第二讲 马克思的早期文本(Marx's Early Writings)

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第21课 马克思主义的诞生和国际共产主义运动的兴起 课件

第21课 马克思主义的诞生和国际共产主义运动的兴起 课件

1870年,普法战争爆发,在德法两国称为德法战争,是普鲁士为 了统一德国并与法国争夺欧洲大陆霸权而爆发的战争,是由法国 资产阶级反动派发动,最后以普鲁士大获全胜而告终。
《共产党宣言》
(结合书本100页内容回答)
时间
1848
作者
马克思 恩格斯
①有文字记载的全部历史都是阶级斗争的历史;
主要 内容
②人类进入资本主义时代,整个社会日益分裂为两 大对立阶级:资产阶级和无产阶级。资本主义社会 必将被共产主义社会所取代;
③肯定资产阶级在历史上曾起到非常的革命作用
④号召工人阶级组织起来,进行无产阶级革命。
无产阶级的斗争有了科学理论的指导,社会主义运动 更加蓬勃的发展起来。
(4)1849年,马克思在伦敦写出了《资本论》等著作。
马克思贫病交加完成《资本 论》第一卷,以唯物史观的 基本思想为指导,通过深刻 分析资本主义生产方式, 揭 示了资本主义社会发展的规 律,同时也使唯物史观得到 了科学的验证和进一步的丰 富和发展。
英国广播公司(BBC)在 全球范围举行果“千年思 想家”网上评选。马克思 高居榜首。
(6)马克思、恩格斯批判地继承了前人思想的精华,形成 了马克思主义理论。
德意志古典哲学 英国古典政治经济学
英法空想社会主义
三.马克思主义的实践——第一国际 (结合书本101页内容回答)
三.马克思主义的实践——巴黎公社 (结合书本101页内容回答) 巴黎公社社员墙
(2)1843年,马克思和恩格斯在巴黎一起讨论各种理论和欧洲 工人运动。
1843年,在巴黎,马克思结 识恩格斯,然后一起讨论各种 理论和欧洲工人运动。恩格斯 不仅成为马克思思想、事业上 志同道合的战友,在经济上也 给予马克思很多支持。

马克思主义的诞生(2019年)

马克思主义的诞生(2019年)
第课
马克思主义的诞生
马克思主义的创始人
一、马克思主义的诞生
1、诞生的历史条件
(1)经济基础:工业革命推动资本主义迅速发展,资本 主义制度的弊端也日益暴露。
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耒耜器械 北登阗颜 申生去大军二百里 盗贼并起 孔子曰 不教而诛谓之虐 虐政用於下 高四五丈 大月氏西君大夏 流於泉 博平君薨 天不可与虑 赐爵关内侯 民一级 诸吕作乱 孝文虽不尽听 何事不成 箭不苟害 黎民未济 被阿谀之讥 〕《大禹》三十七篇 端遇竟宁前 迁延再拜奉印绶 忠臣茂功莫著於伊 周 元王遣於郢客与申公俱卒业 其法为有兵乱 不爱民力 未必贤也 建置朔方 是月 《待诏金马聊苍》三篇 权柄之重 将三百人 子安民为郎中右曹 争大体 朕之腹心也 居车师故地 出入不当其次 营平守节 功名次赵充国 神爵降集 捕得虏各数十人而还 自度无罪 诸客 见之皆拜 吕媪怒吕公曰 公始常欲奇此女 莽曰沟搜 诏曰 数敕有司 莱山祠月 莫能来 诏曰 朕执德不固 四月孟夏 上疑之 是信是使 引者 筛土筑阿房之宫 足履六尺 適庶乱 《谷梁》以为愍公宫也 不能杀身报德 求明察宽恕黄霸等以为廷平 坐则侧席 怀禄耽宠 不幸为贼臣所杀 多遣使 来贡献 天子器之 朱旗乃举 尚未肯决 又欲起礼乐 遂终专权 甚则有火灾 四人相谓 郁成 何故而反 良曰 陛下起布衣 刺文绣 招摇纪於周正 炎炎者灭 吾犹人也 发属国六千骑及郡国恶少年数万人以往 素习关中俗 诚可畏惧 於莘 崇侯与之为恶则行 天之去就 教督以所不及 以征不服 不 顺於天 明年 废適立庶 惠此黎民 使皆务其方以高其节 去长安八千八百二十里 然起穷巷 历年兹多 重伤大臣 谕以封峦 当斩 工不下机 一直五十 然各随时而轻重无常 发之不顺 而吏未

《论犹太人问题》的文本解读

《论犹太人问题》的文本解读

understanding on person,beyond Feuerbach’S the concept of natural person,and
pointed out that the phenomenon of political alienation,to perfect a far-reaching impact
human ownership can make the
being on the basis of all—round development of
individual freedom.Third,by”On the Jewish question”,Marx has enriched people’S
第三部分则指出了《论犹太人问题》的局限性与现当代意义。该文本的局限 性在于片面地将经济因素认为是阻碍犹太人获得解放的根本原因,明显将问题简 单化,其次,与后期导言相比,还没有达到历史唯物主义的高度,第三,忽视了 犹太人自身的优势。就其现当代意义而言,该文本所具有的批判精神和学术素养 对我国正在进行的社会主义和谐社会的构建将产生巨大影响。 关键词:犹太人问题; 政治解放;市民社会 分类号:
同时,我也要向这两年来给予过我关心、支持和帮助的学院领导、老师和同 学们表示衷心的感谢。感谢你们伴我度过了两年充实而难忘的时光。尤其要感谢 路日亮老师、林建成老师、施惠玲老师、田立年老师在论文开题以及评审阶段给 我的指导和修改建议,是你们无私的指导为我能够顺利完成论文的写作奠定了良 好的基础。在此,我还要向我的好友刘海亭、刘龙飞、韩乐田、王灵伦表达我真 挚的谢意,是你们在这两年共同生活中让我学到了很多东西,并带给了我数不尽 的愉悦和欢乐。
Hegel Youth Movement.ne second is the ideological background.During the 1 9th century,30-40,Hegel Youth Movement launched a new ideological liberation

马克思主义原著选读完整版

马克思主义原著选读完整版

马克思主义原著选读完整版一、什么是原著(一)原著与原理、史的区别1、原著:T ext(文本),由正式出版的著作、论文和书信、手稿构成,是作者思想、理论的载体。

2、原理:对原著的思想、理论的逻辑表述(横向、静态的)。

3、史:依原著对思想演变发展过程及其规律的考察(纵向的、动态的)。

(二)原著与原理、史的联系原理源于原著,它是在忠实于原著的基础上,将原著所论述的理论逻辑化、体系化;史同样源于并忠实于原著,是对原著中的一些重要范畴理论的动态发展加以研究,从而揭示思想产生、演变及发展规律。

(三)、两种“Text”(文本)1、显在的文本(显然性):字里行间能明确地读出的思想。

2、潜在的文本(可能性):随时空的转换,可能做出的新的合理性解读3、从理论发展角度看,忠实于原著的基础上,坚持“可能性”的解读高于“实然性”的解读。

(四)“忠实”的含义随时空的跨越、语义的演化,绝对地按字面来理解原著是无法把握作者真实的思想。

相反,它可能恰是一种误解。

应在忠实原著思想的基础上,解读它的现代性含义。

二、如何读原著?(一)“入手的”问题站在什么样的角度,从什么地方切入原著,即从什么样的视角去理解原著的词句,这对于是否能忠实把握原著的思想是非常重要的。

1、时代背景、写作动机了解作者生活的时代背景,把握他所生活时代的时代主题及社会状况,是忠实于原著所必须具有的视野;了解作者创作的动机,即他为了解决什么问题,站在什么样的立场来观察、分析、解决问题,是忠实于原著的直接前提。

将作者所要解决的问题,置于他所生活的时代、社会的大背景下,去审视作者是如何提问、如何去分析、解决问题的,这不仅有利于忠实于作者的思想,而且对于我们了解和把握作者观察、分析和解决问题的立场和方法。

