Democrati Transition and Consolidation
菲律宾社会各阶层民主意识发展研究
菲律宾社会各阶层民主意识发展研究摘要菲律宾拥有着较长的美国殖民历史，因此菲律宾也成为东南亚较早传入西方民主思想和建立民主制度的国家之一。
菲律宾的民主制度最早建立于菲律宾第一共和国时期，但是随着菲律宾第一共和国的战败和美国的在菲殖民统治秩序的建立，菲律宾最终移植了美国的民主制度。
菲律宾的民主制度建立于美国殖民统治初期，在美国放弃直接干预菲律宾政治且允许菲律宾自治以后，菲律宾的民主政治经历了一个平稳运行——崩溃——转型——巩固的变化过程。
在这样的一个政治发展过程中，菲律宾社会各阶层的民主意识受到菲律宾社会变迁的影响，同时菲律宾民众的民主意识也对菲律宾的政治发展有着重要作用。
在社会结构中处于不同地位的民众，由于其面临的社会现实不同，所以其民主意识的发展历程也不尽相同。
本文以菲律宾社会各阶层的民主意识为研究对象，探讨菲律宾社会各阶层民主意识的发展状况、发展的影响因素以及在民主巩固后菲律宾各阶层民主意识的发展趋势。
本文主体内容分为三章，第一章将菲律宾社会划分为三个阶层，分别探讨了在2010年之前菲律宾社会各阶层的构成变化及其民主意识的发展情况；第二章中列举了影响菲律宾社会各阶层民主发展的影响因素，其中包括菲律宾的教育发展、政治实践、经济制度、教会的角色、新闻媒体以及传统政治文化对于菲律宾社会各阶层民主意识的发展状况；第三章就菲律宾社会各阶层民主意识的发展趋势问题展开讨论。
从2010年以后，随着菲律宾社会各阶层民主意识发展的影响因素也有了新的发展，在这些因素的共同作用下，菲律宾社会各阶层的民主意识因此呈现出新的发展趋势。
关键词：菲律宾；民主意识；阶级；社会阶层THE RESEARCH ABOUT THE DEVELOPMENT OF DEMOCRATIC CONSCIOUSNESS OF ALL CLASSES INPHILIPPINESABSTRACTThe Philippines has a long history of colonization, and the Philippines is also one of the countries in Southeast Asia that introduced Western democratic ideas and established democratic institutions earlier. The democratic system of the Philippines was established in the First Republic period, but with the failure of the First Republic and the establishment of American colonial rule, the Philippines eventually transplanted the American democratic system. Since the United States colonized the Philippines, the Philippines has gradually established a relatively complete democratic system. After the United States gave up direct intervention in Philippine politics, the democratic politics of the Philippines experienced a process of smooth operation, collapse, transformation, consolidation. In such a political development process, the democratic consciousness of the various classes of Philippine society is influenced by institutional changes and it also plays an important role in the political development of the Philippines. However, people in different positions in the social structure have different developments in their democratic consciousness because of the different social realities they face.This thesis takes the democratic consciousness of all social strata in the Philippines as the research object, then discusses the development of democratic consciousness of all levels of Philippine society. The influencing factors of development, and the development trend of democratic consciousness of all strata in the Philippines after the consolidation of democracy. This paper is divided into three chapters. The first chapter divides the Philippine society into three strata, respectively discussing the changes in the composition of the various classes of Philippine society and the development of its democratic consciousnessbefore 2010. The second chapter lists all factors which has influence on the democratic consciousness. The factors influencing the development of democracy at all levels include the education development, political practice, economic system, church attitude, traditional political culture and the media in the Philippines. The third chapter discusses the development trend of democratic consciousness among all levels of Philippine society. After 2010, with the development of the democratic consciousness of the various classes in the Philippine society, new developments have taken place. Under the combined effect of these factors, the democratic consciousness of all levels of Philippine society has shown a new development trend.KEYWORDS: Philippines; democratic consciousness; class; social stratum目录绪论 (1)一、研究背景与研究意义 (1)（一）研究背景 (1)（二）研究意义 (2)二、研究方法与研究路径 (2)（一）研究方法 (2)（二）研究路径 (3)三、国内外研究现状 (4)（一）国内研究现状 (4)（二）国外研究现状 (5)四、创新与不足之处 (6)五、基本概念 (7)（一）阶级与阶层 (7)（二）民主 (7)（三）民主意识 (8)第一章菲律宾社会各阶层的构成变化与民主意识发展 (10)一、菲律宾社会的分层与构成变化 (10)（一）菲律宾社会上层群体的构成与变化 (10)（二）菲律宾社会中层群体的构成与变化 (12)（三）菲律宾社会下层群体的构成与变化 (14)二、菲律宾社会各阶层的民主意识发展 (15)（一）菲律宾社会上层群体民主意识发展 (16)（二）菲律宾社会中层群体民主意识发展 (20)（三）菲律宾社会下层群体民主意识发展 (22)第二章菲律宾社会各阶层民主意识发展的影响因素 (26)一、教育体系 (26)（一）教育规模的不断扩大 (26)（二）教育中的民主内容 (28)（三）高等院校中的民主氛围 (29)二、民主实践 (30)（一）马科斯独裁时期前受限的民主实践 (30)（二）马科斯独裁时期以后扩大的民主实践 (32)三、教会角色 (33)（一）马科斯独裁时期前保守的教会 (33)（二）马科斯独裁时期教会态度的改变 (34)（三）阿基诺夫人政府时期后教会对民主的支持 (35)四、经济制度 (36)（一）封建土地制度的维持与加强 (36)（二）马科斯独裁时期的封建土地制度开始瓦解 (38)（三）阿基诺夫人政府时期以后市场经济的繁荣 (39)五、新闻媒体 (40)（一）20世纪70年代前作为政治工具的新闻媒体 (40)（二）20世纪70年代后确立民主立场的新闻媒体 (41)六、传统政治文化 (42)（一）家族主义与家族政治 (42)（二）庇护主义与裙带政治 (42)（三）个人主义与政治利己 (43)（四）威权主义与强人政治 (44)第三章菲律宾社会各阶层民主意识的发展趋势 (46)一、经济的持续发展促进民主意识的发展 (46)二、教育体系的持续发展推动民主意识的发展 (47)三、教会对民主的支持态度有利于民主意识的发展 (49)四、新闻媒体对政治的高度关注有利于民主意识的发展 (50)五、社会贫富差距不利于民主意识的发展 (51)六、传统政治文化持续影响民主意识的发展 (52)结语 (54)参考文献 (55)致谢 (61)绪论一、研究背景与研究意义（一）研究背景菲律宾是一个特殊的民主国家，因为菲律宾的民主制度是由美国人强行移植的。
蔡元培对中国的影响英语作文
Title: The Far-reaching Impact of CaiYuanpei on ChinaCai Yuanpei, a renowned figure in Chinese history, left an indelible mark on the nation's educational, cultural, and political landscapes. His legacy is not just confined to the academic world but extends to the very fabric of Chinese society. His influence can be traced in the transformations of China's higher education system, his promotion of cultural exchange, and his contributions to the development of a more enlightened and democratic society.In the realm of education, Cai Yuanpei's impact is profound. As the president of Peking University, he推行了一系列教育改革，emphasizing the importance of a broad-based liberal arts education over a narrow, specialized curriculum. His belief in the value of a comprehensive education, where students would be exposed to a range of disciplines, including the humanities, social sciences, and natural sciences, formed the backbone of PekingUniversity's curriculum. This approach not only broadened students' horizons but also prepared them for a rapidlychanging world. Cai Yuanpei's educational philosophy continues to influence universities in China and beyond, serving as a model for many institutions seeking to balance academic rigor with a broad education.Cai Yuanpei's commitment to cultural exchange and internationalism is another significant aspect of his legacy. He was a staunch advocate of opening up China to the outside world, believing that cultural interaction and the exchange of ideas would lead to greater understanding and progress. He encouraged students and scholars to study abroad, bringing back new ideas and perspectives that would enrich China's intellectual and cultural life. His efforts to promote international understanding and cooperation had a lasting impact on China's foreign policy andinternational relations.Cai Yuanpei's political activism and dedication to democratic values also left a lasting impact on China. He was a staunch supporter of the May 4th Movement, which advocated for democratic reform and the emancipation of China's intellectual and cultural life. His unwavering commitment to democratic principles and his courage in theface of political oppression served as an inspiration to many who fought for reform and progress in China. Hislegacy in this regard is particularly relevant today, as China continues to grapple with the challenges ofdemocratic consolidation and the promotion of human rights. In conclusion, Cai Yuanpei's impact on China isprofound and multifaceted. His contributions to education, cultural exchange, and political reform have shaped the course of Chinese history and continue to influence the nation's development. His legacy is a testament to thepower of ideas and the importance of continuous reform and progress. As China moves forward, it is important to remember the lessons learned from Cai Yuanpei's life and work, and to strive for a more enlightened, democratic, and culturally rich society.**蔡元培对中国的影响深远**蔡元培，这位在中国历史上享有盛誉的人物，为国家的教育、文化和政治领域留下了不可磨灭的印记。
政治学外文文献
政治学外文文献政治学外文文献参考内容如下：1. Murray, C. (2012). The political economy of democracy. Cambridge University Press.- This book provides an in-depth analysis of the political economy of democracy, discussing the relationship between economic development and democratization. It explores how economic factors influence the stability and quality of democracies, and the impact of democratic institutions on economic performance.2. Dahl, R. A. (1971). Polyarchy: Participation and opposition. Yale University Press.- This classic work by Robert Dahl explores the concept of polyarchy, which refers to a system of governance characterized by multiple centers of power and citizen participation. The book discusses the conditions necessary for a functioning polyarchy, the role of political opposition, and the importance of inclusive decision-making processes.3. Huntington, S. P. (1991). The third wave: Democratization in the late twentieth century. University of Oklahoma Press.- In this influential book, Samuel Huntington presents a comprehensive analysis of the "third wave" of democratization that occurred in the late 20th century. He discusses the factors that led to the spread of democracy, the challenges of democratic transitions, and the potential obstacles to democratic consolidation.4. Acemoglu, D., & Robinson, J. A. (2012). Why nations fail: Theorigins of power, prosperity, and poverty. Crown Business.- Acemoglu and Robinson explore the link between political institutions and economic development in this book. They argue that inclusive political and economic institutions are crucial for sustained economic growth, while extractive institutions hinder progress. The book provides comparative historical analysis to support their theory.5. Lijphart, A. (2012). Patterns of democracy: Government forms and performance in thirty-six countries. Yale University Press.- This book by Arend Lijphart compares and analyzes different forms of democracy, including majoritarian and consensus systems. It assesses their impact on political stability, governance effectiveness, and the representation of diverse interests. The book also discusses the advantages and limitations of different democratic models.6. Putnam, R. D. (2001). Bowling alone: The collapse and revival of American community. Simon and Schuster.