Overconfidence, public disclosure and long-lived information
2023年6月英语六级考试真题试卷附答案和解析第1套
2023年6月英语六级考试真题试卷附答案和解析(第1套) Directions:For this part, you are allowed 30 minutes to write a short essay on the use of robots. Try to imagine what will happen when more and more robots take the place of human beings in industry as well as people's daily lives. You are required to write at least 150 words but no more than 200 words.Section A Directions: In this section, you will hear two long conversations. At the end of each conversation, you will hear four questions. Both the conversation and the questions will be spoken only once. After you hear a question, you must choose the best answer. from the four choices marked A), B),C) and D). Then mark the corresponding letter on Answer Sheet 1 with a single line through the centre.注意:此部分试题请在答题卡1上作答。
Questions 1 to 4 are based on the conversation you have just heard.1. A) Project organizer.B) Public relations officer.C) Marketing manager.D) Market research consultant.2. A) Quantitative advertising research.B) Questionnaire design.C) Research methodology.D) Interviewer training.3. A) They are intensive studies of people's spending habits.B) They examine relations between producers and customers.C) They look for new and effective ways to promote products.D) They study trends or customer satisfaction over a long period.4. A) The lack of promotion opportunity.B) Checking charts and tables.C) Designing questionnaires.D) The persistent intensity. Questions 5 to 8 are based on the conversation you have just heard.5. A) His view on Canadian universities.B) His understanding of higher education.C) His suggestions for improvements in higher education.D) His complaint about bureaucracy in American universities.6. A) It is well designed.B) It is rather inflexible.C) It varies among universities.D) It has undergone great changes.7. A) The United States and Canada can learn from each other.B) Public universities are often superior to private universities.C) Everyone should be given equal access to higher education.D) Private schools work more efficiently than public institutions.8. A) University systems vary from country to country.B) Efficiency is essential to university management.C) It is hard to say which is better, a public university or a private one.D) Many private university in the U.S. are actually large bureaucracies. Section BDirections: In this section, you will hear two passages. At the end of each passage, you will hear three or four questions. Both the passage and thequestions will be spoken only once. After you hear a question, you must choose the best answer from the four choices marked A), B), C) and D). Then mark the corresponding letter on Answer Sheet 1 with a single line through the centre.Passage OneQuestions 9 to 11 are based on the passage you have just heard.9. A) Government's role in resolving an economic crisis.B) The worsening real wage situation around the world.C) Indications of economic recovery in the United States.D) The impact of the current economic crisis on peopled life.10. A) They will feel less pressure to raise employees' wages.B) They will feel free to choose the most suitable employees.C) They will feel inclined to expand their business operations.D) They will feel more confident in competing with their rivals.11. A) Employees and companies cooperate to pull through the economic crisis.B) Government and companies join hands to create jobs for the unemployed.C) Employees work shorter hours to avoid layoffs.D) Team work will be encouraged in companies.Passage TwoQuestions 12 to 15 are based on the passage you have just heard.12. A) Whether memory supplements work.B) Whether herbal medicine works wonders.C) Whether exercise enhances one's memory.D) Whether a magic memory promises success.13. A) They help the elderly more than the young.B) They are beneficial in one way or another.C) They generally do not have side effects.D)They are not based on real science.14. A) They are available at most country fairs.B) They are taken in relatively high dosage.C) They are collected or grown by farmers.D) They are prescribed by trained practitioners.15. A) They have often proved to be as helpful as doing mental exercise.B) Taking them with other medications might entail unnecessary risks.C) Their effect lasts only a short time.D) Many have benefited from them.Section CDirections: In this section, you will hear three recordings of lectures or talks followed by three or four questions. The recordings will be played only once. After you hear a question, you must choose the best answer from the four choices marked A),B),C) and D). Then mark the corresponding letter on Answer Sheet 1 with a single line through the centre.Recording OneQuestions 16 to 18 are based on the recording you have just heard.16. A) How catastrophic natural disasters turn out to be to developing nations.B) How the