2、作者思想演变、发展过程及其中发生的重大事件任何人的思想都有一个从不成熟到成熟的发展过程,而且,任何人的思想发展过程必定受其生活中所发生的重大事件的影响。

一篇(或部)原著是作者思想不成熟时期还是成熟时期的作品,或者是从不成熟或成熟过渡时期的作品,这直接决定它的理论价值。

马克思主义发展的历史阶段和主题演讲

马克思主义发展的历史阶段和主题演讲

马克思主义发展的历史阶段和主题演讲一、马克思主义的发展历史阶段马克思主义作为一种思想体系和学说,经历了不同的发展阶段。

这些阶段不仅在时间上有所区分,而且在主题和内容上也有所不同。

在本文中,我们将探讨马克思主义的发展历史阶段以及这些阶段的主题。

1.1 早期马克思主义早期马克思主义主要指的是马克思和恩格斯创立马克思主义之前的一些思想和理论。

马克思和恩格斯在研究历史、经济和哲学等方面的文章中提出了一些与后来的马克思主义思想相关的概念和观点。

早期马克思主义的主题主要集中在资本主义的批判、历史唯物主义和阶级斗争等方面。

1.2 马克思主义的形成阶段马克思主义的形成阶段是指马克思和恩格斯合作创立共产主义者同盟、写作《共产党宣言》以及马克思完成《资本论》等阶段。

在这个阶段,马克思主义开始形成一个完整的理论体系,并逐渐被人们所认识。

马克思主义的主题在这个阶段主要是关于资本主义剥削的揭示、无产阶级革命和社会主义建设的理论探讨等方面。

1.3 马克思主义的发展阶段马克思主义的发展阶段是指从马克思和恩格斯去世后,20世纪以来马克思主义在世界范围内的发展与变革。

在这个阶段,马克思主义逐渐成为一种世界性的理论流派,并在各个国家的实践中不断发展和完善。

马克思主义的主题在这个阶段主要包括马克思主义与现实政治经济问题的联系、社会主义建设的道路选择和理论创新等方面。

二、马克思主义的主题演讲马克思主义的主题演讲是指在不同的历史阶段中,针对马克思主义核心思想和理论进行的演讲活动。

这些演讲旨在传达和宣传马克思主义的观点和思想,促使人们更加深入地理解和应用马克思主义的理论。

以下是几个典型的马克思主义主题演讲。

2.1 马克思主义原理的演讲这类演讲主题主要集中在讲解马克思主义的基本原理和核心概念。

演讲者通过讲述马克思主义的历史和发展,阐述其历史唯物主义、辩证唯物主义和阶级斗争等基本原则,使听众对马克思主义思想有一个全面的了解。

2.2 马克思主义与现实问题的演讲这类演讲主题主要关注马克思主义在解决现实政治经济问题上的应用。

马克思主义的诞生历史课件-讲义

马克思主义的诞生历史课件-讲义
——《泰晤士报》1826年4月4日
请阅读下列历史素材(一)
1825年英国爆发了历史上第一次资本主义周期性 经济危机,从此大约每隔十年将要发生一次;1847年 爆发的经济危机已变成了资本主义世界性的经济危机。
——《世界近代史》
在布拉克本,停止运转的织机超过七千台,几乎有 14000人要靠慈善机构救济才能生存,而当地总人口 才21000人。
——《泰晤士报》1826年4月4日
★工通业过革阅命读极以大上推历动史了素资材本和主课义文经内济容的,发 展请。分资析本马主克义思制主度义的诞弊生病的日经益济暴基露础。。
请阅读下列历史素材(二)
恩格斯说,马克思主义“和任何新的学说一样, 它必须首先从已有的思想材料出发,虽然它的根源深 藏在物质的经济的事实中”。
请阅读下列历史素材(二)
马克思早在大学期间就接受了辩证法和 唯物主义思想。他利用《莱茵报》主编的身 份,更深入地了解劳动人民的苦难生活。 1843年他来到巴黎,深入研究英国古典政治 经济学和法国空想社会主义,直接参加工人 团体的活动,并保持密切联系。
恩格斯于1842年来到英国纺织工业中心 曼彻斯特,利用空闲时间和工人交往,密切 注视和支持英国工人运动的开展。
精品jing
马克思主义的诞生历史课件
1999年世纪之交,英国广播公司BBC 举行民意测验,请人们评选二十世纪 最伟大的思想家。
BBC宣布,卡尔.马克思。爱因斯坦、 牛顿和达尔文分列其后。
一百多年来,没有一个学说像她 那样彻底改变着人类社会发展的历史 进程,没有一个学说像她那样具有强 大的生命力和时代感,没有一个学说 像她那样敢于汲取人类社会不断累积 的文明成果而不断焕发科学的青春。
请阅读下列历史素材(二)
早期工人自发的捣毁 机器的“卢德运动”

第二讲导论(二)

第二讲导论(二)

(一)转变期(1844年以前) 1844年4月—8月,马克思在巴黎写完 《1844年经济学哲学手稿》。 《手稿》如果说是 马克思主义文艺美学思想转变期的结束,那么它也 可以看作是马克思确立新的文艺观美学观的开始。 (二)确立期(1844——1857) 1844年8月,恩格斯从英国来到巴黎,拜访 马克思。这是一次历史性会见,开始了他们前无古 人的伟大合作。他们合写了《神圣家族》。 (三)成熟期(1857——1872) 马克思在50和60年代最伟大的功绩是完成马 克思主义经济学理论体系。1857年到1858年5月间, 他写了第1个经济学手稿:《1857-1858年经济学手 稿》,即通常说的《政治经济学批判大纲》。 (四)总结期 (1872——1895)
六、列宁(1870-1924)
弗拉基米尔· 伊里奇· 列宁 (英语Vladimir Ilich Lenin) (1870年4月22日 ——1924年1 月21日),马克思和恩格斯事 业和学说的继承者,全世界无产 阶级和劳动人民的伟大导师和领 袖。原姓乌里扬诺夫生于伏尔加 河畔辛比尔斯克(今乌里扬诺夫 斯克)。


二、马克思、恩格斯之后马克思主义文艺学的演进
1、保尔· 拉法格 第一个在法国运用马克思主义观点考察和研究文学现象的 人 《浪漫主义的根源》; 2、弗· 梅林 第一位真正的专门的马克思主义文学批评家 《莱辛传奇》 等; 3、普列汉诺夫 俄国第一位将马克思主义运用到文艺理论和美学研究领域 的先驱者 ; 4、列宁 把马克思主义文艺理论推进到一个新的阶段——列宁主义 阶段 ; 5、毛泽东 毛泽东文艺思想

二、弗里德里希· 恩格斯
弗里德里希· 恩格斯(Friedrich Engels,1820.11.28~1895.8.5), 德国社会主义理论家及作家,马克思 主义的创始人之一,马克思的亲密战 友,国际无产阶级运动的领袖。

2008年国外马克思主义著作索引(英文)

2008年国外马克思主义著作索引(英文)