- Robert Putnam's work examines the decline of social capital and civic engagement in the United States. He argues that the weakening of community ties has negative consequences for democracy, as it reduces trust, collaboration, and participation. The book discusses the factors contributing to this decline and proposes strategies for revitalizing civic life.7. Skocpol, T. (1992). Protecting soldiers and mothers: The political origins of social policy in the United States. Harvard University Press.- Skocpol's book explores the political dynamics behind thedevelopment of social policies in the United States. She examines the role of state-building, social movements, and elite decision-making in shaping social policy outcomes. The book provides valuable insights into the intersection of politics and social welfare.8. Tilly, C. (2006). Regimes and repertoires. University of Chicago Press.- Charles Tilly's work focuses on the relationship between power structures and collective action. He argues that social movements and political regimes have different "repertoires" of contention, which shape the strategies used by different actors to achieve their goals. The book provides a framework for analyzing political power dynamics.9. Riker, W. H. (1982). Liberalism against populism: A confrontation between the theory of democracy and the theory of social choice. Waveland Press.- William Riker's book delves into the tension between liberal democratic ideals and the challenges of populism. He discusses the trade-offs involved in democratic decision-making and the potential dangers of populism for democratic governance. The book offers a critical analysis of the relationship between liberalism and populism.10. Sartori, G. (1997). Comparative constitutional engineering: An inquiry into structures, incentives, and outcomes. NYU Press.- Giovanni Sartori's book examines the design and impact of constitutional systems. He analyzes different constitutional arrangements, electoral systems, and separation of powers, aiming to understand their influence on political outcomes. The bookprovides a comparative perspective on constitutional engineering and its implications for democracy.。
古代的历史英语作文
古代的历史英语作文Ancient History: The Rise and Fall of the Roman Empire。
Introduction:The Roman Empire, one of the greatest and mostinfluential civilizations in history, experienced a riseand fall that shaped the world we know today. From its humble beginnings as a small city-state, Rome grew into a vast empire that spanned three continents. However,internal conflicts, economic instability, and external invasions ultimately led to its downfall. This essay will delve into the rise and fall of the Roman Empire, exploring the key factors that contributed to its success and demise.Body:I. The Rise of the Roman Empire。
A. Early Rome and the Republic。
1. The founding of Rome by Romulus and Remus。
2. The establishment of the Roman Republic。
3. Expansion through conquest and diplomacy。
B. The Roman Empire under Augustus。
1. The end of the Roman Republic and the rise of Augustus。
解放战争时期党的制度建设研究
中文摘要中国共产党自1921年建党至今，历经大革命、土地革命、抗日战争、解放战争、社会主义过渡时期、社会主义建设前期和建设中国特色社会主义新时期等重大阶段。
纵观中国共产党成立、发展到逐渐成熟的几十年的风雨历程，我们就会发现：解放战争时期这一特定的历史阶段，是中国共产党建设和发展相当顺利的、成绩非常显著的阶段。
中国共产党仅用了短短的三年时间，就把有强大的美帝国主义撑腰的、拥有八百多万军队的国民党政府打得落花流水，只能逃到台湾孤岛上偏安一隅；在打败了蒋介石独裁政权后，中国共产党创建了新中国，取得了新民主主义革命的伟大胜利。
党的正确领导是全国解放战争迅速取得胜利的根本保证。
在解放战争时期，中国共产党的建设相对其他阶段来说是比较顺利和成功的，所犯的过失与所获得的成绩相比较而言是微不足道的。
深究其中原因，除了与党的思想建设、组织建设和作风建设的作用密不可分外，党的制度建设发挥了相当重要的作用。
解放战争爆发后，特别是在解放战争的中后期，由于战局的变化和革命形式发展的迫切需要，以毛泽东为核心的党中央领导集体，紧紧围绕着当时党的中心任务进行了党的建设，开辟了党的建设的新领域和新境界，尤其在党的制度建设方面，作出了卓有成效的努力：为了适应形势发展的需要，加强党的集中统一，我党确立了请示报告制度；为了加强集体领导、扩大党内民主，我党决定在党内实行代表大会及代表会议制度和健全党委制；为了规范党委会的工作制度，我党规定了党委会工作方法十二条。
以上一切为党成为全国范围的执政党奠定了政治、思想和组织基础。
解放战争时期党特别重视民主集中制建设。
民主集中制假如长期停留于原则层面，制度化与体系化不足，就会导致组织内的集中更多的是以一般原则性的权力集中与粗线条的纪律集中为主要形式，而不是严格的制度性集中。
而解放战争时期的制度建设则初步改变了这一现象。
解放战争时期建立起来的一系列制度，有着非常重要的历史作用：我党实现了党内高度民主基础上的集中统一，使民主集中制原则得到了全面贯彻和实施，加强了党和军队的纪律建设，使全党自“七大”以来在思想上、政治上、组组上的空前团结得到了进一步巩固和加强，为解放战争取得全国的胜利、党与军队的建设提供了制度保证。
中东欧国家和平演变十二年来总评估
中東歐國家和平演變十二年來總評估General Evolution for Peaceful Transition of the Central and EasternEuropean Countries (1989-2001)執行期限：90年8月1日～91年7月31日執行機構及單位名稱：政治大學國際關係研究中心第一所主持人：洪茂雄政大國際關係研究中心第一所研究員專案助理：陳建銘南華大學歐洲研究所碩士一、中、英文摘要中東歐國家和平演變十二年以來，依其民主化表現來區分，基本上呈現出三種類型：一、民主鞏固型：包括波蘭、匈牙利、捷克和斯洛文尼亞等國。
在這些國家中，人民對轉型至今的體制平均有超過六成以上的滿意度，對於未來更有超過七成以上的民眾充滿信心；憲政體制穩定發展、政治穩定和經濟持續成長是這些國家的共同特徵，先後成為第一批北約和歐盟東擴的成員國，證明得到歐洲社會的肯定。
二、民主過渡型：包括羅馬尼亞、保加利亞、斯洛伐克、克羅埃西亞等國，這些國家的人民對現狀的滿意度仍然有五成以上、對未來的期望有六成以上民眾保持信心。
過去一黨獨大、高壓統治的遺緒，在這些國家中，很明顯地表現出來。
羅、克在九０年代依舊有強人統治的影子。
傳統上信仰東正教的保守心態作祟，使得在接受市場機制的檢驗時，國民生產毛額、私有化的進展等經濟自由度的指標，在這些國家中尚未有明顯的突破。
三、民主停滯型：包括阿爾巴尼亞、波黑、馬其頓和南聯盟（已在二００二年四月正式更改國名為塞爾維亞和蒙地內哥羅）。
在這些國家中，因受族群衝突的衝擊和宗教信仰的因素，致使社會動盪不安、經濟發展嚴重受創，甚至需要國際社會力量的介入，始能解決區域衝突。
因此，人民對這些國家的滿意度是中東歐國家中最低者。
總結過去十二年來的觀察，中東歐國家雖各自採用不同的改革模式，力圖擺脫過去共黨統治下，政治高壓、經濟不振的景況；但可以確定的是，這些前社會主義國家，正融入歐洲社會之中，不可能再走回頭路。
初中英语：巩固用英语怎么说
初中英语：巩固用英语怎么说Britain is trying to consolidate her position in the North Atlantic.英国企图巩固她在北大西洋的地位。
It is necessary to consolidate and develop unswervingly the public sector of the economy.必须毫不动摇地巩固和发展公有制经济。
(4) They should help to consolidate, and not undermine or weaken, democratic centralism(四)有利于巩固民主集中制，而不是破坏或者削弱这个制度To consolidate the revolutionary united front, we must use the method of criticism and self-criticism要达到巩固革命统一战线的目的，必须采取批评和自我批评的方法。
It should be noted that this concept of a unified multi-ethnic country consolidation and development are positive.应该说，这种观念对统一多民族国家的巩固与发展是有积极意义的。
The second line was a counterpart to the first, solidifyingthe musical tone and feeling.第二乐句是对首句的回应，起到巩固、强化前面乐思、乐旨的意义Fortify a city筑工事以巩固城防The first is to consolidate the socialist system.第一，巩固社会主义制度.Consolidate one’s position巩固某人的地位Cement the permanent and unbreakable relationship with巩固与..之间永恒的牢不可破的关系consolidate是什么意思：v. 使加强，使巩固，使合并To draw into or toward a center; consolidate.使集中拖入或引向一中心;集中起来That is Consolidated Natural Gas Co.那是联合天然气公司。
中央,地区,地方自治,当代俄罗斯的中央再集权政策
2009年第4期俄罗斯研究 No. 4, Aug. 2009 总第158期 Russian Studies Gen. No. 158中央－地区－地方自治：当代俄罗斯的中央再集权政策弗拉基米尔·格尔曼∗———————————————————————————————————— 【内容提要】俄罗斯中央再集权政策的源头、基本观念和利益是什么？这些因素又是如何影响了它的进程和结果？中央再集权对俄罗斯政治发展的意义到底有多大，前景如何？本文旨在探寻这些问题的答案。
本文首先纵览俄罗斯1990－2000年变革背景下的地区化趋势；接着考察2000年以来中央再集权进程中各政治力量的理念和利益所在，及其对俄罗斯联邦改革政策的影响，该政策可以称之为“新中央集权”（区别于苏联时期的“旧”中央集权）。
接下来分析“新中央集权”政策的基本特征及其对俄罗斯国家改革进程的影响。
在总结部分，就中央再集权对俄罗斯政治制度的意义加以总结。
【关键词】中央再集权 地区化 新中央集权【中图分类号】D503【文章标识】A【文章编号】1009-721X(2009)04-0069-(25) ————————————————————————————————————2004年9月13日，俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·普京发表电视讲话，宣布了一系列政治改革措施，其中最重要的便是取消地方行政长官的普选制度①。
自2005年起，地方行政长官（除特殊说明外，以下简称“州长”）由地方立法机构按总统提名表决确认。
普京的这一决定产生于北奥塞梯小城别斯兰的人质悲剧之后，并被标榜为反恐举措。
该决定招致不少观察家的尖锐批评，他们认为这是克里姆林宫破坏俄罗斯联邦制度的重要一步和民主制度在俄衰落的征兆。
其实，俄罗斯从选举州长过渡（或回归）到实际上的任命制，是始于2000年的中央再集权政策的必然结果。
这一∗弗拉基米尔·格尔曼（ВладимирГельман），教授，圣彼得堡欧洲大学政治学与社会学系。
多德弗兰克华尔街改革和消费保护法案_英文版
Dodd–Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act From Wikipedia, the free encyclopediaJump to: navigation, searchThis article may require cleanup to meet Wikipedia's quality standards. Please improve this article if you can. The talk page may contain suggestions. (August 2010)Dodd–Frank Wall Street Reform andConsumer Protection ActFull titleAn Act to promote the financial stability of the United States byimproving accountability and transparency in the financial system, toend "too big to fail", to protect the American taxpayer by endingbailouts, to protect consumers from abusive financial servicespractices, and for other purposes.Colloquialname(s)Dodd–Frank, Wall Street Reform, Financial Regulatory ReformEnacted bythe111th United States CongressEffective July 21, 2010CitationsCodificationLegislative history∙Introduced in the House as "The Wall Street Reform andConsumer Protection Act of 2009" (H.R. 4173) by Barney Frank(D–MA) on December 2, 2009∙Committee consideration by:Financial Services∙Passed the House on December 11, 2009 (223–202)∙Passed the Senate with amendment on May 20, 2010 (59-39)∙Reported by the joint conference committee on June 29, 2010;agreed to by the House on June 30, 2010 (237-192) and by theSenate on July 15, 2010 (60-39)∙Signed into law by President Barack Obama on July 21, 2010Major amendmentsRelevant Supreme Court casesThe Dodd–Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act (Pub.L. 111-203, H.R. 4173) is a federal statute in the United States that was signed into law by President Barack Obama on July 21, 2010.[1] The Act is a product of the financial regulatory reformagenda of the Democratically-controlled 111th United States Congress and the Obama administration.The law was initially proposed on December 2, 2009, in the House by Barney Frank, and in the Senate Banking Committee by Chairman Chris Dodd. Due to their involvement with the bill, the conference committee that reported on June 29, 2010,[1] voted to name the bill after the two members of Congress.[2] The Act, which was passed as a response to thelate-2000s recession, is the most sweeping change to financial regulation in the United States since the Great Depression,[3][4][5][6] and represents a paradigm shift in the American financial regulatory environment affecting all Federal financial regulatory agencies and affecting almost every aspect of the nation's financial services industry.[7][8]Contents[hide]∙ 1 Origins and proposal∙ 2 Legislative response and passage∙ 3 Overview∙ 4 Provisionso 4.1 Title I - Financial Stabilityo 4.2 Title II - Orderly Liquidation Authorityo 4.3 Title III - Transfer of Powers to the Comptroller, the FDIC,and the FEDo 4.4 Title IV - Regulation of Advisers to Hedge Funds and Otherso 4.5 Title V - Insuranceo 4.6 Title VI - Improvements to Regulationo 4.7 Title VII - Wall Street Transparency and Accountabilityo 4.8 Title VIII - Payment, Clearing and Settlement Supervisiono 4.9 Title IX - Investor Protections and Improvements to the Regulation of Securitieso 4.10 Title X - Bureau of Consumer Financial Protectiono 4.11 Title XI - Federal Reserve System Provisions▪ 4.11.1 Governance and oversight▪ 4.11.2 Standards, Plans & reports, and off-balance-sheet activitieso 4.12 Title XII - Improving Access to Mainstream Financial Institutionso 4.13 Title XIII - Pay It Back Acto 4.14 Title XIV - Mortgage Reform and Anti-Predatory Lending Act ▪ 4.14.1 Property Appraisal Requirementso 4.15 Title XV - Miscellaneous Provisions▪ 4.15.1 Restriction on U.S. Approval of Loans issued by International Monetary Fund▪ 4.15.2 Disclosures on Conflict Materials in or Near the Democratic Republic of the Congo▪ 4.15.3 Reporting on Mine Safety▪ 4.15.4 Reporting on Payments by Oil, Gas and Minerals inAcquisition of Licenses▪ 4.15.5 Study on Effectiveness of Inspectors General▪ 4.15.6 Study on Core Deposits and Brokered Deposits o 4.16 Title XVI - Section 1256 Contracts∙ 5 Impact and Reactiono 5.1 Legislative reactiono 5.2 Economists' critique of Dodd–Frank Acto 5.3 Congressional Budget Office∙ 6 See also∙7 Notes∙8 External links[edit] Origins and proposalShare in GDP of U.S. financial sector since 1860[9]The Financial crisis of 2007–2010 led to widespread calls for changes in the regulatory system.