World Meteorological Organization studies natural disasters.C) How powerless humans appear to be in face of natural disasters.D) How the negative impacts of natural disasters can be reduced.17. A) By training rescue teams for emergencies.B) By taking steps to prepare people for them.C) By changing people's views of nature.D) By relocating people to safer places.18. A) How preventive action can reduce the loss of life.B) How courageous Cubans are in face of disasters.C) How Cubans suffer from tropical storms.D) How destructive tropical storms can be.Recording TwoQuestions 19 to 22 are based on the recording you have just heard.19. A) Pay back their loans to the American government.B) Provide loans to those in severe financial difficulty.C) Contribute more to the goal of a wider recovery.D) Speed up their recovery from the housing bubble.20. A) Some banks may have to merge with others.B) Many smaller regional banks are going to fail.C) It will be hard for banks to provide more loans.D) Many banks will have to lay off some employees.21. A) It will work closely with the government.B) It will endeavor to write off bad loans.C) It will try to lower the interest rate.D) It will try to provide more loans.22. A) It won't help the American economy to turn around.B) It won't do any good to the major commercial banks.C) It will win the approval of the Obama administration.D) It will be necessary if the economy starts to shrink again.Recording ThreeQuestions 23 to 25 are based on the recording you have just heard.23. A) Being unable to learn new things.B) Being rather slow to make changes.C) Losing temper more and more often.D) Losing the ability to get on with others.24. A) Cognitive stimulation.B) Community activity.C) Balanced diet.D) Fresh air.25. A) Ignoring the signs and symptoms of aging.B) Adopting an optimistic attitude towards life.C) Endeavoring to give up unhealthy lifestyles.D) Seeking advice from doctors from time to time.Section ADirections: In this section, there is a passage with ten blanks. You are requir ed to select oneword for each blank from a list of choices given in a word ban k following the passage. Read thepassage through carefully before making yo ur choices. Each choice in the bank is identified bya letter. Please mark the c orresponding letter for each item on ,Answer Street 2 with a singleline throug h the centre. You may not use any of the words in the bank more than once. Questions 26 to 35 are based on the following passage.Let's say you love roller-skating. Just the thought of __26__ on your roller-skates brings asmile to your face. You also know that roller-skating is excellent exercise. You have a __27__attitude toward it.This description of roller-skating __28__ the three components of an attitude: affect,cognition, and be havior. You love the activity; it's great fun. These feelings __29__ the affectiv eor emotional component; they are an important ingredient in attitudes. The knowledge wehave about the object constitutes the cognitive compone nt of an attitude. You understand the health __30__ that the activity can bri ng. Finally, attitudes have a behavioral component.Our attitudes __31__ us to go outside to enjoy roller-skating.Now, we don't want to leave you with the __32__ that these three component s always worktogether __33__ . They don't; sometimes they clash. For exam ple, let's say you love pizza(affective component); however, you have high c holesterol and understand (knowledge component) that eating pizza may b e bad for your health. Which behavior will your attituderesult in, eating pizza or __34__ it? The answer depends on which component happens to bestron ger. If you are walking past a pizza restaurant at lunchtime, your emotions and feelingsprobably will be stronger than your knowledge that pizza may not be the best food for yourhealth. In that instance, you have pizza for lunch. If y ou are at home trying to decide where togo for dinner, however, the knowledge component may __35__ , and you decide to go whereyou can eat a healt hier meal.A.avoidingB.benefitsC.highlightD.illustratesE.impressionF.improvesG.inquiringH.perfectlyI.positiveJ.prevailK.primarilyL.promptM.specificationsN.strappingO.typicalSection B Directions: In this section, you are going to read a passage with ten statements attached to it. Each statement contains information given in oneof the paragraphs. Identify the paragraph from which the information is derived. You may choose a paragraph more than once. Each paragraph is marked with a letter. Answer the questions by marking the corresponding letter on Answer Sheet 2.The Changing Generation [A] It turns out today's teenagers aren't so scary after all. Results of USA WEEKEND'S Teens & Parents survey reveal a generation of young people who get along well with their parents and approve of the way they're being raised. They think of their parents with affection and respect. They speak with Mom or Dad when they have a problem. Most feel that their parents understand them, and they believe their family is the No. 1 priority in their parents, lives. Many even think their parents are cool! Although more than a third have an object in their rooms they would like to keep secret from their parents, rarely is it anything more alarming than a diary or off-color (低俗旳) book or CD.