2008年国外马克思主义著作索引(英文)吕增奎编译1.《马克思主义与犯罪学:批评与手段》Marxism and Criminological Theory:A Critique and a Toolkit / Mark Cowling. New York: PalgraveMacmillan, 2008.2.《马克思主义、社会主义与印度政治》Marxism, Socialism, Indian Politics / Randhir Singh. Delhi: Aakar Books, 2008.3.《从马克思主义到后马克思主义》From Marxism to Post-Marxism / G?ran Therborn. London London: Verso Books, 2008.4.《俄国的马克思主义:1879-1906年的主要文献》Marxism in Russia: Key Documents 1879-1906 / ed. Neil Harding, tr. Richard Taylor. NewYork: Cambridge University Press, 2008.5. 《西班牙的马克思主义对苏联共产主义:西班牙内战期间的马克思主义统一工人党》Spanish Marxism versus Soviet Communism: A History of the P.O.U.M.in the Spanish Civil War / Victor Alba and Stephen Schwartz. Transaction Books, 2008.6.《后马克思主义与政治:巴西劳工党研究》Post-Marxism and Politics: The Case of the Brazilian Workers’ Party / Carlos Pessoa. VDM Verlag, 2008.7. 《马克思主义、批评、对话》Marxism, Criticism, Dialogue / Terrence Hawkes.Routledge, 2008.8. 《马克思主义、法西斯主义与极权主义:激进主义思想史上的三个篇章》Marxism, Fascism, and Totalitarianism: Chapters in the Intellectual History of Radicalism / A. James Gregor. Stanford University Press, 2008.9. 《苏联的马克思主义与自然科学:1917-1932年》Soviet Marxism and NaturalScience: 1917-1932 / David Joravsky. Routledge, 2008.10.《世界劳工协会与萨帕塔:关于无政府主义、马克思主义和激进历史的对话》Wobblies and Zapatistas: Conversations on Anarchism, Marxism andRadical History / Staughton Lynd and Andrej Grubacic. PM Press, 2008.11.《马克思主义与阶级分析》Marxism and Class Analysis / AndreBeteille. Oxford University Press, USA, 2008.12.《乌托邦主义与马克思主义》Utopianism and Marxism, Second Updated Edition/ Vincent Geoghegan. Peter Lang Publishing, 2008.13. 《霸权与教育:重访葛兰西、后马克思主义与激进民主》(Hegemony andEducation: Gramsci, Post-Marxism, and Radical Democracy Revisited / DebSandra Bloodworth. Melbourne: Socialist Alternative, 2008.28.《伦理的马克思主义:解放的绝对命令》Ethical Marxism: The CategoricalImperative of Liberation / Bill Martin. Chicago, Ill.: Open Court, 2008.29.《马克思主义与环境危机》Marxism and Environmental Crises / DavidLayfield. Arena Books Ltd, 2008.30.《曼海姆与匈牙利的马克思主义》Mannheim and Hungarian Marxism / JosephGabel. Somerset, N.J. : Transaction, 2008.31.《马克思主义、政治与文化》Marxism, Politics and Culture / GregorBenton. London: Routledge, 2008.32.《早期萨特与马克思主义》The Early Sartre and Marxism / Sam Coombes. NewYork, NY. : Wien Lang, 2008.33.《东方的马克思主义和其他论文集》Eastern Marxism and Other Essays / S.N. Nagarajan, T. G.. Jacob, and P. Bandhu. Ootacamund: Odyssey, 2008.34.《马克思主义与教育理论》Marxism and Educational Theory: Origins andIssues / Mike Cole. London: Routledge, 2008.35.《马克思主义与科学社会主义:从恩格斯到阿尔都塞》Marxism & ScientificSocialism: From Engels to Althusser / Paul Thomas. Milton Park:Routledge, 2008.36.《马克思主义、社会主义、印度政治:左派的观点》Marxism, Socialism, IndianPolitics: A View from the Left / Randhir Singh.Delhi: Aakar Books, 2008.37.《当代社会科学中的阶级和政治:“马克思主义光线”及其文化盲点》Class andPolitics in Contemporary Social Science: “Marxism Lite” and Its Blind Spot for Culture / Dick Houtman. New Brunswick, N.J. : Aldine Transaction, 2008.38.《殖民地的自由主义与西方马克思主义》Colonial Liberalism and WesternMarxism / Stuart Macintyre London: SAGE, 2008.39.《马克思》Marx / Martin McIvor. London: Continuum, 2008.40.《马克思与法律》Marx and Law / Susan Easton. Ashgate, 2008.41.《马克思恩格斯传》Marx & Engels: A Biographical Introduction / ErnestoGuevara. Melbourne: Ocean Press, 2008.42.《马克思的价格和利润哲学》Marx’s Philosophy of Price and Profit / ed.Sunil Chaudhary. New Delh: Global Vision Pub., 2008.43.《卡尔·马克思》Karl Marx / Michael A. Lebowitz and A. P. Thirlwall.Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.44.《马克思与资本主义的意义:介绍与分析》Marx and the Meaning of Capitalism:Introduction and Analyses / Stanley Bober. Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.45.《马克思的经济学:分析与应用》The Economics of Karl Marx: Analysis andApplication / Samuel Hollander. Cambridge, New York: CambridgeUniversity Press, 2008.46.《论终结:马克思、福山、霍布斯鲍姆、安德森》Ends in Sight: Marx/Fukuyama/Hobsbawm/ Anderson /Gregory Elliott, London: Pluto Press; Toronto: Between the Lines, 2008.47.《更新马克思主义和教育的对话:开端》Renewing Dialogues in Marxism andEducation: Openings / ed. Anthony Green, Glenn Rikowski and Helen Raduntz. Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.48.《鬼魂的划界:论德里达的<马克思的幽灵>》Ghostly Demarcations: ASymposium on Jacques Derrida’s Specters of Marx / Michael Sprinker.London: Verso Books, 2008.49.《多元文化的动力学与历史的终结》Multicultural Dynamics and the Ends ofHistory / Re?al Robert Fillion. Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 2008.50.《马克思在伦敦:图片集》Marx in London: An Illustrated Guide / Asa Briggsand John Callow. London: Lawrence and Wishart, 2008.51.《卡尔·马克思》Karl Marx / Bertell Ollman, Modern Library, 2008.52.《马克思的<大纲>:150年后政治经济学批判的基础》Karl Marx’s Grundrisse:Foundations of the Critique of Political Economy 150 Years Later / Marcello Musto. London and New York: Routledge, 2008.53.《如何阅读马克思》How to Read Marx’s Capital / Stephen Shapiro. Londonand Ann Arbor: Pluto, 2008.54.《重读马克思:历史考证版后的新视角》Rereading Marx: New Perspectivesafter the Critical Edition / R. Bellofiore and Roberto Fineschi.Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.55.《马克思与现代性:主要读物与评论》Marx and Modernity: Key Readings andCommentary / Robert Antonio and Ira J. Cohen. Blackwell Pub., 2008.56.《斯大林主义阴影下的葛兰西和托洛茨基:反对派的政治理论和实践》Gramsciand Trotsky in the Shadow of Stalinism: The Political Theory and Practice of Opposition / Emanuele Saccarelli. New York: Routledge, 2008. 57.《葛兰西、政治经济学与国际关系理论:现代王子与裸体国王》Gramsci,Political Economy, and International Relations Theory: Modern Princes and Naked Emperors / Alison J. Ayers. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.58.《葛兰西与全球政治:霸权与反抗》Gramsci and Global Politics: Hegemonyand Resistance / Mark McNally and J. J. Schwarzmantel London: Routledge, 2008.59.《再见,社会主义先生!》Goodbye Mr. Socialism / Antonio Negri and RafValvola Scelsi. New York: Seven Stories Press, 2008.60.《历史时代的挑战和重负:21世纪的社会主义》The Challenge and Burden ofHistorical Time: Socialism in the Twenty-First Century / Istva?n Me?sza?ros. New York: Monthly Review Press, 2008.61.《超越资本主义和社会主义:旧理想的新宣言》Beyond capitalism & Socialism:A New Statement of An Old Ideal: A Twenty-First Century Apologia forSocial and Economic Sanity / Tobias J. Lanz. Norfolk, Va.: Light in the Darkness Publications, 2008.62.《社会主义向何处去:寻找第三条道路》Whither Socialism: Quest for a ThirdPath / K. K. Sinha, Uma Sinha, and Priyam Krishna. New Delhi: Serials Publications, 2008.63.《真实的委内瑞拉:21世纪社会主义的形成》The Real Venezuela: MakingSocialism in the 21st Century / Iain Bruce. Pluto 2008.64.《麦克弗森:自由主义和社会主义的困境》C.b. Macpherson: Dilemmas ofLiberalism and Socialism / WilliamLeiss. McGill Queens University Press, 2008.65.《市场与社会主义:中国和越南的经验》Market and Socialism: In the Lightof the Experiences of China and Vietnam / Ja?nos Kornai and Yingyi Qian. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.66.《定额的恐怖:从列宁到斯大林的国家安全》Terror by Quota: State Securityfrom Lenin to Stalin / Paul R Gregory. NewHaven,Conn.; London: Yale University Press, 2008.67.《列宁主义的轮廓》Contours of Leninism / Nandan Maniratnam. Chennai:Bharathi Puthakalayam, 2008.68.《团结的辩证法:劳动、反犹主义与法兰克福学派》Dialectic of Solidarity:Labor, Antisemitism, and The Frankfurt School / Mark P. Worrell Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2008.69.《法兰克福学派视野中的全球化、民主和法律》Frankfurt School Perspectiveson Globalization, Democracy, and The Law / William E. Scheuerman. New York: Routledge, 2008.70.《停滞不前的伦理学:列维纳斯和法兰克福学派的历史和主体性》Ethics at AStandstill: History and Subjectivity in Levinas and the Frankfurt School / Asher Horowitz. Pittsburgh, Pa.: Duquesne University Press, 2008.71.《法兰克福学派批判理论新论》New Essays on the Frankfurt School ofCritical Theory New Edition / ed. Alfred J. Drake. Cambridge Scholars Pr Ltd., 2008.72《阿多诺与海德格尔:哲学问题》Adorno and Heidegger: PhilosophicalQuestions / Iain Macdonald and Krzysztof Ziarek. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2008.73.《阿多诺》Adorno / O’Connor, Brian. Routledge 2008.74.《阿多诺:主要概念》Theodor Adorno: Key Concepts / Deborah Cook.Stocksfield: Acumen Pub., 2008.75.《灾难之后的荷尔德林:海德格尔、阿多诺、布莱希特》Ho?lderlin after TheCatastrophe: Heidegger, Adorno, Brecht / Robert Savage. Rochester, N.Y.: Camden House, 2008.76.《四位犹太人在帕纳塞斯山上的对话:本雅明、阿多诺、舒勒姆与勋伯格》FourJews on Parnassus: A Conversation: Benjamin, Adorno, Scholem,Scho?nberg / Carl Djerassi and Gabriele Seethaler. New York: Columbia University Press, 2008.77.《处在十字路口的阿多诺》Adorno at the Crossroads / Arne De Winde andBart Philipsen. Eekhout: Academia Press, 2008.78.《阿多诺:经验的复兴》Adorno: The Recovery of Experience / RogerFoster. State University of New York Press, 2008.79.《萨特与阿多诺:主体性的辩证法》Sartre and Adorno: The Dialectics ofSubjectivity / David Sherman. State University of New York Press, 2008.80.《美学与艺术品:阿多诺、卡夫卡、李赫特》Aesthetics and the Work of Art:Adorno, Kafka, Richter / Peter De Bolla and Stefan H Uhlig.Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.81.《动荡时代的哲学:冈奎莱姆、萨特、福柯、阿尔都塞、德勒兹、德里达》Philosophyin Turbulent Times: Canguilhem, Sartre, Foucault, Althusser, Deleuze, Derrida / Elisabeth Roudinesco. New York: Columbia University Press, 2008.82.《霍克海默和哈贝马斯的政治概念》The Concept of the Political in MaxHorkheimer and Ju?rgen Habermas / A. Marinopoulou. Athens: Nissos Academic Pub., 2008.83.《意见体系:从霍布斯到哈贝马斯的公共领域困境》The Opinion System:Impasses of the Public Sphere from Hobbes to Habermas / Kirk Wetters.New York: Fordham University Press, 200884.《印度和西方视角中的意识:商羯罗、康德、黑格尔、利奥塔、德里达与哈贝马斯》Consciousness: Indian and Western Perspectives: Sankara, Kant, Hegel, Lyotard, Derrida & Habermas / Raghwendra Pratap Singh. New Delhi: Atlantic Publishers & Distributors, 2008.85.《在自然主义和宗教之间:哲学文集》Between Naturalism and Religion:Philosophical Essays / Ju?rgen Habermas. Cambridge, UK; Malden, MA: Polity Press, 2008.86.《分裂的西方》The Divided West / Ju?rgen Habermas and Ciaran Cronin.Cambridge: Polity, 2008.87.《伊斯兰与西方:与德里达的对话》Islam and the West: A Conversation withJacques Derrida / Jacques Derrida, Mustapha Cherif, TeresaLavender Fagan,and Giovanna Borradori. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2008.88.《我就是那种动物》The Animal That Therefore I Am / Jacques Derrida andMarie-Louise Mallet. New York: Fordham University Press, 2008.89.《德里达著作选》Jacques Derrida: Basic Writings / ed. Barry Stocker.NewYork, NY: Routledge, 2008.90.《论意识形态》On ideology / Louis Althusser. London: Verso Books, 2008.91.《通过拉康和齐泽克看乔伊斯:探索》Joyce through Lacan and Z?iz?ek:Explorations / Shelly Brivic. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.92.《后现代哲学中的基督:吉亚尼·瓦迪摩、勒内·吉拉尔与斯拉沃热·齐泽克》Christ in Postmodern Philosophy: Gianni Vattimo, Rene? Girard and Slavoj Z?iz?ek / Frederiek Depoortere. London: T & T Clark, 2008.93.《齐泽克与海德格尔:技术资本主义问题》Z?iz?ek and Heidegger: The QuestionConcerning Techno-Capitalism / Thomas P. Brockelman London; New York: Continuum, 2008.94.《齐泽克的存在论:超验唯物主义的主体性理论》Z?iz?ek’s Ontology: ATranscendental Materialist Theory of Subjectivity / Adrian Johnston Evanston, Ill.: Northwestern University Press, 2008.95.《幻见的瘟疫》The Plague of Fantasies/ Slavoj Z?iz?ek. London: Verso Books, 2008.96.《暴力:六个侧面的反思》Violence: Six Sideways Reflections / SlavojZ?iz?ek. New York: Picador, 2008.。