[10] In June 2009, President Obama introduced a proposal for a "sweeping overhaul of the United States financial regulatory system, a transformation on a scale not seen since the reforms that followed the Great Depression."[11]As the finalized bill emerged from conference, President Obama stated that the bill included 90 percent of the proposals.[12] Major components of Obama's original proposal, listed by order in which they appear in the "A New Foundation" outline,[11] include:1.the consolidation of regulatory agencies, elimination of the national thrift charter, andnew oversight council to evaluate systemic risk;prehensive regulation of financial markets, including increased transparency ofderivatives (bringing them onto exchanges);3.consumer protection reforms including a new consumer protection agency anduniform standards for "plain vanilla" products as well as strengthened investorprotection;4.tools for financial crises, including a "resolution regime" complementing the existingFDIC authority to allow for orderly winding down of bankrupt firms, and including aproposal that the Federal Reserve (the "Fed") receive authorization from the Treasury for extensions of credit in "unusual or exigent circumstances";5.various measures aimed at increasing international standards and cooperation,including in this section were proposals related to improved accounting and tightened regulation of credit rating agencies.Obama later added the Volcker Rule to this proposal in January 2010.[13][edit] Legislative response and passagePresident Barack Obama meeting with Rep. Barney Frank, Sen. Dick Durbin, and Sen. Chris Dodd, at the White House prior to a financial regulatory reform announcement on June 17, 2009.The bills that came after Obama's proposal were largely consistent with the proposal, but contained some additional provisions and differences in implementation.[14]The Volcker Rule was not included in Obama's initial June 2009 proposal, but Obama proposed the rule[13] later in January 2010, after the House bill had passed. The rule, which prohibits depository banks from proprietary trading (similar to the prohibition of combined investment and commercial banking in the Glass-Steagall Act[15]) was passed only in the Senate bill,[14] and the conference committee and enacted in a weakened form that allowed banks to invest up to 3% of their Tier 1 capital in private equity and hedge funds[16] as well as trade for hedging purposes.The initial version of the bill passed the House along party lines in December by a vote of 223-202,[1] and passed the Senate with amendments in May 2010 with a vote of 59-39[1] once again along party lines.[1] The bill then moved to conference committee, where the Senate bill was used as the base text[17] although a few House provisions were included in the bill's base text.[18]One provision on which the White House did not take a position[19] and remained in the final bill[19] allows the SEC to rule on "proxy access" - meaning that qualifying shareholders, including groups, can modify the corporate proxy statement sent to shareholders to include their own director nominees, with the rules set by the SEC. This rule was unsuccessfully challenged in conference committee by Chris Dodd, who - under pressure from the White House[20] - submitted an amendment limiting that access and ability to nominate directors only to single shareholders who have over 5% of the company and have held the stock for at least two years.[19]The "Durbin Amendment" is a provision in the final bill aimed at debit card interchange fees and increasing competition in payment processing. The provision was not in the House bill;[14] it began as an amendment to the Senate bill from Dick Durbin[21] and led to lobbying against it.[22] The law applies to card issuers with over $10 billion in assets, and these issuers would have to charge debit card swipe fees that are "reasonable and proportional to the actual cost" of processing the transaction. The bill aimed to restrict anti-competitive practices and encourage competition, and included provisions which allow retailers to refuse to use cards for small purchases and offer incentives for using cash or another type of card.[14]On June 25, 2010, conferees finished reconciling the House and Senate versions of the bills and four days later filed a conference report.[1][23] The conference committee changed the name of the Act from the "Restoring American Financial Stability Act of 2010." The House passed the conference report, 237-192 on June 30, 2010.[24] On July 15, the Senate passed the Act, 60-39.[25][26] President Obama signed the bill into law on July 21, 2010.[27] [edit] OverviewBen Bernanke (lower-right), Chairman of the Federal Reserve Board of Governors, at a House Financial Services Committee hearing on February 10, 2009.President Barack Obama addresses reporters about the economy and the need for financial reform in the Diplomatic Reception Room of the White House on February 25, 2009.The Act is categorized into sixteen titles[28] and by one law firm's count, it requires that regulators create 243 rules, conduct 67 studies, and issue 22 periodic reports.[29] The stated aim of the legislation is:To promote the financial stability of the United States by improving accountability and transparency in the financial system, to end "too big to fail", to protect the American taxpayer by ending bailouts, to protect consumers from abusive financial services practices, and for other purposes.[30]The Act changes the existing regulatory structure, such as creating a host of new agencies (while merging and removing others) in an effort to streamline the regulatory process, increasing oversight of specific institutions regarded as a systemic risk, amending the Federal Reserve Act, promoting transparency, and additional changes. The Act establishes rigorous standards and supervision to protect the economy and American consumers, investors and businesses, ends taxpayer funded bailouts of financial institutions, provides for an advanced warning system on the stability of the economy, creates rules on executive compensation and corporate governance, and eliminates the loopholes that led to the economic recession.[31] The new agencies are either granted explicit power over a particular aspect of financial regulation, or that power is transferred from an existing agency. All of the new agencies, and some existing ones who are not currently required to do so, are also compelled to report to Congress on an annual (or biannual) basis, to present the results of current plans and to explain future goals. Important new agencies created include Financial Stability Oversight Council, the Office of Financial Research, and the Bureau of Consumer Financial Protection.Of the existing agencies, changes are proposed ranging from new powers to the transfer of powers in an effort to enhance the regulatory system. The institutions affected by these changes include most of the regulatory agencies currently involved in monitoring the financial system (FDIC, SEC, Comptroller, Federal Reserve (the "Fed"), the Securities Investor Protection Corporation (SIPC), etc.), and the final elimination of the Office of Thrift Supervision (further described in Title III - Transfer of Powers to the Comptroller, the FDIC, and the FED).Certain Non-bank financial institutions and their subsidiaries will be supervised by the Fed[32] in the same manner and to the same extend as if they were a bank holding company.[33]To the extent that the Act impacts all Federal financial regulatory agencies, eliminating one (the Office of Thrift Supervision) and creating two (Financial Stability Oversight Council and the Office of Financial Research) in addition to several consumer protection agencies, including the Bureau of Consumer Financial Protection, this legislation in many ways represents a paradigm shift in the way America’s financial markets will operate in the future. Few provisions of the Act became effective when the bill was signed.[34] Only over the next 18 months as various regulatory agencies write rules that implement various sections of the Act, will the full importance and significance of the Act be revealed.[34][edit] Provisions[edit] Title I - Financial StabilityMain article: Financial Stability Act of 2010Title I outlines two new agencies tasked with monitoring systemic risk and researching the state of the economy and clarifies the comprehensive supervision of bank holdingcompanies by the Federal Reserve. Title I creates the Financial Stability Oversight Council and the Office of Financial Research. The two new offices are attached to the Treasury Department, with the Treasury Secretary being Chair of the Council, and the Head of the Financial Research Office being a Presidential appointment with Senate confirmation. The Financial Stability Oversight Council is charged with identifying threats to the financial stability of the United States, promoting market discipline, and responding to emerging risks to the stability of the United States financial system. At a minimum, it must meet quarterly. Specifically, there are three purposes assigned to the Council:[35]1.identify the risks to the financial stability of the United States from both financial andnon-financial organizations2.promote market discipline, by eliminating expectations that the Government willshield them from losses in the event of failure3.respond to emerging threats to the stability of the US financial systemDutiesIn the course of pursuing its goal (in its entirety), the Council has several duties enumerated to it that can broadly be described as anything required to:1.enhance the integrity, efficiency, competitiveness, and stability of United Statesfinancial markets2.promote market discipline3.maintain investor confidenceMore specifically, the Council must collate data (received from affiliated agencies, and optionally from the companies themselves) to assess risks to the financial system, monitorthe financial services marketplace, make general regulatory recommendations to affiliated agencies reflecting a broader consensus, and it may also compel the Federal Reserve to assume an oversight position of certain institutions considered to pose a systemic risk. The Council must monitor domestic and international regulatory proposals and developments, and advise Congress in these areas. The Council and the associated Office of Financial Research are charged to facilitate information sharing and coordination among the member agencies and other Federal and State agencies regarding domestic financial services policy development, rule-making, examinations, reporting requirements, and enforcement actions.