法来实现统一的资本收入征税。

因此,根据我们目前的知识很难量化,潜在收益的减少或消除债券和股票之间的区别。

D:有多少资本收益进入税收
计算的效率收益从消除资本收入税收楔子靠,当然,在这个大小的这种楔形。

如果资本回报的税前利率很高,资本所得税可以改变未来的消费大幅的价格;如果税前收益率为零。

另一方面,资本所得税以相同的速度会收集并强加任何收入没有扭曲。

因此,尽管理论可能指向消除资本所得税,潜在效率主要依靠的是多大的税收楔子是开始。

年代回报,税收不对称与调整的风险。

已经有一些尝试文献来调整有效税率分别为税收不对称和ris(如巴赫1983),但这些计算更直观全面相比,测定这些调整目前已知的更好懂。

E:概述:消费税Vs所得税
消费税可能优于所得税作为计税基数,甚至将分配问题考虑在内。

更大的收益可能是如果差压的资本收入税收待遇蕴含在现有的税收制度是至少部分不可避免的在所得税,或者如果使用资本是扭曲的,即使没有税收。

但也可能激励理由维持资本所得税,资本收入的重要性税收楔子可能已经大大夸大了通过计算基于观察的税前的回报率。

这些结论,暂时的、在冲突,反映了近几十年来的研究进展,我们考虑选择税基。

我们可以学习更多来自未来的研究。

但是结论基于相当抽象的表征和消费税收入不能用于评价的具体改革建议没有考虑进一步的细节的设计和实现。

三、消费税的属性
描述一种消费税,让我们先从一个版本的国民收入身份有关的产品和收入两方面的国民生产总值(GNP),
(1)GNP = C + I +G + X −M + R f = W + R + R f
这里C是消费,我是投资国内生产总值,G是政府支出,X是出口,M是进口,W 是工资收入,R是国内总资本收入、射频是净外汇收入,也就是说,外汇收入的国内居民家庭收入少的外国居民。

标准的方法实施消费税。

因为在增值税,是开始在收入方面,所有因素征税的回报,但然后减免营业税,不代表消费,特别是:
(2)C = W + R − I −G − X + M
所以售出,投资和出口都是免费的税收而税是针对进口商品。

A:政府采购
如果税基意味着私人消费,那么政府采购也应该被排除在税基。

一个同等待遇就是政府预算需要进行调整,以抵消政府采购的税收,因为不会有改变的数量的商品和服务由政府购买。

但政府预算不可能调整,特别是如果联邦政府税收的
州和地方政府的购买,使补偿不足转移到这些低级别的政府。

在这种情况下,政府采购的征税将减少预算的真正的州和地方政府。

是否活动征税的国家和地方政府将提高福利是未知的,很大程度上不可知的。

从一开始的视图,它是一个好主意,政府提供的商品和服务税以相同的速度提供那些私人提供给家庭、政治经济因素和的一个评价殃及政府活动可以在任意方向偏差可能可取的。

但这将是一项艰巨的任务,曾经知道回答对不对。

B:现有资本的处理
对于一个zero-present-value今天作出的投资,未来添加到R或射频相等成本的现值今天。

年代投资添加到我或如果。

因此,随着税率随时间变化,决定是否包括或者排除组件(R−I)和(R(f)−I(f))不会影响政府收入的现值,也不会有任何影响的激励进行边际投资。

对于一些资产,特别是自住房和其他耐用消费品的,也很难开征新税的元素(R−我),因为这将要求估算租金收入的税收。

因此,如果资本征税出现的副产品的立法,而不是因为他们的中央的目的,他们可能不会有同样的负面后果高效一些可能会害怕。

C:起源和目标根据
一个特定的消费税基数元素,即关于很大的来自经济学专业之外的讨论,来自外国净资产,(R(f)−I(f))。

因为当前的项目和资本项目的平衡,在基于终点增值税的标准之下,这些会间接通过关税来调整对进口和出口。

基于终点已经被一些以如果采用一个标准的增值税,将为美国创造巨大价值的人所发现。

但是一些税收,特别是Hall-Rabushka的统一税,将对一个起源的基础,因此将对没有特殊处理现金流与跨境投资相关。

D:金融资产和负债的处理
正如上面所讨论的,一种消费税将消除微分税收待遇的来源和使用方面的资本市场,强加一个零税收对资本收入的无论哪一类型的投资,也不管的资金来源。

但还有一个更微妙的差别不同方法之间的各种消费征税,这些区别可能影响的相对吸引力的不同方法。

E:纳税的时机
除了他们对于现有资产的租金和和回报处理的分歧,对于消费税款的现金流和免税方案也不同于征税的时机这一方面。

虽然免税待遇只是没有强加任何税收,通过在不同的日期抵消扣除和税收现金流到达同样的零现值。

因此,就时机而言,就是一个能让消费税看起来更像一个所得税,而且还可以使一个所得税看起来更像一种消费税。

F:个人所得税VS商业税收
消费税可以被应用在业务级别,或是在个体层面。

商业级别的增值税已经被
讨论过。

一个消费所得税将伴随着个人收入基数减去净储蓄开始。

假设储蓄一直是测量收入的手段,所有不保留的收入即是消费,那么结果将会是一种消费税。

类似地,可以采用一种混合的方法,在固定税收或是未知的税,从业务到个人层面这始于一个增值税和工资的税收变化。

从一些抽象的层面上来说,虽然税收征管的位置是无关紧要的,但是它可能会有一些真正的效果在实践中。

四、我们不了解什么,及我们什么时候会了解
在考虑到我们认知的情况下,从现行的税收系统到某种形式的消费征税,大规模的税收的改革好处是可枚举的,但是难以衡量的。

从资本税收中获益是有效地,但这些收益的规模是非常不确定,因为与他们的估计有关技术问题和其性质偏离标准建模假设的行为。

从现有的财富也有可能增加税收的转型,但它们的大小和存在的程度取决于过渡政策预期同时改变个人的期望值。

消费税可以大幅减少畸变的金融和投资决策,但我们不知道通过简单的上下文内实施现行的税收系统,这些畸变可以消除的程度。

虽然现实的消费税可以改进,但我们也不知道这是否属实收入分配的最顶端。

我们知道为了改善我们的贸易平衡或我们的能力,不能采用一种消费税,或者进行地下的税收活动。

我们也知道,我们现有的知识必须不断优化调整到一个移动的目标。

在金融活动中,由于金融创新之间的差别变得模糊,例如,一个忽略了这种区别且可能在增长的收益系统。

对许多事情采用一个大型的税务改革,就其本身而言,可能会提高我们的知识。

但采取一系列更小的步骤在正确的方向上看起来确实很有吸引力,如一个可替代的选择,尤其是当他们的利益不依靠从我们不确定的捕获中得出的强有力的假设。

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