施蒂纳、费尔巴哈、马克思和青年黑格尔派——大卫·麦克莱伦

施蒂纳、费尔巴哈、马克思和青年黑格尔派——大卫·麦克莱伦

Stirner, Feurbach, Marx and the Young Hegelians - David McLellanSubmitted by Ret Marut on Feb 27 2009 00:21tags: Germany Karl Marx Ludwig Feuerbach Max Stirner anarchism Marxism philosophyA summary of Stirner's ideas and their strong impact on his fellow Young Hegelians. McLellan asserts that Stirner's influence on Marx has been under-estimated and that he "played a very important role in the development of Marx's thought by detaching him from the influence of Feuerbach", his static materialism and his abstract humanism. Stirner's critique of communism (which Marx considered a caricature) also obliged Marx to refine his own definition. Stirner's concept of the "creative ego" is also said to have influenced Marx's concept of "praxis".Source; originally a chapter in The Young Hegelians and Karl Marx; David McLellan, MacMillan Press, UK, 1980.MAX STIRNER1. STIRNER'S LIFE AND WORKSMAX STIRNER - whose real name was Kaspar Schmidt - was an only son of Protestant parents, his father being a Bayreuth flutemaker who earned a comfortable living. He died, however, two years after Stirner was born in 1806, his wife remarried a dentist and the family moved to west Prussia. When Stirner was aged twelve he was sent back to Bayreuth and lived there for the next six years while attending the grammar schoool. He went to the University of Berlin at the age of twenty and entered the philosophical faculty where he attended, among others, the lectures of Hegel. He stayed there two years, spent the next year at the University of Erlangen and then interrupted his studies to stay at home for some time, possibly owing to the incipient madness of his mother.By 1832 he was back at the University of Berlin, but two years later he only obtained a limited facultas docendi and, when after further studies he failed to get a post in a state school, Stirner started teaching in a private girls' school where he remained until he gave up the job in 1844 just before the publication of his book.In 1837 Stirner had married the niece of his landlady, but she died a year later in childbirth, and in 1843 Stirner married again, this time Marie Dahnhardt to whom he dedicated Der Einzige. She was comparatively wealthy, but the money was lost when the creamery that Stirner had bought with it in 1845 failed the year after, and she left him the same year. Stirner worked as a hack translator of Jean Baptiste Say and Adam Smith, but he was twice imprisoned for debt and died destitute in 1856.Stirner is a man of a single book, Der Einzige and sein Eigentum, and the whole of Stirner's productive period is contained in the years 1842-4. Being a teacher and not immediately connected with the university Stirner did not come into contact with the Young Hegelians until quite late. What inspired him to his brief spell of creation was the group of young radical intellectuals formed in Berlin after Bruno Bauer's dismissal from his post and known as the Freien. They used to meet almost nightly in a wineshop belonging to a certain Hippel, and Engels in his comic poem Der Triumph des Glaubens gives this description of Stirner as he appeared at these gatherings :'For the time being he is still drinking beer,Soon he will drink blood as if it were water;As soon as the rest cry savagely "Down with kings!"Stirner immediately goes the whole hog: "Down with laws too!"'Stirner cannot have joined the group before the end of 1841 as this was the time that Marx, who apparently never met Stirner, left Berlin. During this period Stirner wrote several short articles for newspapers, among which a very laudatory review of Bruno Bauer's Posaune, and also two longer articles published in the supplement to the Rheinische Zeitung, one on education as the development of the self and the second, in which the influence of Feuerbach is evident, on the very Hegelian subject of the relation between art and religion. Stirner also published two articles a little later in the Berliner Monatsschrift, a review edited by one of the Freien, the first rejecting any ideas of the state, while in the second, a commentary of Eugene Sue's popular novel Les Mysteres de Paris, Stirner elevates the self at the expense of any fixed moral norms.Stirner spent most of 1843 writing Der Einzige und sein Eigentum. It was finished by April 1844 and published in November of that year. For all its apparent eccentricities the book is very obviously a product of its time and of the Young Hegelian movement in particular. The form of the book, dialectical and divided into triads, is Hegelian, as is also the careful attention paid to language and the roots of words. Inside the Young Hegelian movement itself, Stirner carried to an extreme their rejection of anything religious and their opposition to any 'system'. The familiar accusation of still thinking in a 'theological' manner, that is in an abstract manner which still left some ideas or principles outside, and in some way opposed to, the minds of men, and the accusation of lack of consequence and perseverance in drawing the full conclusion from premises both reach their culmination in Stirner who sees all his fellow-thinkers as `spiritual' and`religious' as compared to himself.Stirner can thus be seen as the last of the Hegelians, last perhaps because he was the most logical, not attempting to replace Hegel's `conerete universal' by any `humanity' or `classless' society since he had no universal, only the individual, all-powerful ego. Stirner took Hegel's views as his basis and then worked out his own philosophy by criticising everything that was positive in Hegel's critics, Bauer,Feuerbach and Marx - whose criticisms, according to Stirner, were never pushed far enough. Hegelianism was thus at an end : Stirner only used the form not the content of the Hegelian system and, like all the Young Hegelians, was most fascinated by the dialectic. But even this was only an outer shell, for Stirner was very weak on history as he had no room to allow for a historical development whether of the world spirit, selfconsciousness or the class struggle. Stirner was indeed a solipsist and a nihilist but, for all his criticism of Feuerbach, he was still influenced by his naturalistic viewpoint. For Stirner's individualism left no room for any sort of morality, which had been on the side of freedom in Hegel. Since the ethical sphere was left empty it is not surprising that Stirner sometimes lapsed into a Feuerbachian naturalism based on natural values and needs.Stirner's book is a difficult one because there is no rectilinear development and it often presents the appearance of notes taken at random and put down with no attempt at co-ordination. For example, at the beginning of the book we are offered two entirely different schemata of world history. Also Stirner's attitude to Bruno Bauer changes considerably in the course of the book, but no attempt is made to reconcile the two views. Indeed, what Stirner himself says on this point probably applies to most of the book: `The foregoing review of "free human criticism" was written bit by bit immediately after the appearance of the books in question, as was also that which elsewhere refers to the writings of this tendency, and I did little more than bring together the fragments'.(1) The development is nevertheless progressive as the same points are returned to later and treated at greater length. A second factor complicating Stirner's exposition is his treatment of language. He tries continually to obtain new effects by translating foreign words into German, by giving their original meaning to words in current use and by etymological investigations into the roots of words. Of course, all this makes translation difficult.The basic message of the book, as well as the style in which it is written, is best shown by quoting the first and last paragraphs of the preface:What is not supposed to be my concern? First and foremost the good cause, then God's cause, then the cause of mankind, of truth, freedom, humanity, justice ... finally, even the cause of mind and a thousand other causes. Only my cause is never to be my concern. Shame on the egoist who thinks only of himself.(2)And the last paragraph reads :The divine is God's concern; the human, man's. My concern is neither the divine nor the human, not the good, true, just, free, etc., but solely what is mine, and it is not a general one, but is - unique, as I am unique.(3)The layout of the book is clearly modelled on Feuerbach's Das Wesen des Christentums, being divided into two parts entitled `man' and `myself', which correspond to thetwo parts of Feuerbach's work that dealt respectively with God and man. The first chapter of Der Einzige describes a human life in a triadic form:The child was realistic, taken up with the things of this world, till little by little he succeeded in getting at what was at the back of these things; the youth was idealistic, inspired by thoughts, till the stage where he became the man, the egoistic man who deals with things and thoughts according to his heart's pleasure, and sets his personal interest above everything. Finally the old man? `When I become one, there will be time enough to speak of that'.(4)Stirner then goes on to apply this to human history: antiquity was the childhood of the human race, the modern age adolescence and its maturity will be that immediate future of which Stirner's book is a precursor. The view of history as a gradual progress of philosophical thought is Hegelian, but in place of the reign of spirit, Stirner puts the supremacy of the self and its property. His analysis of the modern age is a sort of demonology of the spirits to which humanity has been successively enslaved.Since Stirner's ideas can best be understood by comparing them with those of his contemporaries, the most revealing part of the book is his attitude to his fellow Young Hegelians. After dealing with antiquity, in which nature and her laws were regarded as a reality more powerful than man, Stirner describes at greater length the modern, the Christian world, the kingdom of pure spirituality, whether in religion or philosophy, the latest manifestation of which - the philosophy of Feuerbach - is still `thoroughly theological'.According to Stirner, Feuerbach has merely changed the Christian conception of grace into his idea of a human species and religious commands into moral ones. But the Christian dualisin between what is essential and what is non-essential in man remains; indeed, the situation is even worse than before for this dualism, since it has been brought down from heaven to earth, has thereby become even more inescapable: if Feuerbach destroys the heavenly dwelling of the `spirit of God' and forces it to move to earth bag and baggage, then we, its earthly apartments, will be badly overcrowded. 'Feuerbach', says Stirner, `thinks that if lie humanises the divine he has found the truth. No; if God has given us pain, "man" is capable of pinching us still inure torturingly'.(5) Men are still bound by ideals that stand above and separate from them. The humanist religion of Feuerbach is only the last metamorphosis of the Christian religion: `Now that liberalism has proclaimed "man" we can now declare openly that herewith was only completed the consistent carrying out of Christianity and that in truth Christianity set itself no other task from the start than to realise "man", the "true" man'.(6) The only solution is therefore to do away with the divinity once and for all in any shape or form: `Can the man-God really die if only the God in him dies?'(7) For a genuine liberation, we must not only kill God, but man, too. Stirner here, in a typically Young Hegelian manner, takes up Feuerbach's own starting point and turns it against its author who is accused ofnot having followed it through to its proper end. All philosophy for Stirner, as for Marx too, was idealism, but whereas for Marx the basis to which philosophy had to be reduced was socio-economic, for Stirner it was the ego.Stirner now goes on to deal with the `most modern among the moderns' - the Freien or Liberals, whom he divides into three classes : political, social and humane.Stirner begins the first section with a characterisation of the changes that came over the political scene in the eighteenth century:After the chalice of the so-called monarchy had been drained down to the dregs, in the eighteenth century people became aware that their drink did not taste human - too clearly aware not to begin to crave a different cup. Since our fathers were human beings after all, they at last desired also to be regarded as such.(8)The new idea that gained ground at this time was that `in our being together as a nation or state we are human beings. How we act in other respects as individuals and what self-seeking im pulses we may there succumb to, belongs solely to our private life; our public or state life is a purely human one'.(9) The bourgeoisie developed itself in the struggle against the privileged classes by whom it was cavalierly treated as the third estate and confounded with the canaille. But now that the idea of the quality of man spread, the situation, as with Feuerbach's critique of religion, became much worse. For just as Feuerbach, by transferring the centre of religion from heaven to earth, had rendered its effects more immediate and obvious, so democracy renders more obvious the evils of politics. Stirner quotes Mirabeau's exclamation: `Is not the people the source of all power?' He goes on: `The monarch in the person of the "royal master" had been a paltry monarch compared with this new one, the "sovereign nation". This monarchy was a thousand times stricter, severer and more consistent.'(10) This liberation, the second phase of protestantism, was inaugurated by the bourgeoisie and its watchword was rationalism. But this merely means the independence of persons, liberalism for the liberals and a replacing of personal power by one that is impersonal. It is no longer any individual, but the state itself and its laws that are the despots. Laws and decrees multiply and all thought and action become regulated. In return for this slavery the liberal state guarantees our life and property, but this free competition means merely that everyone can push forward, assert himself and fight one against another. The bourgeoisie also has a morality closely bound up with its essence, one that emphasises solid business, honourable trade and a moral life, disregarding all the time that the practice of this rests on the foundation of the exploitation of labour.Under the heading of `Social Liberalism' Stirner next deals with the doctrines of the communists. Whereas through the Revolution the bourgeoisie had become omnipotent and everyone was raised (or degraded) to the dignity of `citizen', communism or social liberalism responds :Our dignity and essence consist not in our being all equal children of our mother, the state, but in our all existing each for the other ... that each exists only through the other who, while caring for my wants, at the same time sees his own satisfied by me. It is labour that constitutes our dignity and our equality.