[B] Such results may seem surprising against the background of shocking incidents that color the way the mass media portray the young. In October 2023, , the same month the survey was taken, the Washington-based Center for Media and Public Affairs wrote in its publication Media Monitor that, in a recent month of TV news coverage of American youth, just 2% of teens wereshown at home, and just 1% were portrayed in a work setting. In contrast, the criminal justice system accounted for nearly one out of every five visual backgrounds. No wonder parents worry their own kids might spin out of control once they hit the turbulent waters of adolescence.[C] The overall facts ought to reassure us. The survey shows us that today's teens are affectionate, sensible and far happier than the angry and tortured souls that have been painted for us by stereotypes. From other sources, we also know teenage crime, drug abuse and premarital sex are in general decline. We, of course, need to pay attention to youngsters who are filled with discontent and hostility, but we should not allow these extreme cases to distort our view of most young people.[D] My own research at the Stanford Center on Adolescence uses in-depth interviews with small samples of youngsters rather than large-scale surveys. Still, in my studies and others I have read, I find the same patterns as in USA WEEKEND'S survey. Today's teenagers admire their parents and welcome parental guidance about important matters such as career choice—though certainly not Mom and Dad's advice on matters of personal taste, such as music or fashion. When we ask teens to choose a hero,they usually select an older family member rather than a remote public figure. Most teens say they enjoy the company of both parents and friends.[E] Contrary to some stereotypes, most adolescents believe they must be tolerant of differences among individuals (though they do not always find this easy in the cliquish (拉帮结派旳) environment of high school). Many of them volunteer for community service with disadvantaged people. One prevalent quality we have found in teens, statements about themselves, their friends and their families is a strikingly positive emotional tone. By and large, these are very nice kids, and as the band The Who used to sing, "The kids are alright."[F] How much is today's spirit of harmony a change from our more turbulent past? A mere generation ago, parent-child relations were described as "the generation gap". Yet even then reports of widespread youth rebellion were overdone: Most kids in the '60s and 70s shared their parents, basic values. Still, it is true that American families are growing closer at the dawn of this new millennium (千年). Perhaps there is less to fight about, with the country in a period of tranquility and the dangers of drug abuse and other unwholesome behavior well known. Perhaps in the face of impersonal and intimidating globalization, a young person's family feels more like a friendly haven than an oppressive trap. And perhaps parents are acting more like parents than in the recent past. Within just the past five years, I have noticed parents returning to a belief that teenagers need the guidance of eldersrather than the liberal, "anything goes" mode of child-rearing that became popular in the second half of the 20th century.[G] But missing from all these data is the sense that today's young care very much about their country, about the broader civic and political environment, or about the future of their society. They seem to be turning inward—generally in a pro-social manner, certainly with positive benefits for intimate relationships, but too often at the expense of a connection with the present and future world beyond, including the society they will one day inherit.[H] Recently, we examined more than 400 essays on the "laws of life" that teens from two communities had written as part of an educational program initiated by the John Templeton Foundation in Radnor, Pa. In those essays, and in follow-up interviews with a few of the teenagers, we found lots of insight, positive feeling and inspirational thinking. But we also found little interest in civic life beyond the tight circles of their family and immediate friends.