[36]MembershipThe Financial Stability Oversight Council has ten voting members:[37]1.Secretary of the Treasury (chairs the Council)2.Chairman of the Federal Reserveptroller of the Currency4.Director of the Bureau of Consumer Financial Protection5.Chairperson of the SEC6.Chairperson of the FDIC7.Chairperson of the CFTC8.Director of the Federal Housing Finance Agency9.the Chairman of the National Credit Union Administration Board10.an independent member (with insurance expertise), appointed by the President, withthe advice and consent of the Senate, for a term of 6 years.There are five non-voting advisory members who may go into the equivalent of executive session when discussing confidential supervisory information:1.Director of the Office of Financial Research (part of the Treasury Department andestablished in this Act) who is the Council's executive director2.Director of the Federal Insurance Office (part of the Treasury Department andestablished in this Act)3. a state insurance commissioner, to be designated by a selection process determinedby the state insurance commissioners (2-year term)4. a state banking supervisor, to be designated by a selection process determined bythe state banking supervisors (2-year term)5. a state securities commissioner (or officer performing like function) to be designatedby a selection process determined by such state security commissioners (2-yearterm)ResourcesThe Federal Advisory Committee Act, which limits the powers of advisory committees, does not apply to the council. The council has an almost unlimited budget in that the Council may draw on virtually any resource of any department or agency of the Federal government. Any employee of the Federal government may be detailed to the Council without reimbursement and without interruption or loss of civil service status or privilege. Any member of the Council who is an employee of the Federal Government serves without additional compensation. In addition, "An employee of the Federal Government detailed to the Council shall report to and be subject to oversight by the Council during the assignment to the Council, and shall becompensated by the department or agency from which the employee was detailed."[38] Additionally, "Any expenses of the Council shall be treated as expenses of, and paid by, the Office of Financial Research".[39]AuthorityThe Council has very broad powers to monitor, investigate and assess any risks to the US financial system. The Council has the authority to collect information from any State or Federal financial regulatory agency, and may direct the Office of Financial Research, which supports the work of the Council, "to collect information from bank holding companies and nonbank financial companies".[40] The Council monitors domestic and international regulatory proposals, including insurance and accounting issues, and advises Congress and the Federal Reserve on ways to enhance the integrity, efficiency, competitiveness and stability of the US financial markets. On a regular basis, the Council is required to make a report to Congress describing the state of the US Financial System. Each voting member of the Council is required to either affirm that the Federal Government is taking all reasonable steps to assure financial stability and mitigate systemic risk, or describe additional steps that need to be taken.[41] Under specific circumstances, the Chairman of the Council (who is also the Secretary of the Treasury), with the concurrence of 2/3 voting members, may place nonbank financial companies or domestic subsidiaries of international banks under the supervision of the Federal Reserve if it appears that these companies could pose a threat to the financial stability of the US.[42] The Federal Reserve may promulgate safe harbor regulations to exempt certain types of foreign banks from regulation, with approval of the Council.[43] Under certain circumstances, the Council may provide for more stringentregulation of a financial activity by issuing recommendations to the primary financial regulatory agency, which the primary financial agency is obliged to implement – the Council reports to Congress on the implementation or failure to implement such recommendations.[44]Financial Reporting to the CouncilThe Council may require any bank or non-bank financial institution with assets over $50 billion to submit certified reports as to the company's:[45]∙financial condition∙systems in place to monitor and control any risks∙transactions with subsidiaries that are regulated banks∙the extent to which any of the company's activities could have a potential disruptive impact on financial markets or the overall financial stability of the countryThe Comptroller General of the United States may audit the Council or anyone working for the Council, and may have access to any information under the control of or used by the Council.[46]Office of Financial ResearchEstablished as a department within the Treasury, the Office is tasked with providing administrative, technical, budget analysis and other support services to the Council and its affiliated agencies.[47]The Director of the Office of Financial Research is appointed for a 6-year term. To the extent that his or her duties are exclusively focused on the Council and the Office of Financial Research, the Director is in effect the executive director of the Council. The Director, inconsultation with the Chairman of the Council (who is the Secretary of the Treasury) proposes the annual budget of the Office.[48]The Director may set salaries of the Office’s employees “without regard to chapter 51 or subchapter III of chapter 53 of Title 5 of the United States Code, relating to classification of positions and General Schedule pay rates.”[49]The Director has Subpoena power and may require from any financial institution (bank or non-bank) any data needed to carry out the functions of the office.[50]Financial Research Director's Independent Reports to CongressThe Director reports to and testifies before only the Senate Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs and the House Committee on Financial Services of the House of Representatives. Testimony shall be annual on the activities of the Office, including the work of the Data Center and the Research and Analysis Center and the assessment of significant financial and market developments and potential emerging threats to the financial stability of the Country. These reports to Congress are independent of any political influence in that "No officer or agency of the United States shall have any authority to require the Director to submit the testimony... for approval, comment, or review prior to the submission of such testimony."[51]ResourcesLike the Council, the Office of Financial Research may request, from department or agency of the United States, "such services, funds, facilities, staff, and other support services as the Office may determine advisable. Any Federal Government employee may be detailed to the Office without reimbursement, and such detail shall be without interruption or loss of civilservice status or privilege."[52] Within the Treasury Department, there is a revolving fund, the "Financial Research Fund" into which all appropriations, fees, and assessments that the Office receives are deposited. Surplus funds may be invested. It is contemplated that within 2 years of establishment that the Office will be self-funding.[53]AuthorityThe Office has broad latitude in performing support services for both the Council and other Member Agencies, including data collection, applied research and essential long-term research, and developing tools for monitoring risk. The Office can also issue guidelines to standardizing the way data is reported, constituent agencies have three years to implement data standardization guidelines.