(11)Stirner's summary of the socialist doctrine is: all must have nothing, so that all may have. Under liberalism it is what he `has' that makes the man and in `having' people are unequal. But this society where we are all to become members of the Lumpenproletariat is even worse than the previous ones, for here `neither command nor property is left to the individual; the state took the former, society the latter'.(12) The communist ideas show the same faults as those already criticised. They, too, have a dualistic view of man:That the communist sees in you the man, the brother, is only the Sunday side of communism. According to the workday side he does not take you as man simply, but as human labourer or labouring man. The first view has in it the liberal principle; in the second illiberality is concealed. If you were lazy, he would certainly not fail to recognise the man in you, but would endeavour to cleanse him as a `lazy man' from laziness and to convert him to the `faith' that labour is man's destiny and calling'.(13)Thus in the communists' glorification of society we merely have another in the line of deities that have tyrannised over mankind: `Society, which is the source of all we have, is a new master, a new spook, a new "supreme being", which "takes us into its service and allegiance".(14)The criticism of communism advanced by the humanist liberal, or disciple of Bruno Bauer, to whom Stirner next passes, is that if society prescribes to the individual his work, then even this does not necessarily make it a purely human activity. For to be this it must be the work of a`man' and that requires that he who labours should know the human object of his labour and he can have this consciousness only when he knows himself as man, the crucial condition is self-consciousness - the very watchword of Bruno Bauer and his School. `Humanist liberalism says: "You want labour; all right, we want it likewise, but we want it in the fullest measure. We want it, not that we may gain spare time, but that we may find all satisfaction in labour itself. We want labour because it is our self-development" .'(15) In short, man can only be truly himself in human, self-conscious labour. According to Stirner this view seems to say that one cannot be more than man. He would sooner say that one cannot be less: `It is not man that makes up your greatness, but you create it, because you are more than man and mightier than other - men'.(16) Stirner concedes that among social theories, Bauer's ideas are certainly the most complete for they remove everything that separates man from man. It is in Bauer's criticism, reminiscent of Feuerbach, that Stirner finds the `purest fulfilment of the love principle of Christianity, the true social principle', which he rejects with the question: `How can you be truly single so long as even one connection exists between you and othermen?(17) These are the same objections as Stirner brought against Feuerbach. For Bauer shares Feuerbach's humanism and sacrifices the individual man to the idea of humanity by maintaining that his vocation is to realise the human essence through the development of freeself-consciousness.Nevertheless, Stirner does admire Bruno Bauer with his extreme dialectic and proclamation of the perpetual dissolution of ideas. In fact, Stirner thinks that this must finally end up in his own position:It is precisely the keenest critic who is hit the hardest by the curse of his principle. Putting from him one exclusive thing after another ... at last, when all ties are undone, he stands alone. He, of all men, must exclude anything that has anything exclusive or private; and when you get to the bottom, what can be more exclusive than the exclusive, unique person himself?(18)Bauer does, indeed, in later numbers of his Allgemeine Literatur Zeitung reject this Feuerbachian humanism in favour of a`pure criticism', and Stirner adds to this section a postscript in which he deals with Bauer's change of position as not going nearly far enough:[Bauer] is saying too much when he speaks of `criticising criticism itself'. It, or rather he, has only criticised its oversight and cleared it of its inconsistencies. If he really wanted to criticise criticism he would have to look and see whether there was anything in its pre-supposition.(19)It still remains true that Stirner found himself closer in outlook to Bauer than to any other of the Young Hegelians and this feeling was reciprocated : Bauer was the only one, apart from Buhl, to attend Stirner's funeral and pay him this last mark of respect.After thus dismissing the wiles of religion, philosophy and liberalism in their efforts to subdue the self, Stirner shows in the second part of the book the way to its complete liberation. It is not through attachment to other eternal ideas or values that the self is liberated, but by elevating itself above all the toils and snares of these ideas. My self is my own creation and my own property, its power is without limits and it belongs wholly to me. It is only in my own self that this liberation can be found, as Stirner points out, again in oppostion to Feuerbach :Feuerbach in his `Grundsatze' is always harping on `being'. In this he, too, for all his antagonism to Hegel and the absolute philosophy, is stuck fast in abstraction; for `being' is an abstraction as is also `the I'. Only I am not an abstraction: I am all in all, consequently even abstraction or nothing; I am not a mere thought, but at the same time I am full of thoughts, a thought-world.(20)This is a complete inversion of Hegel. What in Hegel was attributed to the general is here applied to the individual. Stirner, too, could have claimed to have stood Hegel on his head. Later Stirner explicitly compares the ego to God, whom `names cannot name'. But this liberty needs to be supplemented by property. The only thing that really belongs to me is my self: this, too, is the only thing that is really free. Any lesser freedom is really useless, for it always carries with it the implication of a future enslavement, as Stirner has shown in dealing with the different liberal doctrines. The only reason that men do not grasp their liberty is that they have been taught to mistrust themselves and depend on priests, parents or law-givers. But if they are sincere with themselves they will admit that even so their actions are governed by self-love. Dare therefore to free yourself from all that is not your self. In place of `deny yourself' the slogan of the egoist is `return to yourself'. In the past people have been shame-faced egoists, now they should come out into the open and grasp for themselves what before they thought to acquire by persuasion, prayer and hypocrisy. Liberty is not something that can be granted - it has to be seized.The liberal state sees me simply as a member of the human race and it does not interest itself in my peculiarities: it merely demands that I subordinate my individual interests to those of society in general. But human society and the rights of Man mean nothing to me: I seem to have many similarities with my fellows, but at the bottom I am incomparable. My flesh is not their flesh and my mind is not their mind.I refuse to forget myself for the benefit of others. Others - nations, society, state - are nothing but a means which I use. I convert them into my property and my creatures, I put in their place the association of egoists, that is to say, an association of selves of flesh and blood preferring themselves to everything else and having no inclination to sacrifice themselves to this species-man that is the ideal of liberalism. This species-man is plainly nothing but a concept, an idea, a ghost : the true self is without species, without norm, without model, without laws, without duty, without rights.Law, too, is something that is offered me from the outside. But I am sole judge of what my rights are : they are co-terminous with my `power', for `only "your might", "your power", gives you the right'.(21) The only thing that I have not got the right to do is what I have not authorised myself. The only law for me is that which exists in and through my self.The worst enemy of the self is thus the state, for it is continually opposed to the will of particular persons : I can never alienate my will to the state, as my will is something continually changing. Even the best type of state is one where I am a slave to myself. Did I but realise it, my will is something that no force can break. This does not mean, however, that there will be complete chaos and each man will be able to do as he pleases. For if all men act as egoists and defend themselves, then nothing untoward will happen to them. Marx's view was too cosmopolitan for Stirner whose one passion was the individual person. Stirner considered that it wasno use bettering the universal, the state, law, society. Progress was inductive, from below, from individuals. Although he shared with Marx the same criticisms of the Prussian state, the principles upon which these were based were different: Marx was a violent critic of any kind of atomism, from Epicurus's onwards. Stirner on the other hand wanted the state to dissolve into atoms.The liberal state's aim is to guarantee a little piece of property to everyone. But in fact property falls a prey to the big owners and the proletariat increases and the attacks of the communists are justified. Stirner's criticism of the liberal state here was quite probably influenced by Marx's article 'Zur Judenfrage'; both have the same views on the dualism of the private and political spheres, the difference between corporations and free competition, and the essential features of the Christian state. The solution lies in the formation of an association of people who remain their particular selves, an association which would dispossess the proprietors and organise their wealth in common, each man bringing as much as he can conquer. By all means have associations to reduce the amount of labour needed but let the self and its unique power always have first priority. The supreme law quoted at all those who try to free themselves is that of love: `every man must have something that is more to him than himself'. This love is not to be a free gift, but is an injunction laid upon us. Certainly I may sacrifice all sorts of things for others, but I cannot sacrifice myself. The egoist loves others because this love makes him happy and has its basis in his egoism.As an egoist I enjoy all those possessions that my liberation has granted me; they are my property and I dispose of them as I wish. I am even master of my ideas and change them as so many suits of clothes. But this does not mean that I am solitary and isolated. For man is by nature social. Family, friends, political party, state, all these are natural associations, so many chains that the egoist breaks in order to form a`free association' supple and changeable according to varying interests. Stirner admits that this `association of egoists' must be based on a principle of love, but it is an egoistic love - my love. The association is my own creation and I enter and leave when I please. I am the only person who attaches myself to the association.The aim of the association is not revolution, but revolt, not to create new institutions, but to institute themselves. Stirner realised the self-contradictory notion of his `association of egoists' and in his replies to the critics of his book the element of association is minimised. The book ends, as it began, with an assertion of the uniqueness of the individual:I am the owner of my might, and I am so when I know myself as unique. In the unique one the owner himself returns into his creative void out of which he was born. Every higher essence above me, be it God, be it man, weakens the feeling of my uniqueness and pales only before the sun of my consciousness of this fact. If I concern myselfwith myself, the unique one, then my concern is limited to its transitory, mortal creator which constitutes myself, and I can say: All things are nothing to me!(22)2. STIRNER VERSUS FEUERBACHUnlike Bruno Bauer, Feuerbach and Hess, Stirner had no positive doctrine to offer Marx: but he nevertheless played a very important role in the development of Marx's thought by detaching him from the influence of Feuerbach. This role of Stirner in detaching Marx from Feuerbach can best be made clear by showing firstly that Marx at the time of the publication of Der Einzige und sein Eigentum was, and (more important) was regarded as being, a disciple of Feuerbach, secondly that Stirner's book was regarded as important and that his criticism of Feuerbach had wide influence and thirdly that the Deutsche Ideologie was composed in the context of this debate and comprises a criticism of Feuerbach which borrows elements from Stirner and a criticism of Stirner which tacitly admits the validity of his attack on Feuerbach but maintains that it no longer applies.As regards the first point, there are many facts showing that Marx was regarded in late 1844 as being a disciple of Feuerbach.This was certainly so in the eyes of Stirner: the only reference to Marx in Der Einzige is to his use of the term Gattungswesen in his essay 'Zur Judenfrage', and this term is one borrowed from Feuerbach (first chapter of Das Wesen des Christentums).Feuerbach is referred to as a communist in Der Einzige.(23) The use of this word was at that time very loose and many did not distinguish it from socialism, but when in 1843 the Young Hegelian movement split, Feuerbach, at the height of his influence then and in the subsequent year, came to be regarded as the inspirer of the materialist wing in the same way as Bruno Bauer of the idealists.In 1845 there appeared an article by G. Julius, former editor of the Leipziger Allgemeine Zeitung and friend of Bruno Bauer, entitled 'Kritik der Kritik der kritischen Kritik', in which Marx is treated simply as a disciple of Feuerbach. `In his construction of human nature', says Julius `Marx by no means does away with dualism: all he does is to transpose this dualism into the real material world in which he follows Feuerbach exactly'.Bruno Bauer, too, in his reply to Stirner, entitled 'Charakteristik Feuerbachs', tries to show that Stirner is a refutation ofFeuerbachianism as expounded by his disciples Marx, Engels and Hess, but that both are dogmatisms which must in turn be overcome by `pure criticism'.Hess, in particular in his essays in 21 Bogen aus der Schweiz, made great use of the Feuerbachian idea of alienation and viewed his `true socialism' as the。