[I] For example, only one boy said he would like to be president when he grows up. When I was in high school, dozens in my class alone would have answered differently. In fact, other recent studies have found there has never been a time in American history when so small a proportion of young people have sought or accepted leadership roles in local civic organizations. It is alsotroubling that voting rates among our youngest eligible voters—18- to 24-year-olds—are way down: Little more than one in four now go to the polls, even in national elections, compared with almost twice that many when 18-year-olds were first given the vote. [J] In our interviews, many students viewed politics with suspicion and distaste. " Most politicians are kind of crooked (不诚实旳)" one student declared. Anothe r, discussing national politics, said, “I feel like one person can't do that much, and I get the impression most people don't think a group of people can do that much." Asked what they would like to change in the world, the students mentioned only personal concerns such as slowing down the pace of life, gaining good friends, becoming more spiritual, becoming either more materially successful or less materially oriented (depending on the student's values), and being more respectful of the Earth, animals and other people. One boy said, "I'd rather be concentrating on artistic efforts than saving the world or something." [K] It is fine and healthy for teens to cultivate their personal interests, and it is good news when young people enjoy harmonious relations with their family and friends. But there is also a place in a young life for noble purposes that include a dedication to the broader society, a love of country and an aspiration to make their own leadership contributions.[L] In the past, the young have eagerly participated in national service and civic affairs, often with lots of energy and idealism. If this is not happening today, we should ask why. Our society needs the full participation of its younger citizens if it is to continue to thrive. We know the promise is there—this is a well-grounded, talented, warm-hearted group of youngsters. We have everything to gain by encouraging them to explore the world beyond their immediate experience and to prepare themselves for their turn at shaping that world.注意:此部分试题请在答题卡2上作答。
Overconfidence-Arbitrage-and-Equilibrium-Asset-Pricing
THE JOURNAL OF FINANCE•VOL.LVI,NO.3•JUNE2001Overconfidence,Arbitrage,and EquilibriumAsset PricingKENT D.DANIEL,DAVID HIRSHLEIFER,and AVANIDHAR SUBRAHMANYAM*ABSTRACTThis paper offers a model in which asset prices ref lect both covariance risk andmisperceptions of firms’prospects,and in which arbitrageurs trade against mis-pricing.In equilibrium,expected returns are linearly related to both risk and mis-pricing measures~e.g.,fundamental0price ratios!.With many securities,mispricingof idiosyncratic value components diminishes but systematic mispricing does not.The theory offers untested empirical implications about volume,volatility,fundamental0price ratios,and mean returns,and is consistent with several empir-ical findings.These include the ability of fundamental0price ratios and marketvalue to forecast returns,and the domination of beta by these variables in somestudies.T HE CLASSIC THEORY OF SECURITIES MARKET equilibrium beginning with Sharpe~1964!,Lintner~1965!,and Black~1972!is based on the interaction of fully rational optimizing investors.In recent years,several important studies have explored alternatives to the premise of full rationality.One approach models market misvaluation as a consequence of noise or positive feedback trades.Another approach studies how individuals form mistaken *Daniel is at the Kellogg School,Northwestern University;Hirshleifer is at the Fisher Col-lege of Business,The Ohio State University;Subrahmanyam is at the Anderson Graduate School of Management,University of California at Los Angeles.We thank the anonymous referees, Jonathan Berk,Michael Brennan,Wayne Ferson,Bob Jones,Gautam Kaul,Blake LeBaron, Simon Gervais,Rick Green,Terry Odean,Canice Prendergast,Tyler Shumway,Matt Spiegel, the editor,RenéStulz,Siew Hong Teoh,Sheridan Titman,Ingrid Werner,and seminar partici-pants at Arizona State,Boston College,Carnegie Mellon University,Cornell University,Dart-mouth College,Emory University,Hong Kong University of Science and Technology,INSEAD, London School of Economics,MIT,University of North Carolina,NYU,Ohio State University, Princeton University,Stockholm School of Economics,USC,Vanderbilt University,and Univer-sity of Virginia for helpful comments and discussions.This paper was presented at the1998 Econometric Society Meetings in Chicago,the1998conference on behavioral finance at Yale, the1998conference on efficient markets at UCLA,the1998Berkeley Program in Finance at Santa Barbara,the NBER1998Asset Pricing Meetings in Chicago,and the1999WFA meet-ings.Hirshleifer thanks the Nippon Telephone and Telegraph Program of Asian Finance and Economics for financial support.921922The Journal of Financebeliefs or optimize incorrectly,and derives the resulting trades and misvaluation.1This paper offers a