[54] In many ways, the Office of Financial Research is to be operated without the constraints of the Civil Service system. For example, does not need to follow Federal pay scale guidelines (see above), and it is mandated that the office have:[55]∙Training and Workforce Development Plan that includes training, leadership development and succession planning∙Workplace Flexibility Plan that includes telework, flexible work schedules, job sharing, parental leave benefits and childcare assistance, domestic partner benefits ∙Recruitment and Retention PlanData and Research & Analysis CentersThe Office is supported by two entities:∙The Data Center,[56] which collects, validates and maintains (and publishes some of) the data required to support the Council; which may be obtained from commercialdata providers, publicly available data sources and the financial entities supervised by state and Federal agencies; andThe Research and Analysis Center, which conducts independent analysis of available information to identify financially destabilizing effects, and develops andmaintains independent analytical capabilities and computing resources to:[57] o Develop and maintain metrics and reporting systems for risks to the financial stability of the United Stateso Monitor, investigate, and report on changes in systemwide risk levels and patterns to the Council and Congresso Conduct, coordinate, and sponsor research to support and improve regulation of financial entities and marketso Evaluate and report on stress tests or other stability-related evaluations of financial entities overseen by the member agencieso Maintain expertise in such areas as may be necessary to support specific requests for advice and assistance from financial regulatorso Investigate disruptions and failures in the financial markets, report findings, and make recommendations to the Council based on those findings;o Conduct studies and provide advice on the impact of policies related to systemic risk; ando Promote best practices for financial risk management.Financial Research FundThe Financial Research Fund is a quasi-revolving fund that the Office uses to fund its operations. All appropriations and assessments are deposited into the Fund; surpluses may be invested. Funds are not subject to apportionment for any other purposes. Within 2-years of enactment, the Office should become self-funding. During the 2-year time following date of enactment, the Federal Reserve shall fund the Office.[53]Temporary Management ReportingFor a period of five years after enactment, the Office shall submit an annual report to the Senate Committee on Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs, and the House Committee on Financial Services, what amounts to a management report, including:[58]∙Training And Workforce Development Plan - that includes:o Identification of skill and technical expertise needs and action taken to meet the requirementso Steps taken to foster innovation and creativityo Leadership development and succession Planningo Effective use of technology by employees∙Workplace Flexibility Plan - that includes:o Teleworko Flexible work scheduleso Phased retiremento Reemployment annuitantso Part-time worko Job sharingo Parental leave benefits and childcare assistanceo Domestic partner benefitso Other workplace flexibilitiesRecruitment and Retention Plan - that includes:o The steps necessary to target highly qualified applicant pools with diverse backgroundso Streamlined employment application processo Timely notification of employment applicationso Measures of hiring effectiveness[edit] Title II - Orderly Liquidation AuthorityMain article: Orderly Liquidation AuthorityThe New York City headquarters of Lehman Brothers at the time that it collapsed in 2008. In addition to the supervised banks, insured depository institutions and securities companies that may be liquidated under existing law by the FDIC or SIPC, respectively, Covered Financial Companies that may be liquidated under this title include, insurance companies and non-bank financial companies not covered elsewhere.[59] Once it is determined that a。
人大考研-国际关系学院研究生导师简介-许勤华
爱考机构-人大考研-国际关系学院研究生导师简介-许勤华许勤华法学博士电话：8265281182500776E-mail:xuqh@地址：北京中关村大街59号中国人民大学中国人民大学国际关系学院副教授国际关系、国际政治经济及世界经济专业硕士生导师。
中国人民大学国际能源战略研究中心执行主任。
中国人民大学国际关系学院俄罗斯东欧中亚研究所副所长。
研究领域专业领域是国际关系学，所属子学科是国际政治经济学，主要研究方向为能源政治学，目前研究兴趣为国际能源战略与中国能源政策。
教育背景1987－1991年，北京外国语大学本科生，获文学学士学位；1995－1998年，中国人民大学硕士研究生，获法学硕士学位；1998－2000年，捷克布拉格经济大学博士研究生；2003－2006年，中国人民大学博士研究生，获法学博士学位。
工作经历1991年至今在中国人民大学任教。
期间，捷克布拉格经济大学、美国丹佛大学访问学者、担任亚太能源研究中心高级研究员（APEC日本东京）。
主要讲授课程国际能源与环境政治经济学、国际一体化政治经济学、东欧中亚转型研究、国际恐怖主义问题研究。
主要研究成果一、专著：《新地缘政治：中亚能源与中国》，北京：当代世界出版社，2007年，24万字。
《中亚概况》（主编），北京：世界知识所出版社，2007年，22万字。
《中国能源国际合作报告》（与中国人民大学国际关系学院陈岳教授共同主编），北京：时事出版社2010年版，40万字。
二、专著章节：第二章“私有化”、第三章“金融体制改革”、第四章“外贸体制改革”、第六章“社会保障”的四、五节，纪军主编：《东欧及独联体国家经济转轨比较研究》，中共中央党校出版社2008年版，80千字。
第三章“约旦王国的二元君主立宪制”，王彤主编：《当代中东政治制度》，社会科学文献出版社2006年版，20千字。
三、主要论文：“低碳经济对国际关系的影响”，《教学与研究》，2010年第7期。
“亚太多边能源合作与中国”，《现代国际关系》，2009年第12期。
精英与民主：西方精英主义民主理论述评
精英与民主：西方精英主义民主理论述评郎友兴“民主变成了一个广受赞誉的词”。
（注：萨托利：《民主新论》，冯克利、阎克文译，东方出版社，1993年，第4页。
）当代世界更是几乎将民主等同于善了，但在西方各种民主理论中，精英主义的民主理论又常常为人所诟。
笔者以为人们对精英主义理论的抵触相当重要的一个原因在于对它不甚了了，乃至误解。
本文旨在描述西方精英主义民主理论的发展与其主要思想，从中发掘出对中国民主化有所启迪的思想资源。
一、导言从精英主义的角度来分析民主政治的理论，有些学者如Peter Bachrach 称之为“民主的精英主义理论”(Democratic Elitist Theory)，（注：peter Bachrach,The Theory of Democratic Elitism:a Critique,Boston:Little,Brown,1967.）另一些名之为精英主义民主理论(Elitist Democratic Theory)，还有如以色列社会学家Etzioni-Halevy称之为“Demo-elite perspective"。
（注：Eva Etzioni-Halevy,The Elite Connection:Problems and Potential of Western Democracy,Cambridge,MA:Polity Press,1993.）尽管名称不一，但所指的对象大体上是相同的。
所以这些概念其实可以互用。
1.精英主义与其民主理论的演进精英理论与阶级理论都关注社会不平等问题，它们都勾画出不平等的社会结构，不过，精英理论主要关注精英与大众之间的权力关系，其信条是社会分为有权的少数与无权的大多数，前者为统治者而后者为被统治者；统治集团即精英垄断着权力，而大众即非精英除接受前者的安排外另无选择。
（注：Thomas Dye和Harmon Zeigler将精英理论的主要观点作了很好的归纳。
政治学专业文献
政治学专业文献论文1. T. Nagel, “Hobbes” Concept of Obligation”, Philosophical Review, Vol. 68, No. 1, Jan., 1959.2. J. Dunn, “Consent in the Political Theory of John Locke”, Historical Journal Vol. 10, No. 2. 1967.3. J. Cohen, “Structure, Choice and Legitimacy: Locke”s Theory of the State”, Philosophy andPublic Affairs, Vol. 15, No. 4. Autumn 1986.4. S. Benhabib, “The Methodological Illusions of Modern Political Theory: the Case of Rawls andHabermas”, Neue Hefte fur Philosophie, Vol. 21, 1982.5. T. McCarthy, “Kantian Constructivism and Reconstructivism: Rawls and Habermas inDialogue”, Ethics, Vol. 105, No. 1. Oct., 1994.6. C. Larmore, “The Moral Basis of Political Liberalism”, The Journal of Philosophy, Vol. 96, No.12. Dec., 1999.7. A. Sen, “Rights and Agency”, Philosophy and Public Affairs, Vol. 11, No. 1. Winter, 1982.8. O. O”Neill, “Constructivism vs. Contractualism”, Ratio, XVI 4 December 2003.9. S.M. Okin, “Justice and Gender”, Philosophy and Public Affairs Vol. 16, No. 1. Winter, 1987.10. Iris Ma rion Young, “Polity and Group Difference: A Critique of the Idea of UniversalCitizenship”, Ethics, Vol. 99, No. 2. Jan., 1989.11. M. Walzer, “The Communitarian Critique of Liberalism”, Political Theory, Vol. 18, No. 1. Feb., 1990.12. M. Walzer, “Philosophy and Democracy”, Political Theory, Vol. 9, No. 3. Aug., 1981.13. A. Buchanan, “Assessing the Communitarian Critique of Liberalism”, Ethics, Vol. 99, No. 4. Jul., 1989.14. J. Waldron, “Theoretical Foundations of Liberalism”, Philosophical Quarterly, Vol. 37, No. 147. Apr., 1987.15. N. Fraser, “From Redistribution to Recognition? Dilemmas of Justice in a …Post-Socialist‟Age”, New Left Review, 212, 1995.∙Arendt Lijphart, “Comparative politics and the comparative method” American Political Review, Vol. 65, No. 3. Sep., 1971.∙J. G. March & J. P. Olsen, “The new institutionalism: organizational factors in political life”American Political Science Review, Vol. 78, No. 3. Sep., 1984.18. Peter Hall & Rosemary Taylor, “Political Science and the Three New Institutionalisms”,Political Studies, Vol. 44. No. 5.19. E. Ostrom, “Rational Choice Theory and Institutional Analysis: Towards Complementarity”,American Political Science Review, Vol. 85, No. 1. Mar., 1991.20. Karl Deutsch, “Social mobilization and political development”, American Political ScienceReview, Vol. 55, No. 3. Sep., 1961.21. Phillippe C Schmitter, “Still the Century of Corporatism?”, in Frederick B. Pike & ThomasStritch eds., Social-Political Structure in the Iberian World, University of Notre Dame Press, 1974, pp.85-130.22. Jack A. Goldstone, “Theories of revolution: the third generation”, World Politics, Vol. 32, No.3. Apr., 1980.23. A. Stepan & C. Skach, “Constitutional frameworks and democratic consolidation:parliamentarianism versus presidentialism”, World Politics, Vol. 46, No. 1. Oct., 1993.25. Mancur Olson, “Dictatorship, Democracy, and Development”,The American Political ScienceReview Vol. 87, No. 3. Sep., 1993.26. Samuel Huntington, “Political development and political decay”, World Politics, Vol. 17, No.3. Apr., 1965.27. Ronald Inglehart, “The renaissance of political culture”, American Political Science Review,Vol. 82, No. 4. Dec., 1988.28. Robert Putnam, Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community, NewYork : Simon & Schuster,2001. （没找到代表性文章，只好列出书名在这）29. E. Muller, & M. Sellgson, “Civic culture and democracy”, American Political ScienceReview, Vol. 88, No. 3. Sep., 1994.30. Theda Skocpol, “State and revolution: old regimes and revolutionary crises in France, Russia,and China”,Theory and Society, Vol. 7, No. 1/2, Special Double Issue on State and Revolution, Jan. - Mar., 1979.31. Theda Skocpol, “Bringing the state back in: strategies of analysis in current research” in P. B.Evans, et al. Bringing the state back in, New York: Cambrige University Press, 1985.32. Doris Graber, “Political communication: scope, progress, promise”, in A. Finifter ed.,Political Science: The State of the Discipline, Ⅱ, Washington, D. C.: American Political Science Association,1983, pp305-334.33. G. Sartori, “From the sociology of politics to political sociology”. in S. M. Lipset ed., Politicsand the Social Science, New York: Oxford University Press, 1969, pp. 65-100.34. 埃尔斯特，(1986) ，“市场与论坛：三种政治理论”，谈火生编《审议民主》，江苏人民出版社2007年35. 哈贝马斯：“民主的三种规范模式”，载于《文化研究》第二辑，天津社会科学出版社2001年36. 约翰·罗尔斯，“再论公共理性”，载于《公共理性与现代学术》，三联书店2000年著作一、节选1．大卫．马什，格里．斯托克，《政治科学的理论与方法》（第13章“结构与能动”，第14章“制度与观念”），中国人民大学出版社2006年2．熊彼得，《资本主义、社会主义与民主》（第四编），商务印书馆1999年3．Dankward A Rustow, “Transition to Democracy: Toward a Dynamic Model”, in Lisa Anderson ed., Transitions to Democracy, Columbia University Press, 2004.4．Nancy Bermeo, “Myths of Moderation: Confrontation and Conflict During Democratic Transitions”,in Lisa Anderson ed., Transitions to Democracy, Columbia University Press, 2004 5．Alfred Stephen, “Reflections on …Problem Selection‟”, in idem., Arguing Comparative Politics, New York, NY: Oxford University Press 2001.6．Frank Cunningham, “Liberal Democracy and Its Problems”, in idem., T heories of Democracy, London and NewYork: Routledge, 2002.7．Juan J. Linz, and Alfred Stepan, “Theoretical Overview”, in idems, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation, The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996.二、原著1. Ian Shapiro, The State of Democratic Theory, Princeton University Press, 2003.2. Ira Katznelson, Helen V. Milner eds., Political Science: the State of the Discipline, W. W. Norton & Company, 2004.3. Adam Prezeworski, Susan Carol Stokes, and Bernard Manin, Democracy, accountability, and representation, Cambridge studies in the theory of democracy, New York; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999.4. Bernard Manin, The Principle of Representative Government, Cambridge University Press, 1997.5. Sheldon S. Wolin, Politics and Vision: Continuity and Innovation in Western Political Thought, George Allen & Unwin Ltd.,1960.6. 安德鲁．海伍德，《大转型：我们时代的政治与经济起源》，浙江人民出版社2007年7. 帕特里克．邓利维等，《国家理论：自由民主的政治学》，浙江人民出版社2007年8. 布坎南等，《原则政治，而非利益政治》，社会科学文献出版社2004年9. C．H．麦基文，《宪政古今》，贵州人民出版社2004年10. 罗伯特．D．帕特南，《使民主运转起来》，江西人民出版社2001年11. 斯科特．戈登，《控制国家—西方宪政的历史》，江苏人民出版社2001年12. 米歇尔斯，《寡头统治铁律：现代民主制度中的政党社会学》，天津人民出版社2003年13. 哈贝马斯著，《公共领域的结构转型》，学林出版社1999年14. 约翰·罗尔斯，《政治自由主义》，译林出版社2000年15. 列奥·施特劳斯,《自然权利与历史》，三联书店2003年16. 威尔·金里卡,《当代政治哲学》，上海三联书店2004年17. 萨托利,《民主新论》，东方出版社1998年18. 刘小枫，《现代性社会理论绪论》，三联书店1997年19. 徐向东,《自由主义、社会契约与政治辩护》，北京大学出版社2005年。