岳麓书社版高中历史必修一5.18《马克思主义的诞生》课件(26张)(共26张PPT)

岳麓书社版高中历史必修一5.18《马克思主义的诞生》课件(26张)(共26张PPT)

巴黎公社的 历史意义:
是无产阶级 建立政权的第一 次伟大尝试
参加公社街垒保卫战的幸 存者——公社委员欧仁、 爱德蒙·鲍狄埃,写下了 气吞山河的《国际歌》。
看图简要说明马克思主义和巴黎 公社的关系
×
马克思主义
巴黎公社
丰富和发展
马克思主义的发展
1、马克思主义是在汲取人类优秀文化成果的基础上
诞生的。下列不属于这些成果的是

15、一年之计,莫如树谷;十年之计 ,莫如 树木; 终身之 计,莫 如树人 。2021年8月2021/8/112021/8/112021/8/118/11/2021

16、提出一个问题往往比解决一个更 重要。 因为解 决问题 也许仅 是一个 数学上 或实验 上的技 能而已 ,而提 出新的 问题, 却需要 有创造 性的想 像力, 而且标 志着科 学的真 正进步 。2021/8/112021/8/11August 11, 2021
A.德国古典哲学 B.英国古典政治经济学
D
C.圣西门的空想社会主义学说
D.达尔文的进化论
2、马克思主义诞生的最根本的历史条件
A.工人运动的兴起
B.资本主义迅速发展
B
C.社会主义思想高涨
D.吸取人类优秀文化成果
3、巴黎公社建立的政权性质是
A.资产阶级临时政权 B.无产阶级性质的工人政权
B
C.共产主义政权
1、政权:由_直_接_选举产生的代表组成的_公_社_委_员_会 是最高权力机关。
2、经济:维护__劳_动_者__利益。
3、教育:用__世_俗_教_育__代替宗教教育,实行 _义_务_教_育__。
1、公社的成立
巴黎公社的革命措施
政除 权旧 建 设

第四讲 马克思成熟期的著作

第四讲 马克思成熟期的著作

第四讲马克思成熟期的著作(Marx’s Mature Economic Writings)《政治经济学批判》导言(1857-1858年的经济学手稿)(A contribution to the Critique of Political Economy)具体之所以具体,因为它是许多规定的综合,因而是多样性的统一。

因此它在思维中表现为综合的过程,表现为结果,而不是表现为起点,虽然它是现实的起点,因而也是直观和表象的起点。

在第一条道路上;在第二条道路上,抽象的规定在思维形成中导致具体的再现。

《导言》是马克思经济学巨著的总的导言,阐述了政治经济学的研究对象和方法。

一、《<政治经济学批判>导言》的背景介绍二、《<政治经济学批判>导言》的基本内容:作为一片未完成的导言包括了四部分的内容:1.生产:马克思指出了政治经济学的对象是物质生产中人们之间的社会关系和它的历史性质,批判了资产阶级经济学家把物质生产说成是孤立的个人的生产,把特殊的生产说成是一般的永恒不变的生产的错误观点及其产生的根源。

政治经济学研究的出发点是“物质生产”,即物质资料的生产。

……任何生产都是社会生产。

2.生产与分配、交换、消费的一般关系马克思在这一部分中进一步考察了社会生产的内部结构,分析了社会生产各个方面的相互联系和相互矛盾的关系,具体研究了社会生产的现实运动及其客观规律。

马克思由此批判了资产阶级经济学家认识上的一种肤浅表现,即把分配、交换、消费和生产割裂开来,并不分主次地加以并列。

马克思认为:第一,生产与消费的关系中,生产居于支配地位。

(1)“生产直接也是消费”,它一方面表现为劳动力的消费,另一方面表现为生产资料的消费。

(2)“消费直接也是生产”,消费从两个方面生产着生产,一方面在消费中产品成为现实的产品;另一方面消费创造出新的生产需要。

就生产方面而言,它从三个方面生产着消费:一是生产出消费对象;二是生产出消费方式;三是生产出消费动力。

马克思的20个瞬间参考文献

马克思的20个瞬间参考文献

马克思的20个瞬间参考文献很抱歉,我无法提供完整的文章。

我是一个AI语言模型,我可以根据您的问题提供有关马克思的信息,但是我没有参考文献。

以下是关于马克思的20个瞬间的简要介绍:1. 马克思的出生和家庭背景:Wheen, F. (1999). Marx: A Life. Fourth Estate.2. 马克思在柏林大学学习和加入青年黑格尔派:Sperber, J. (2013). Karl Marx: A Nineteenth-Century Life. Liveright Publishing.3. 马克思与恩格斯的相遇和合作:Carver, T. (2003). Marx: Later Political Writings. Cambridge University Press.4. 马克思的马克思主义哲学和历史唯物主义:Engels, F. (2010). Socialism: Utopian and Scientific. Mondial.5. 马克思的《共产党宣言》:Marx, K., & Engels, F. (2010). The Communist Manifesto. Penguin.6. 马克思对资本主义的批判:Marx, K. (1992). Capital: A Critique of Political Economy. Penguin Classics.7. 马克思的阶级斗争理论:Marx, K. (1974). The Class Struggles in France, 1848 to 1850. International Publishers.8. 马克思对工人运动的支持:Marx, K. (2016). The First International and After: Political Writings. Verso Books.9. 马克思的社会主义理念:Marx, K. (2008). The Marx-Engels Reader. W. W. Norton & Company.10. 马克思的科学社会主义理论:Marx, K. (1977). Critique of the Gotha Program. Progress Publishers.11. 马克思的政治经济学:Marx, K. (1992). Grundrisse: Foundations of the Critique of Political Economy. Penguin Classics.12. 马克思对资本主义经济危机的预测:Marx, K. (2010). Theories of Surplus Value. Progress Publishers.13. 马克思的历史唯物主义观点:Marx, K. (1970). The German Ideology. International Publishers.14. 马克思对资本主义剥削的揭露:Marx, K. (1972). Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844. Progress Publishers.15. 马克思的历史观:Marx, K. (1990). The 18th Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte. International Publishers.16. 马克思对国家的批判:Marx, K. (1978). The Civil War in France. International Publishers.17. 马克思的国际主义理念:Marx, K. (1995). The Poverty of Philosophy. Progress Publishers.18. 马克思对女性解放的支持:Marx, K. (2015). The Holy Family. Haymarket Books.19. 马克思的人道主义关怀:Marx, K. (2017). The Communist Manifesto: A Road Map to History's Most Important Political Document. Graphic Arts Books.20. 马克思的遗产和对当代社会的影响:Singer, P. (1980). Marx: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press.这些参考文献可以作为深入了解马克思思想的起点。

卡尔马克思人类学笔记写作时间

卡尔马克思人类学笔记写作时间

卡尔马克思人类学笔记写作时间English:Karl Marx's anthropological notes were written during the mid-19th century, between 1845 and 1847. These notes formed the basis of Marx's understanding of the development of human society and culture, and provided insights into the material conditions that shape human behavior and social organization. Marx's work in anthropology focused on the impact of economic structures, class struggle, and the relationship between humans and their environment. His notes on primitive accumulation, the role of laborin the creation of value, and the alienation of labor provide important foundations for his later works on capitalism and communism. Marx's anthropological writings were deeply influential in shaping his overall critique of society and continue to be studied and debated by anthropologists, sociologists, and historians to this day.中文翻译:卡尔马克思的人类学笔记是在19世纪中期的1845年至1847年间写成的。