theory of asset pricing in which the cross section of expected security returns is determined by risk and investor misvaluation. We provide a pricing model in which risk-averse investors use their infor-mation incorrectly in forming their portfolios.As a result,in equilibrium, securities are mispriced,and proxies for mispricing are informative about the future returns of different securities.We apply the model to address the ability of risk measures versus mispricing measures to predict security re-turns,the design tradeoffs among alternative proxies for mispricing,the relation of volume to subsequent volatility,and whether mispricing in equi-librium withstands the activities of smart“arbitrageurs.”Many empirical studies show that the cross section of stock returns can be forecast using not just standard risk measures such as beta,but also market value or fundamental0price ratios such as earnings0price or book0market. The interpretation of these forecasting regressions is controversial because these price-containing variables can be viewed as proxies for either risk or misvaluation.So far,this debate has been pursued without an explicit theo-retical model of what we should expect to see in such regressions if investors misvalue stocks and also discount for risk.A distinctive feature of this paper is that it explicitly analyzes how well,in this situation,beta and fundamental0 price ratios jointly predict the cross section of security returns.Based on extensive psychological evidence,2our premise is that some or all investors are overconfident about their abilities,and hence overestimate the quality of information signals they have generated about security values. Other individuals exploit the pricing errors introduced by the trading of the informed overconfident individuals,but do not eliminate all mispricing be-cause of risk aversion.31For the first approach,see,for example,Black~1986!,De Long et al.~1990a,1990b!,and Campbell and Kyle~1993!.For the second approach,see,for example,Shiller~1981!,De Long et al~1991!,Hirshleifer,Subrahmanyam,and Titman~1994!,Benartzi and Thaler~1995!,Ca-balléand Sákovics~1996!,Kyle and Wang~1997!,Barberis,Shleifer,and Vishny~1998!,Daniel, Hirshleifer,and Subrahmanyam~1998!,Hong and Stein~1999!,Odean~1998!,and Wang~1998!, Barberis,Huang,and Santos~1999!,Benos~2000!.2See,for example,the discussions and references in DeBondt and Thaler~1995!,Daniel et al.~1998!,and Odean~1998!.There are good reasons to think that overconfidence may have evolved under natural selection as a way to promote genetic reproduction;see the discussion and analysis in Daniel and Titman~1999!,Bernardo and Welch~2000!,and Hirschleifer and Hirscheifer~2001!.3Our analysis differs from previous models of investor overconfidence~see,e.g.,De Long et al.~1991!,Hirshleifer et al.~1994!,Caballéand Sákovics~1996!,Kyle and Wang~1997!, Daniel et al.~1998!,Odean~1998!,Wang~1998!,Benos~2000!,Gervais and Odean~2000!,and Hirshleifer and Luo~2000!!in examining how covariance risk and misvaluation jointly deter-mine the cross section of expected security returns.Our specification of overconfidence is most similar to those of Kyle and Wang~1997!,Daniel et al.~1998!,and Odean~1998!.Daniel et al. ~1998!assumes risk neutrality and a single risky security in order to examine the dynamics of shifts in confidence as a result of biased self-attribution,and the possibility of either over-or underreaction.Overconfidence and Asset Pricing923 This paper examines only static overconfidence in a single period.Thismakes it tractable to integrate risk aversion,multiple risky securities,andthe effects of arbitrageurs within one model.Our focus is therefore on pro-viding a cross-sectional asset pricing model when there is long-run overre-action and correction.The analysis does not address the intertemporal patternsof short-term versus long-term return autocorrelations studied in Barberis,Shleifer,and Vishny~1998!,Daniel,Hirshleifer,and Subrahmanyam~1998!,and Hong and Stein~1999!.4The relation of our paper to these dynamicmodels is discussed further in Section I.In addition to offering new empirical implications,the model explains avariety of known cross-sectional empirical findings~see Appendix A!,includ-ing:~1!value-growth effects,that is,the ability of fundamental0price ratios ~dividend yield,earnings0price,and book0market!to predict cross-sectional differences in future returns,incrementally to market beta;~2!inclusion offundamental0price variables weakening,and in some tests dominating,theeffect of beta on future returns;~3!the ability of firm size to predict futurereturns when size is measured by market value,but not when measured bynon-market proxies such as book value;~4!greater ability of book0marketthan firm size to predict future returns in both univariate and multivariatestudies;and~5!the positive association between aggregate fundamental-scaled price