Globalization and Public Goods Too Big to Tackle
International Relations and Diplomacy, July-Aug. 2022, Vol. 10, No. 4, 190-195doi: 10.17265/2328-2134/2022.04.004 Globalization and Public Goods: Too Big to Tackle?Ekkart ZimmermannTechnical University, Dresden, GermanyThe massive Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 will have unforeseeable effects on the themes addressed here, frominternational regime change to infra-structural re-orientation to value changes. Here we concentrate on the positivecycle of effects globalization has brought about before the new war in Europe, mainly economic growth and (some)pressures for democratic development, as well as the negative cycle that originates in (relative) economic decline,elite dissent, even failed states and regime change, often in the direction of counter-democracy. The causal linksbetween 13 independent and intervening variables and public goods as the dependent variable are specified in thisexplanatory sketch. There is need for broadening the view in explaining causal paths between globalization factorsand the production of public goods. In doing that we focus in particular on variables like elite dissent, immigration,and new minorities, all three weakening the capacities of states to respond. Further we state that all four: ecologicalchallenges, economic and social inequality and polarization, regime change, and international terrorism can beviewed as to their joint effects on the production of public goods. Selectorate theory is crucial. It explains politicalregimes on the base of the size of the selectorate with large (s)electorates producing public goods , as in democracies ,and small ones only private ones, as in sultanist regimes and dictatorships .Keywords: globalization, regime types and changes, selectorate theory, public goodsIntroductionWhat do the GTB have in common? The acronym stands for three prominent losers of globalization in this century: the Gilets jaunes (the “yellow jackets ”) in France complaining about relative poverty vs. urban inhabitants, high prices for diesel and the absence of infrastructure in the countryside; the true-believers amongst the voters of Trump ; and the sternest adherents of the Brexit . They all point to detriments of globalization and processes of technological developments, to their relative impoverization vis-à-vis the gainers of globalization inheriting the benefits of international trade, technological progress and experiencing demand for their skills.Rodrik (1997), amongst many others (Stiglitz, 2006), has stated already that globalization does not work everywhere and not for everyone. No doubt, there is a growing division between the winners and losers of international trade and technological progress which, by and large, is estimated to be at least as important as global trade developments. In reality both factors interact.In this article we address the positive cycle of effects globalization has brought about, mainly economic growth and (some) pressures for democratic development, as well as the negative cycle that originates in (relative) economic decline, elite dissent, even failed states and regime change, often in the direction of counter-democracy. In doing so we point to macro-variables that directly or indirectly have a great impact on the production or Ekkart Zimmermann, Dr., Professor emeritus, Institute of Sociology, Technical University, Dresden, Germany.DA VID PUBLISHINGDGLOBALIZATION AND PUBLIC GOODS: TOO BIG TO TACKLE?191nonproduction of public goods, be they global or national ones. Other explanatory variables for ecological challenges such as resource annihilation, climate change, and global warming, are left out on purpose in this explanative sketch. The same holds for other international factors, such as geography, international conflicts up to war, one of the ultimate global public bads. International terrorism as another one is included here as a consequence of failed states and other factors such as ethno-cultural divisions, suppression of believers of other religions, and institutional failures that account for internal wars as well (Zimmermann, 2014).Section II presents the model and addresses crucial theoretical explanations for the stated causal linkages. Section III points to implications and caveats of the present analysis with Section IV providing a brief summary of the present endeavor.Towards a Causal Model of Globalization and Demand for Public GoodsFigure 1 summarizes main causal links between 13 independent and intervening variables and public goods as the dependent variable.Figure 1: Globalization andDemand for Public Goods Figure 1. Globalization and Demand for Public Goods.Without going into definitional and analytical quarrels here, public goods can be defined as goods available to all individuals. Their consumption is not restricted to specific individual use as holds for private goods. Thisdouble-feature of non-exclusiveness and lack of rivalry makes for lower incentives to produce public goods. The state or specific organizations have to step in producing such goods. Examples range from national security via common language, statistics and knowledge, institutional settings, procedures of law-making, parts of infrastructure to climatic conditions. International order, treaties, and peace also come to mind. In many instances, some forms of public goods are pre-required for successful production of individual goods.The Path 1 through Path 4 is taken from Zimmermann (2011) who focuses on how globalization is linked to the formation and persistence of international terrorism.One of the major effects of globalization is the shift in relative prices and markets (Path 1). This leads to constraints for national governments and weakens the state (Path 2). Globalization contributes to economic and social inequality and thus fosters societal polarization within countries (Paths 5, 7, and 13). Also it does so indirectly, via a weakened state that is no longer able to protect economically disadvantaged groups against global economic challenges.GLOBALIZATION AND PUBLIC GOODS: TOO BIG TO TACKLE?192Path 9 through Path 13 addresses further factors contributing to the weakening of states, namely uncontrolled immigration (Path 9)—controlled selected immigration is a different topic; the formation of new minorities resulting from this (Path 10) and the direct effects of this change in the population setup, Path 11 to an (over)challenged and likely to be weakened state, and Path 12 leading to elite dissent further contributing to the weakening of the state (Path 13).Economic growth is spurred by the two globalization mediaries, namely shifts in relative prices and market relations (Path 8) and new technologies (Paths 3, 6, and 7). Economic growth, however, does not come without incurring costs. Usually it leads to more economic and social inequality and nourishes polarization (Path 14). The three GTB-cases addressed above are a master case although there are many states which experience higher levels of inequality without such heavy responses. Roland (2004) points to wise rulers that address timely corrections to spread the benefits of globalization also to the losers of the first round to avoid the erosion of societal consensus, in short the decline of regime legitimacy. Right now President Macron is compelled to do just that. It is an open question whether this works in buying off protest or, in asking for more, further nourishes it. On a wider scale this currently is one of the dominant conflict patterns of most European states, reacting to security issues and war, migration, inflationary trends, and shortages of raw materials.Economic growth also draws heavily on the erosion of natural irreplaceable resources and contributes to ecological challenges (Path 15). On the other hand, in conjunction with technological inventions, economic growth provides the means for reacting more adequately to ecological challenges. There is a tradeoff between economic challenges and economic growth. A balanced path between the two is just as much possible as is a vicious cycle enlarging the challenges and undermining the roots of further economic growth. For reasons of relative parsimony, we have left out any feedbacks in Model 1.Ecological challenges also feed into increasing economic and social inequalities (Path 16). In sum, economic growth is a strong contributor to the production of public goods (Path 26) provided the costs it incurs are handled (Paths 24 and 25). Economic growth also prevents the occurrence of failed states (Path 22) and thus avoids the negative cycles economic growth can have, starting here from elite dissent and failed states (Path 19). Elite dissent thus can also be brought about by economic growth (Path 17) feeding then into the link between elite dissent and regime change (Path 18).Here we only draw attention to five partial theories that have to be considered in this context: First, there is the famous hypothesis of Lipset (1959) setting up a link between economic development and the likelihood of democracy or democratization (mediated by factors such as urbanization, higher education, and intermediary organizations). This is not