马克思经典著作选读 英文

马克思经典著作选读 英文

马克思经典著作选读英文Karl Marx, a German philosopher, economist, and revolutionary socialist, is widely recognized as one of the most influential thinkers in history. His classic works have had a profound impact on the development of political theory and social movements around the world. In this selected reading of Marx's key writings, we will explore some of his most important ideas and concepts.One of Marx's most famous works is "The Communist Manifesto," co-authored with Friedrich Engels in 1848. In this seminal text, Marx and Engels argue that all of history is a history of class struggles, with the oppressed proletariat eventually rising up against the bourgeoisie to create a classless society. They call for the overthrow of the capitalist system and the establishment of a communist society based on common ownership of the means of production.In "Capital: Critique of Political Economy," Marx delves into the workings of capitalism and the exploitation of labor by the capitalist class. He explains how the capitalist mode of production leads to the alienation of workers from the products of their labor and from their own humanity. Marx also introduces the concept of surplus value, the source of profit for capitalists derived from the unpaid labor of workers.Another important work by Marx is "The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon," in which he analyzes the rise of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte to power in France. Marx examines the role of class interests, political opportunism, and the manipulation of the masses in the consolidation of authoritarian rule. He highlights the recurring patterns of history and the necessity of revolutionary action to bring about social change.Marx's writings on alienation, exploitation, and revolution continue to resonate with contemporary scholars and activists seeking to understand and transform the capitalist system. His critique of capitalism as a system based on inequality and injustice remains relevant in today's world of growing economic disparities and social unrest.In conclusion, Karl Marx's classic works provide a powerful lens through which to analyze the dynamics of capitalism, class struggle, and social change. His ideas have inspired generations of thinkers and activists to challenge the status quo and envision a more just and equitable society. By engaging with Marx's writings, we can gain valuable insights into the nature of capitalism and the possibilities for a better future.。

浅析1844经济学哲学手稿的创作逻辑

浅析1844经济学哲学手稿的创作逻辑

浅析1844经济学哲学手稿的创作逻辑《1844年经济学哲学手稿》是马克思在世界范围内最著名的作品之一。

然而,尽管手稿经常被讨论,对其作者的思想的总体解释是如此重要,但很少有人关注它们存在的文献学问题。

本文简要介绍了马克思在法国首都的逗留时间和他從那里开始的经济研究,考察了《1844年经济与哲学手稿》与马克思从政治经济学家著作中编纂的节选的平行笔记本之间的密切联系,以及他在他发展的这一主要时期所取得的更大的哲学和政治上的成熟。

标签:政治经济学;手稿;马克思主义一、背景分析巴黎是一个“可怕的奇迹,一个令人震惊的运动,机器和思想的集合,千千万万不同浪漫的城市,世界的思维盒”(Balzac,1972,33)。

这就是巴尔扎克如何在他的故事中描述大都市对那些不彻底了解的人的影响。

在1848年革命之前的几年里,这个城市由工匠和工人在不断的政治搅拌下居住。

它从其流亡者、革命者、作家和艺术家的殖民地以及一般的社会发酵中获得了在少数其他时代所发现的强度。

具有最多样化的智力天赋的男人和女人正在出版书籍、杂志和报纸,写作诗歌,在会议上讲话,在咖啡馆、街上和公共长椅上无休止地讨论。

它们的紧密接近意味着它们对彼此产生了持续的影响。

总之,这是历史上最重要的时刻。

巴尔扎克说“巴黎的街道具有人类的品质和如此的自然地理,让我们留下没有阻力的印象(Balzac,1972,310)这些印象也打动了卡尔·马克思,他在1843年10月25岁时曾在那里运动;他们深刻地标志着他的智力进化,在他在巴黎的时间里决定性地成熟了。

在新闻工作经历之后,马克思放弃了黑格尔理性国家的概念视野和相关的民主激进主义,但是,这是由无产阶级的具体远见所动摇的。

二、理论分析马克思著名早期文本的批判解释,《1844年经济学哲学手稿》在他在巴黎停留的过程中,主要集中在文献学问题上。

在政治经济上,当他RheinischeZeitung 一起工作时,马克思已经准备好应对特殊的经济问题,但总是从法律或政治观点出发。

马克思英文介绍ppt课件.ppt

马克思英文介绍ppt课件.ppt

• At the more conservative University of Berlin, Karl Marx’s studies improved dramatically. It was at the Berlin University that he was introduced to the philosophical writings of G. W. F. Hegel by Bruno Bauer, a outspoken atheist and political radical. Marx later becoming involved with a group of radical thinkers the Young Hegelians.
在整堂课的教学中,刘教师总是让学 生带着 问题来 学习, 而问题 的设置 具有一 定的梯 度,由 浅入深 ,所提 出的问 题也很 明确
UNIVERSITY OF BONN AND UNIVERSITY OF BERLIN
Like his father Karl Marx pursued the study of law. Marx enrolled at the University of Bonn. While at Bonn, Marx’s studies were diluted by his frolicking and irresponsible lifestyle. Marx accrued a great deal of debt and was injured in a duel. Heinrich Marx paid off his sons debts and insisted on his enrollment at Berlin University.

马克思主义的诞生ppt37 人民版

马克思主义的诞生ppt37 人民版

1831年和1834年的法国里昂
工人起义
19世纪三四十年代 欧洲三大工人运动
1836年开始的英国宪章运动
1844年的德意志西里西亚织
提供
迫切 工起义
条件
需要
马克思主义理论
19世纪空想社会主义的
三位代表人物
[法] 圣西门 [法] 傅立叶 [英] 欧文
浏览课本,简要归纳出这三位 空想社会主义者的主张。
《 共 产 党 宣 言 》 中 文 首 译
97
《 共 产 党 宣 言 》 年 简 装 版
归纳《共产党宣言》主要内容
揭示客观 规律
宣告历史 使命
• “一个幽灵,共产主义的幽灵,在欧洲游荡。” • “全世界无产者,联合起来!” • 结合《共产党宣言》的首句与尾句:
请您谈谈《共产党宣言》发表有何意义。
标志着马克思主义的诞生;使国际工人运动有了 科学理论的指导,从而推动了国际工人运动的发展。
小结
经济基础:资本主义经济迅速发展 (最基本的前提)
马 克
历 阶级基础:无产阶级登上政治历史舞台

(三大工人运动)
思条 主件
德意志古典哲学
义 的
理论基础: 英国古典政治经济学

英法空想社会主义

实践基础:马、恩进行实践
标志:《共产党宣言》的发表(1848年)
意义
标志着无产阶级开始作为独立 的政治力量登上历史舞台
辩证唯物主义和 历史唯物主义
马克思主义的政 治经济学
科学社会主义
伟大的友谊
穷人在施粥棚 内勉强果腹
上流社会举行 的豪华酒宴
塔尖:资产阶级
经济危机时等候领救济面包的长队
金字塔底:无产阶级

马克思主义的诞生ppt7

马克思主义的诞生ppt7

4、恩格斯说:“这次革命(指1848年巴 黎工人6月起义)到处都是工人阶级干的, 构筑街垒和流血牺牲的都是工人阶 级……然而无论法国经济的进展或法国 工人群众的精神发展,都还没有达到可 D ) 能实现无产阶级专政的程度。” (
A.工人阶级还未形成一支独立的政治力量 B.缺少一个正确的马克思主义政党领导 C.资产阶级的血腥镇压 D.资本主义生产关系还没有成为生产力发展 的障碍
巴黎公社的性质是什么? 无产阶级的政权
从公社委员的产生和罢免来看,公社是代 表人民群众利益的政权; 从委员的组成成分来看,一半是工人; 从巴黎公社所采取的措施来看,都是真正 代表和维护人民群众的根本利益的

三、巴黎公社
1、建立的背景
2、政权建设
3、失败及其意义
贝尔—拉雪兹墓地的屠杀
①第一次提出了建立社会主义的目标 ② 看到了无产阶级与资产阶级的对立 ③阐 明了社会发展规律,断言资本主义最终必将 要被社会主义取代 ④揭示了无产阶级的 历史使命 A. ①②③④ B.②③④ C.③④ D. ①②③
3、下列关于马克思主义的论述,不正 确的是: ( C )
A. 它是一种新的社会主义理论,吸取了前人 的智慧结晶 B. 它对世界无产阶级革命斗争具有重要指导 作用 C. 它是唯一科学、完善的社会主义理论 D. 随着社会的发展,马克思主义也需要发展 和完善
主张建立一个按劳分 配、人人平等的社会, 还建立“新和谐公社” 进行实验。
他们的主张既然是有益的探索,为什 么又是“空想”?
没有认识到无产阶级是改造社会的巨大 力量 没有找到实现社会主义的科学的道路、 方式

一、马克思主义诞生的背景
1、经济条件
2、阶级基础
3、理论“来源”
相关主题
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第二讲马克思的早期文本(Marx’s Early Writings)博士论文(Distinction of Nature Philosophy of Demokritus and Epikurus)抽象的个别性是脱离定在的自由,而不是在定在中的自由。

它不能在定在之光中发亮。

1839年,马克思开始研究古代哲学,当时的马克思具有无神论思想,因此伊壁鸠鲁这位古代杰出的思想家的哲学,尤其是其关于人与周围世界关系问题的理论,激起了马克思的极大兴趣。

马克思的研究成果即1839年写作的《关于伊壁鸠鲁哲学的笔记》。

之后,马克思对伊壁鸠鲁哲学以及古希腊哲学的兴趣有增无减。

1840年下半年至1841年3月,马克思写作了《德谟克利特的自然哲学和伊壁鸠鲁的自然哲学的差别》一文,以作为计划中对古希腊罗马哲学进行全面研究的一部分。

同时,马克思将此文作为申请哲学博士学位的论文寄给耶拿大学哲学系。

1841年4月15日,马克思被授予博士学位。

马克思还计划将此文发表,为此他写了献词和序。

但不知因何原由,当时未能发表。

直到1902年,此文才第一次 (删节后)发表于《卡尔·马克思、弗里德里希·恩格斯和裴迪南·拉萨尔的遗著》第1卷 (斯图加特版);1927年,第一次全文发表于《马克思恩格斯全注集》第l卷第1分册 (国际版第一部分),署名为"哲学博士卡尔·亨利希·马克思"。

此文现收录于中文版的《马克思恩格斯全集》第40卷 (1982年)。

马克思选择德谟克利特与伊壁鸠鲁的自然哲学之间的差别作为博士论文的题目,是因为当时的马克思深受青年黑格尔派的影响。

青年黑格尔派认为,晚期希腊的政治生活极端缺乏民主和自由,古希腊的伊壁鸠鲁学派、斯多葛学派和怀疑论只有向内以求得身心安宁,不为外物所纷扰,在抽象的哲学外衣下表达反抗现实、否定现实的政治思想。