measures and future aggregate stock market returns.Some recent papers~see Section I!have attempted to explain these patternswith rational asset pricing models.The challenges faced by risk-based expla-nations are significant~see Appendix A for details!.Within the standard asset-pricing framework,the high Sharpe ratios achieved by trading strategies basedon these patterns would imply extreme variation in marginal utility,espe-cially given that returns to such strategies seem to have low correlations withplausible risk factors.Although we cannot rule out explanations based on riskor market imperfections,it is reasonable to consider alternative explanationssuch as ours,which are based on imperfect rationality.In our model,investors receive private information about,and misvalue,both systematic factors and firm-specific payoffs.Although we assume thatinvestors are overconfident about both types of information,all of the re-sults about the cross section of security returns follow so long as investorsare overconfident about either factor information,residual information,orboth.We show that in equilibrium,expected security returns are linearlyincreasing in the beta of the security with an adjusted market portfolio,asperceived by the overconfident investors.However,expected returns alsodepend on current mispricing,so returns can be predicted better by condi-4Put differently,we look at overreaction and its correction,but do not model extra dates in which overreaction can temporarily become more severe,and in which overreaction may be sluggishly corrected.Such a dynamic pattern can lead to short-term positive return autocorre-lations~“momentum”!as well as long term negative autocorrelation~“reversal”!.Recently,Je-gadeesh and Titman~1999!have provided evidence that momentum,though often interpreted as a simple underreaction,results from a process of continuing overreaction followed by correction.924The Journal of Financetioning on proxies for misvaluation.A natural ingredient for such a proxy is the security’s market price itself,because price ref lects misvaluation.For example,following a favorable information signal,investor expectations over-react,so the price is too high.A misvaluation proxy that contains price in the denominator therefore decreases.In this setting,firms with low fundamental0price ratios are overvalued,and vice versa.In consequence, high fundamental0price ratios predict high future returns.The model implies that even when covariance risk is priced,fundamental-scaled price measures can be better forecasters of future returns than co-variance risk measures such as beta~see Appendix A for existing evidence!. Intuitively,the reason that fundamental0price ratios have incremental power to predict returns is that a high fundamental0price ratio~e.g.,high book0 market!can arise from high risk and0or overreaction to an adverse signal.If price is low due to a risk premium,on average it rises back to the uncondi-tional expected terminal cash f low.If there is an overreaction to genuine adverse information,then the price will,on average,recover only part way toward the unconditional expected terminal value.Since high book0market ref lects both mispricing and risk,whereas beta ref lects only risk,book0 market can be a better predictor of returns.5In general,knowing the level of covariance risk~beta!helps disentangle risk and mispricing effects.This is consistent with the findings of several empirical studies~discussed in Appendix A!that beta positively predicts fu-ture returns after controlling for fundamental0price ratios or size.Further-more,the model implies that regressing~or cross-classifying!based on fundamental0price ratios such as book0market weakens the effect of beta. This is also consistent with existing evidence.Interestingly,there is a spe-cial case of extreme overconfidence in which risk is priced and beta is a perfect proxy for risk,yet beta does not have any incremental explanatory power.Thus,such a test can create the appearance that market risk is not priced even if it is fully priced.Subsection C.1in Section II provides a nu-merical illustration of the basic intuition for these implications.The positive relation of fundamental0price ratios to future returns is not a general implication of investor misvaluation.Rather,it is a specific conse-quence of our assumption that individuals are overconfident.If,contrary to psychological evidence,individuals were on the whole underconfident,then they would underreact to adverse private signals—a low price would on av-erage need to fall further,so a high book0market ratio would forecast low future returns.Thus,the evidence of a positive relation between fundamental0 price ratios to future returns supports theories based on a well-known psy-chological bias,overconfidence,over theories based on pure underreaction. The theory has other implications about the ability of