the same: Democratization is sometimes brought about by error in elite judgment as in the democratization of Sweden (1911) or during the collapse of communist rule in Poland (1989). Democratization addresses the process, democracy as the guarantee of free vote and the chance to vote your rulers out of office is a state of the polity.Second, Huntington (1984) added the corridor argument putting Lipset’s arguments into more probabilistic terms: Economic development increases the number of regime options one of which is democracy. Others as in China are the maintenance and expansion of authoritarian rule.Third, getting back to Lipset (1994) and his final review of his theoretical contribution, what is crucial is the balance between old elites and new elites. If the old elites are not willing or any more capable to use repressive means and, further, if they acknowledge that oppositional elites might have valuable knowledge for the survival of the incumbents themselves, they might be willing to hand over power, often in the hope to get back to it inGLOBALIZATION AND PUBLIC GOODS: TOO BIG TO TACKLE?193future elections. Acemoglu and Robinson (2012) draw on this reasoning in distinguishing inclusive institutions serving all and extractive institutions serving only the elites. Besley and Persson (2018) draw on these ideas in tracing the relationship between democratic values and institutions.Fourth, feeding into the link between elite dissent and regime change (Path 18), selectorate theory is crucial. Thus, Bueno de Mesquita, Smith, Siverson, and Morrow (2003) distinguish between the size of the selectorate and various political outcomes. This reasoning can be tied to typologies of political regimes. Bueno de Mesquita et al. argue that the larger the selectorate, i.e. the greater the number of persons deciding about the candidates to rule, the more likely democracy is to emerge. In democracies ideally the selectorate is equivalent to the electorate. In reality, however, the inner circles of decive power are constituted by members of the selectorate. More important in the present context is the argument of Bueno de Mesquita et al. that a larger selectorate covaries with the likelihood that public goods are produced. In dictatorships such as sultanistic regimes where one person rules absolutely without any control, only private goods are produced. The sultan can appropriate any private good that is available and has no interest in setting up public goods which would detract from his zero-sum perspective of political power and control (cf. Zimmermann, 2015, p. 181 for a causal model linking sultanist rule, state stability, and regime change).Fifth, there are five types of political regimes to be distinguished here (Linz & Stepan, 1996). We order them in their increasing likelihood of contributing to the production of public goods. Sultanist regimes have been mentioned. Totalitarian regimes under the control of a politburo have greater interest in acquiring means to solidify the rule of the nomenklatura than in focusing on public goods. Post-totalitarian regimes release the control grip of the central buro to allow some minor opposition. Thus, claims to public goods and values can be made. According to Linz and Stepan, authoritarian regimes differ from democracies only in the restrictions in the political realm. Thus, they very well can contribute to the production of public goods. Regimes turn back to democracies after an interim authoritarian rule, whether domestically imposed or by foreign powers. From their democratic period they can draw on their knowledge from their democratic period as to public goods. Democracies, finally, can said to be essentially focusing on the production of public goods in their requirements for and interaction with private goods production. This is our formulation here, going beyond the typological contributions of Linz and Stepan.Now we reach the immediate predecessors of public goods production: international terrorism in jeopardizing and destroying it (Path 23), regime change fostering it or not as just addressed (Path 24), economic and social inequality in the form of societal and political polarization (Path 25), and ecological challenges calling for immediate public goods production as a response (path 26), though a lot depends on individual behavior and imposing individual costs.Steps AheadFirst, there is the need of testing the various bivariate and reduced multivariate links of such a heuristic model. Second, here we focus on macro-variables at the global and state level. To explain reactions to globalization, e.g., those of globalization losers, you need to address the group level and the individual level for understanding the processes of mobilization and in forging a multi-level explanatory model (cf. Zimmermann, 2017 with respect to political violence). Third and crucial for enriching our understanding of the linkages between globalization factors, economic growth, elite dissent, and regime change, is the analysis of the differentia specifica between the four immediate factors in the production of public goods spelled out here. Viewing publicGLOBALIZATION AND PUBLIC GOODS: TOO BIG TO TACKLE?194goods production without considering these strongly interlinked regime and resource factors likely is to lead to overestimating the capacities at hand in solving global issues and national issues of public goods production.We have left out here the implications of the Russian war against Ukraine. The war has not yet ended. Solid assessments of the consequences and implications will take longer. It may very well be that some of the causal relationships addressed here will re-appear. Others will be entirely new affected mainly by changes in the international political and economic order as well as by national adjustments.ConclusionWhat do globalization, international terrorism, regime change, democratization, economic and social inequality, and climate change have in common? A neglected and perhaps not so directly obvious perspective is that they all contribute to the production of public goods or fail to do so in creating public bads such as international terrorism, war, economic crises, and ecological catastrophes. Quoting Heraclitus these days that “war is the father of all things” is a perpetual reminder, yet no clear design.The goal in this very preliminary article is to suggest an explanatory scheme for such a common view outlining communalities and differentia specifica. There is need for broadening the view in explaining causal paths between globalization factors and the production of public goods. In doing that we focused in particular on variables like elite dissent, immigration, and new minorities, all three weakening the capacities of states to respond. Further we stated that all four: ecological challenges, economic and social inequality and polarization, regime change, and international terrorism need to be reassessed as to their joint effects on the production of public goods. Pandora adds the box of war-making and its aftermath.Selectorate theory is crucial. It explains political regimes on the base of the size of the selectorate with large (s)electorates producing public goods, as in democracies, and small ones only private ones, as in sultanist regimes and dictatorships.Most of the immediate public goods are national in character. Global climate factors, international law conventions, human rights and free speech, protection of minorities often go beyond the national borders. War-making and peace certainly do. Many of these public goods or bads overlap as to being global or national in character. Finally, to return to the beginning, there is more than monetary alms-dealing in reacting to the perturbances the various processes of globalization create. Understanding basic underlying causal links could be one further step.ReferencesAcemoglu, D., & Robinson, J. A. (2012). Why nations fail: The origins of power, prosperity, and poverty. New York, NY: Crown. Besley, T., & Persson, T. (2018). Democratic values and institutions. Retrieved from https://www.sv.uio.no/esop/english/research/projects/conservation/events/conferences/persson-torstein-democratic-values-and-institutions.pdfBueno de Mesquita, B., Smith, A., Siverson, R. M., & Morrow, J. D. (2003). The logic of political survival. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.Huntington, S. P. (1984). Will more countries become democratic? Political Science Quarterly, 99, 193-218.Linz, J. J., & Stepan, A. (1996). Problems of democratic transition and consolidation: Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press.Lipset, S. M. (1959). Some social requisites of democracy: Economic development and political legitimacy. American Political Science Review, 53(1), 69-105.Lipset, S. M. (1994). The social requisites of democracy revisited. American Sociological Review, 59(1), 1-22.Roland, G. (2004). Transition and economics: Politics, markets, and firms. Boston, Mass.: MIT Press.GLOBALIZATION AND PUBLIC GOODS: TOO BIG TO TACKLE?195Rodrik, D. (1997). Has globalization gone too far? Washington, D.C.: Peterson Institute for International Economics.Stiglitz, J. E. (2006). Making globalization work. New York: W. W. Norton & Company.Zimmermann, E. (2011). Globalization and terrorism. European Journal of Political Economy, 27(S1), S152-S162. Zimmermann, E. (2014). Internal wars and revolution. In M. Sasaki, J. Goldstone, E. Zimmermann, and S. Sanderson (Eds.), Concise encyclopedia of comparative sociology (pp. 437-448). New York, NY: Brill.Zimmermann, E. (2015). The Arab Spring in comparative revolutionary analysis: Implications of the Arabellion for security policy.International Relations and Diplomacy, 3, 180-191.Zimmermann, E. (2017). Theories of political violence. In P. Sturmey (Ed.), The Wiley handbook of violence and aggression (Chapter 48). New York: Wiley.。
关于媒体的英语作文
关于媒体的英语作文Title: The Impact of Media on Society。