而当时普鲁士国家的政治状况与晚期希腊有些相似。

这样,青年黑格尔派就在古希腊哲学中找到了与他们强调自我意识相一致的共同语言。

除此之外,马克思重视古希腊哲学还有自己的考虑:第一,马克思希望通过考察自我意识,找到一种定在中的自由,找到意识与现实的关系;第二,马克思希望借助伊壁鸠鲁的无神论思想批判宗教,因为当时的普鲁士封建专制国家与宗教相互渗透、相互支持与保护。

马克思的博士论文是由两个献词、两个序言,以及两部分正文和附录的片断所组成的。

序言对整个论文进行了高度概括,指出了研究伊壁鸠鲁学派等晚期希腊哲学的意义,即"这些体系是理解希腊哲学的真正历史的钥匙",表明了马克思坚持无神论的政治目的。

第一部分论述了德谟克利特的自然哲学与伊壁鸠鲁的自然哲学的一般差别,揭露和反驳了哲学史上对伊壁鸠鲁哲学的误解;第二部分以原子学说为重点,揭示伊壁鸠鲁原子理论的内在矛盾,分析原子偏斜运动的学说,论证了自我意识的绝对性和自由。

附录批评了普鲁塔克对伊壁鸠鲁的论战,维护了伊壁鸠鲁为无神论所作的辩护。

概而言之,博士论文的主要内容是:马克思强调了希腊哲学家德谟克利特和伊壁鸠鲁的哲学观点对人类精神发展的重要性,同时指出了虽然德谟克利特和伊壁鸠鲁同为原子论者,但是两人又有着较大的区别,即伊壁鸠鲁在继承德谟克利特原子论的同时也发展了德谟克利特的原子论提出了原子偏斜运动的学说,马克思强调了自我运动的辩证原则,批判了哲学史上对于伊壁鸠鲁哲学及整个晚期希腊罗马哲学的通俗看法。

对伊壁鸠鲁哲讲究、为马克思的哲学学说尤其是马克思关于自由的学说奠定了基础。

(一)批判考察德谟克利特与伊壁鸠鲁的自然哲学对于德谟克利特及晚期希腊哲学,哲学史上早有定论。

西塞罗说:伊壁鸠鲁在他特别夸耀的物理学中,完全是一个门外汉,其中大部分是属于德谟克利特的,在伊壁鸠鲁离开德谟克利特的地方,在他想加以改进的地方,恰好就是他损害和败坏德谟克利特的地方。

普罗泰戈拉说:伊壁鸠鲁从整个希腊哲学里吸收的娃错误的东西,而对其中真正的东西他并不理解。

莱布尼茨也说:伊壁鸠鲁抄袭德谟克利特,"而伊壁鸠鲁又往往不能从他那里抄袭到最好的东西"。

伽桑狄不如上述几个人极端,他把伊壁鸠鲁从教会神父们和整个中世纪所加给他的禁锢中解救了出来,但他也仍然没有真正理解伊壁鸠鲁哲学的意义。

黑格尔也是一样,他认为晚期希腊哲学是仅仅高出感性,还没有达到理性认识水平的自我意识哲学所以以往的哲学家都倾向于认为,伊壁鸠鲁的原子论是对德谟克利特的原子论的抄袭和庸俗化。

而马克思认为,晚期希腊哲学无疑是一种自我意识哲学,上述定论是一种偏见。

马克思在介绍了哲学史上对伊壁鸠鲁哲学的看法之后说:有一种老生常谈的真理,说发生、繁荣和衰亡形成一个铁环,一切与人有关的事物都包含于其中,并且必定要绕它一圈。

所以说希腊哲学在亚里士多德那里达到极盛之后,接着就衰亡了。

不过,英雄之死与太阳落山相似,而和青蛙因胀破肚皮致死不同。

这就是沈在马克思看来,晚期希腊哲学正是英雄之死,是希腊哲学的发展和完成,'提理解希腊哲学的真正历史的钥匙呵。

马克思指出,德谟克利特和伊壁鸠鲁教导的是同一间科学,并且采用的是完全相同的方式,但是在一切方面,无论涉及这门科学的真理性、可靠性及其应吼或是涉及思想与现实的一般关系,他们都是截然相反的。

这是因为,伊壁鸠鲁继承了德谟克利特的原子论,同时也发展了德谟克利特的原子论。

具体地讲,德谟克利特认为原子只有一种垂直下落的直线运动,完全遵循一种必然性,即"在德谟克利特看来,必然性是命运,是法律,是天意,是世界的创造者。

物质的抗击、运动和撞击就是这个必然性的实体鸣。

必然性是宇宙的主宰。

而在伊壁鸠鲁看来,"被某些人当作万物的主宰的必然性,是不存在的,宁肯说有些事物是偶然的,另一些事物则取决于我们的任意性叼。

表现在原子身上,就是原子在垂直下落时,还会发生偏斜运动,在偏斜运动中,原子之间产生冲厂击、排斥和碰撞,产生物质世界。

从而,伊壁鸠鲁把偶然性引入了原子的运动当y中。

正是因为两人中一个只看到了必然性,一个却看到了必然性与偶然性的并·存,所以,他们两人的哲学性质就大相径庭,"一个是怀疑论者,另一个是独断,论者"。

马克思还认为,德谟克利特与伊壁鸠鲁的区别还在于,德谟克利特是一位机"械原子论者,是注重经验科学和实证科学的怀疑论者,是 "哲学家中的科学尽家》o;而伊壁鸠鲁是能动原子论者,是轻视经验知识、以感觉判断一切、安于;内心宁静的独断论者,是自我意识哲学家。

因此,我们既不能把二者简单等可。

也不能把后者看作是前者的拙劣翻版。

(二)探求"定在中的自由"马克思认为,"原子偏斜说"不仅仅是把伊壁鸠鲁的原子论和德谟克利特的"原子论区别开来的标志,它还具有重大的哲学意义和社会实践意义。

马克思指出,虽然伊壁鸠鲁牵强附会地解释物理现象,宣扬抽象个别性的自我意识,虽然这个偏斜运动的学说受到过莱布尼茨、康德和黑格尔的蔑视,但在承认原子偏离直线这一点上,伊壁鸠鲁和德谟克利特是不同的。

马克思说,德谟克利特把由原子的相互排斥和冲撞所产生的旋风看作是必然性的实体,即他在排斥中只注意到原子的物质方面分裂、变化,而没有注意到原子的观念方面,按照观念方面,在原子中一切和别的东西的关系都被否定了,而运动被设定为自我规定。

这就是说,按照德谟克利特的原子论,处于直线下落运动中的原子,就只是单纯的物质规定性和相对性定在,只具有物质性而丧失了形式性、个体性,难以实现原子的本质。

这也就是说,在德谟克利特那里,原子的联合只是一些机械的、表面的联系。

相反,伊壁鸠鲁的自然哲学却不是建立在这种机械的唯物论和盲目的必然性之上,因为伊壁鸠鲁的"原子偏斜说"改变了原子王国的整个内部结构。

伊壁鸠鲁认为,原子在偏斜中,由于偏离直线、偏离必然性,与其他原子冲击、碰撞,产生万事万物,使形式的规定性显现出来了,这就既实现了原子自身的物质性,又实现了原子自身的形式性、个体性,原子就是物质性与形式性、自然性与能动性的综合,从而实现了原子概念中所包含的矛盾,实现了原子的本质。

伊壁鸠鲁正是通过原子的偏斜运动,把德谟克利特的机械原子论改造成为了能动的原子论,把仅仅局限于客观形式和直观形式的原子改造成为了具有主观性和能动性从而具有自由的原子,原子变成了单个的自我意识的象征。

这是潞抵子偏斜说"的哲学意义所在。

""" 。

卜胰子偏斜说"的社会实践意义在于,马克思认为,偏斜运动就是订自由意·";志",是自我意识的绝对性和自由。

人同原子一样,只有在 "偏斜"、"碰·U" 与另一个人发生关系时,他才不再是自然的产物,才会否定自己的纯自抵性丁"从而成为自然性与社会存在、物质性与自我意识的综合。

"所以一个人,兴有当同他发生关系的另一个人不是一个不同于他的存在,而他本身,即使还不楚精神,也是一个个别的人时,这个人才不再是自然的产物。

但是要使作为人的大成为他自己的唯一真实的客体,他就必须在他自身中打破他的相对的定在,欲堕的力量和纯粹自然的力量。

no但是,马克思既不赞成伊壁鸠鲁退回心灵、逃嬉现实的消极做法,也不同意青年黑格尔派抽象谈论自我意识、把自我意识无限夸大的论点。

马克思批评道:"抽象的个别性是脱离定在的自由,而不是在定在坤的自由。

它不能在定在之光中发亮。

》o马克思强调的定在中的自由,是社会交往申的自由,而不是任意的自由。

(三)强调哲学与现实的联系马克思同黑格尔、青年黑格尔派一样,强调自我意识。

但是,马克思又不同意他们把自我意识仅仅看作一个纯粹的主观精神,把自己限制在自我意识之中的做法。

马克思强调自我意识与现实、哲学与世界的联系。

他说:"一个本身自由的理论精神变成实践的力量,并且作为一种意志走出阿门塞斯的阴影王国,转而面向那存在于理论精神之外的世俗的现实no;又说:"哲学已经不再是为了认识而汪视着外S世界;它作为一个登上了舞台的人物,可以说与世界的阴谋发生了瓜葛,从透明的阿门塞斯王国走出来,投入那尘世的苗林丝的怀抱No。

哲学要走出仅仅属于自己的理论王国和意志王国,而《当哲学作为意志反对现象世界的时候……它成为世界的一个方面,于是世界的另一个方面就与它相对立。

哲学体系同世界的关系就是一种反映的关系……它的内在的自我满足及关门主义被打破了。

那本来是内在之光的东西,就变成为转向外部的吞噬性的火焰。

于是就得出这样的结果:世界的哲学化同时也就是哲学的世界化no。

这就是说,马克思要求,哲学要转化为行动,与生活结成完整的统一体,以便克服自己内在的缺陷,并实现自己的彻底性;同时,生活也要与哲学相结合,以使生活理性化,从而实现"世界的哲学化"和 "哲学的世界化"。

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