alternative misval-uation proxies to predict future returns.Because the market value of the firm ref lects misvaluation,firm size as measured by market value predicts 5Berk~1995!derives an explicit set of statistical conditions under which a price-related variable such as size has incremental power to predict future returns.Here,we offer an equi-librium model in order to explore the economic conditions under which this occurs.Overconfidence and Asset Pricing925 future returns but nonmarket measures of firm size do not.Of course,price ~or market value!can vary in the cross section simply because unconditional expected firm payoffs vary across firms.Scaling prices by fundamental mea-sures~e.g.,book value,earnings,or dividends!can improve predictive power by filtering out such irrelevant variation.Thus,a variable such as book0 market tends to predict future returns better than size.Nevertheless,if the fundamental proxy measures expected future cash f lows with error,market value still has some incremental ability beyond the fundamental0price ratio to predict future returns.In addition,industry normalized measures~e.g., price–earnings ratio relative to industry price–earnings!can filter out industry-wide noise in fundamental measures,at the cost of removing industry-wide misvaluation.Our analysis also offers empirical implications that are untested or that have received confirmation subsequent to our developing the model.The theory predicts that fundamental0price ratios should better forecast risk-adjusted returns for businesses that are hard to value~e.g.,R&D-intensive firms comprised largely of intangible assets!.Recent empirical research has provided evidence consistent with this implication~see Section IV!.The theory also offers implications about the cross-sectional dispersion in fundamental0 price ratios and their power to predict future returns in relation to market-wide levels of fundamental0price ratios.Further untested empirical implications relate to current volume as a pre-dictor of future market return volatility.High volume indicates extreme sig-nals and strong disagreement between overconfident traders and arbitrageurs. High volume therefore predicts a larger future correction.This leads to im-plications regarding the relation between current volume and future market volatility,and how this relation varies over time as confidence shifts.In our setting,arbitrageurs have an incentive to trade against mispricing. We show that portfolio-based arbitrage strategies have very different con-sequences for the persistence of idiosyncratic versus systematic mispricing. Risk-averse arbitrageurs can profit by investing in value or small-cap port-folios~or funds!and short-selling portfolios with the reverse characteristics. With many securities,arbitrageurs are able to eliminate large idiosyncratic mispricing for all but a few securities,because their arbitrage portfolios remove almost all idiosyncratic risk.In contrast,risk-averse arbitrageurs do not eliminate the systematic mispricing.Thus,although all the model im-plications follow so long as there is misvaluation of either residuals or fac-tors,to maintain a large magnitude for the effects on many securities,a nonnegligible proportion of investors must be overconfident about their pri-vate information concerning systematic factors.66A further objection to models with imperfect rationality is that if such trading causes wealth to f low from irrational to smart traders,eventually the smart traders may dominate price setting.In our setting,arbitrageurs exploit the mispricing,but do not earn riskless profits.Furthermore,as in De Long et al.~1990a!,overconfident individuals invest more heavily in risky assets,and thereby may earn higher or lower expected profits than the arbitrageurs.926The Journal of FinanceIn fact,casual empiricism strongly suggests that investors,rightly or wrongly,do think that there is private information about aggregate factors.This per-ception is consistent with the existence of an active industry selling macro-economic forecasts.Consistent with genuine private information about aggregatefactors,several studies have provided evidence that aggregate insider tradingforecasts future industry and aggregate stock market returns~see,e.g.,La-konishok and Lee~1998!!.In addition,there are many market timers who tradebased on what they perceive to be information about market aggregates,andinvestors looking for industry plays such as Internet or biotech stocks.The remainder of the paper is structured as follows.Section I describesthe relation of this paper to some recent models of overreaction and securi-ties prices.Section II presents a pricing model based on investor psychology.Section III examines the forecasting of future returns using both mispricingmeasures and traditional risk-based return measures~such as the marketbeta!,and develops further empirical implications.Section