In today's interconnected world, media plays a pivotal role in shaping our perceptions, beliefs, and behaviors. From traditional newspapers to digital platforms, media channels have become integral parts of our daily lives, influencing how we think, interact, and make decisions. This essay explores the multifaceted impact of media on society.First and foremost, media serves as a crucial source of information. Through newspapers, television, radio, and online news portals, people access news from around the globe instantly. This rapid dissemination of information facilitates awareness and understanding of current events, societal issues, and global developments. However, the credibility and accuracy of media content are paramount. With the proliferation of fake news and biased reporting, discerning audiences must critically evaluate sources todistinguish fact from fiction.Furthermore, media shapes public opinion and influences societal norms. Through news coverage, documentaries, and social media discussions, media platforms contribute to the formation of collective attitudes and values. For instance, the portrayal of certain groups or individuals in the media can either perpetuate stereotypes or challenge existing biases. Likewise, the representation of social issues such as gender equality, environmental conservation, and racial justice can spark public discourse and advocacy for change.Moreover, media has a significant impact on consumer behavior and popular culture. Advertising, product placements, and celebrity endorsements shape consumer preferences and purchasing decisions. By strategically promoting certain products or lifestyles, media channels contribute to consumerism and materialism in society. Additionally, the entertainment industry influencescultural trends, fashion, and social norms through movies, television shows, and viral content. As a result, media plays a pivotal role in shaping the cultural landscape andcollective identity of communities.However, alongside its benefits, media also poses challenges and risks to society. One notable concern is the potential for misinformation and propaganda to spread rapidly through digital platforms. With the rise of social media algorithms and echo chambers, individuals may be exposed to biased or misleading information that reinforces their existing beliefs and polarizes society. Moreover, the digital age has ushered in new forms of media addiction and mental health issues, as people become increasingly reliant on technology for entertainment and communication.Furthermore, media censorship and control by governments or corporations can limit freedom of expression and hinder democracy. In authoritarian regimes, media censorship is used as a tool to suppress dissent and manipulate public opinion. Even in democratic societies, media consolidation and corporate influence raise concerns about journalistic integrity and independence. Thus, ensuring media plurality and safeguarding press freedom are essential for a healthy democratic society.In conclusion, media plays a multifaceted role in shaping society, influencing everything from information dissemination to cultural norms and consumer behavior. While media has the power to inform, educate, and empower individuals, it also poses challenges such as misinformation, propaganda, and censorship. Therefore, promoting media literacy, ethical journalism, and regulatory frameworks are essential for harnessing the positive potential of media while mitigating its negative impact on society.。
比利时历史之独立运动与建国历程_中英对照
比利时历史之独立运动与建国历程Belgian History: The Independence Movement and theJourney to NationhoodBelgium, a landlocked country in northwestern Europe, is renowned for its rich history and cultural heritage. Its journey to independence and nationhood was fraught with challenges and complexities, yet ultimately led to the establishment of a unique and vibrant nation. This article explores Belgium's independence movement and its subsequent transition into a sovereign state, offering insights into its remarkable historical evolution.比利时，位于西北欧的内陆国家，以其丰富的历史和文化遗产而闻名。
其走向独立和建国的道路充满了挑战和复杂性，但最终还是建立了一个独特而充满活力的民族国家。
本文探讨了比利时的独立运动和随后向主权国家的过渡过程，揭示了其非凡的历史演变轨迹。
The seeds of Belgium's independence movement were planted during the French Revolution. Inspired by the revolutionary fervor sweeping across France, Belgians began to yearn for their own freedom from foreign rule. In particular, they resented the decision made at the Congress of Vienna in 1815, which forcibly united the Netherlands and Belgium under one kingdom. This union ignored the distinct cultural, linguistic, and religious differences between the two regions, sparking dissatisfaction among Belgians who desired recognition as an independent entity.比利时独立运动的种子在法国大革命时期就已播下。
盲从现象的英语作文
盲从现象的英语作文Title: The Phenomenon of Blind Obedience。
In contemporary society, the phenomenon of blind obedience remains a subject of significant concern and scrutiny. Blind obedience refers to the unquestioning compliance with authority figures or established norms without critical thinking or independent judgment. This phenomenon manifests itself in various contexts, including social, political, and organizational settings, and its implications can be profound. In this essay, we will delve into the causes, consequences, and potential remedies for blind obedience.To begin with, one of the primary factors contributing to blind obedience is the innate human tendency to seek approval and avoid conflict. From a young age, individuals are often conditioned to follow rules and conform to societal expectations. This conditioning fosters a sense of obedience to authority figures, whether they are parents,teachers, or political leaders. Additionally, the fear of punishment or social ostracism further reinforces the inclination to comply blindly with authority.Furthermore, the hierarchical structure prevalent in many institutions and organizations reinforces the culture of obedience. Employees may feel pressured to obey directives from superiors, even if they harbor doubts about the ethical or moral implications of their actions. This dynamic is particularly evident in hierarchical corporate cultures, where dissent is often discouraged, and conformity is rewarded.Moreover, the proliferation of mass media and social media platforms has amplified the influence of authority figures and opinion leaders. People are bombarded with information and opinions, often without critically evaluating the validity or credibility of the sources. As a result, individuals may succumb to the pressure to align their beliefs and behaviors with popular narratives, even if they conflict with their own values or principles.The consequences of blind obedience can be far-reaching and detrimental to both individuals and society as a whole. At the individual level, blind obedience can lead to a loss of autonomy and personal agency. People who blindly follow authority may sacrifice their integrity and moral compassin favor of conformity, resulting in feelings of guilt or regret. Moreover, blind obedience can perpetuate injustice and inequality by enabling oppressive systems and authoritarian regimes to thrive unchecked.From a societal perspective, blind obedience can stifle innovation and progress by discouraging critical thinking and dissent. In organizations where conformity is valued over creativity, employees may refrain from voicing alternative perspectives or challenging the status quo, thereby inhibiting innovation and problem-solving. Similarly, in political contexts, blind obedience to authority can undermine democratic principles andfacilitate the consolidation of power in the hands of a few.Addressing the phenomenon of blind obedience requires a multifaceted approach that encompasses both individual andsystemic interventions. On an individual level, fostering critical thinking skills and promoting ethical awarenesscan empower people to question authority and resist undue influence. Educational institutions play a crucial role in cultivating these skills by encouraging intellectual curiosity and teaching students to evaluate information critically.At the systemic level, organizations and institutions must promote a culture of transparency, accountability, and open dialogue. Leaders should encourage dissenting voices and welcome constructive criticism as a means of fostering innovation and continuous improvement. Moreover, policies and procedures should be designed to safeguard against abuses of power and ensure that decisions are made with integrity and ethical consideration.In conclusion, the phenomenon of blind obedience poses significant challenges to individuals and society at large. By understanding the underlying causes and consequences of blind obedience, we can work towards cultivating a cultureof critical thinking, ethical awareness, and accountability.Only through collective efforts to promote autonomy, integrity, and social justice can we mitigate the harmful effects of blind obedience and create a more equitable and enlightened society.。
经济类英文词汇(1)
关于经济的英语单词rural economics 农村经济liberal economy 自由经济mixed economy 混合经济political economy 政治经济学protectionism 保护主义autarchy 闭关自守economist 经济学家socialist economy 社会主义经济capitalist economy 资本主义经济collective economy 集体经济planned economy 计划经济controlled economy 管制经济primary sector 初级成分private sector 私营成分，私营部门public sector 公共部门，公共成分economic channels 经济渠道economic balance 经济平衡economic fluctuation 经济波动economic depression 经济衰退economic stability 经济稳定economic policy 经济政策economic recovery 经济复原understanding 约定concentration 集中holding company 控股公司trust 托拉斯cartel 卡特尔rate of growth 增长economic trend 经济趋势economic situation 经济形势infrastructure 基本建设standard of living 生活标准,生活水平purchasing power, buying power 购买力scarcity 短缺stagnation 停滞，萧条,不景气underdevelopment 不发达underdeveloped 不发达的developing 发展中的国民生产总值GNP （Gross National Product）人均国民生产总值per capita GNP产值output value鼓励give incentive to投入input宏观控制exercise macro-control优化经济结构optimize the economic structure输入活力bring vigor into改善经济环境improve economic environment整顿经济秩序rectify economic order有效地控制通货膨胀effectively control inflation非公有成分non—public sectors主要成分dominant sector实在的tangible全体会议plenary session解放生产力liberate/unshackle/release the productive forces 引入歧途lead one to a blind alley举措move实事求是seek truth from facts引进、输入importation和平演变peaceful evolution试一下have a go (at sth。