IV examines fur-ther empirical implications relating to variables affecting the degree of over-confidence.Section V examines volume and future volatility.Section VIexamines the profitability of trading by arbitrageurs and overconfident in-dividuals.Section VII concludes.I.Some Recent Models of Security Return PredictabilityWhy size and fundamental0price ratios forecast returns,and why system-atic risk fails to do so consistently,remain a matter of debate.Rational assetpricing theory provides a straightforward motivation for value0growth ef-fects.Because,holding constant expected payoff,price is inversely related tosecurity risk,a fundamental0price ratio is an inverse measure of risk.Ifempirical beta is an imperfect measure of risk,the fundamental0price ratiowill have incremental power to predict returns~see,e.g.,Miller and Scholes ~1982!;Berk~1995!!.Thus,Fama and French~1993!argue that the size and value premia are rational risk premia.Investors are willing to pay a pre-mium for growth stocks~and earn correspondingly low returns!because theyallow investors,for example,to hedge changes in the investment opportu-nity set~Merton~1973!!.However,such a hypothesis suggests that the re-turns of these portfolios should comove with aggregate economic variables,which does not appear to be the case.Other rational models of value0growtheffects are provided by Berk,Green,and Naik~1999!based on real options,and by Jones and Slezak~1999!based on information asymmetry.It is notclear whether these approaches address the high Sharpe ratios attainable byvalue0growth strategies~MacKinlay~1995!!.Lewellen and Shanken~2000!find that,owing to rational learning,highdividend yields should be associated with high subsequent aggregate mar-ket returns in ex post data.In addition,if learning about variances is im-perfectly rational,these effects can persist in the long run.They also derivethe possibility that such an effect can occur cross-sectionally,but dependingon investor priors,value stocks could be associated with either relativelyhigh or low subsequent returns.Overconfidence and Asset Pricing927 Several recent models have examined underreaction,overreaction,and cor-rection in intertemporal settings to derive implications for short-run versus long-run autocorrelations in individual security returns.Intuitively,a pat-tern of long-run negative autocorrelation for individual securities will tend to induce a cross-sectional value-growth effect at a given time across stocks. So the insights of these models suggest a cross-sectional relation between fundamental0price ratios and subsequent returns.In Daniel et al.~1998!,individuals who are overconfident about private signals overreact to those signals.As they update their confidence over time, this overreaction temporarily becomes more severe before correcting.As a result,there is long-run overreaction and correction.Barberis et al.~1998!is based on the representativeness heuristic and conservatism rather than over-confidence.Investors who see only a few quarters of good earnings under-react to this good news,but those who see many quarters of good news overreact to it.This overreaction leads to subsequent low returns in the correction.Hong and Stein~1999!focus on the behavior of newswatchers who underreact to private information,and to momentum traders who con-dition on a subset of past prices.Momentum traders buy a rising stock, causing it to overreact.Again,this overreaction leads to subsequent low long-run returns.The above papers,like the present paper,consider investors who form erroneous expectations of asset values or do not use all available informa-tion in forming such expectations.In contrast,Barberis and Huang~2000! focus on alternative preference assumptions.In their model,the combina-tion of asset-by-asset mental accounting~see Thaler~1980!!and loss aver-sion of investors results in high equity returns and in cross-sectional effects.A common feature of these papers is that they derive implications of in-vestor misvaluation,but do not analyze how risk pricing interacts with mis-pricing in the cross section.Our paper differs in examining how measures of misvaluation and systematic risk jointly determine the cross section of ex-pected future returns.7II.The ModelA.The Economic SettingIn the introduction,we argued that the psychological basis for overconfi-dence is that people overestimate their own expertise.A signal that only a subset of individuals receive presumably ref lects special expertise on the7An alternative approach to securities pricing is offered by Shefrin and Statman~1994!,who analyze the effect of mistaken beliefs on equilibrium in stock,option,and bond markets.Their model allows for general beliefs,and therefore for a wide range of possible patterns.However, their focus is not on empirically predicting the direction of pricing errors or addressing evidence on the cross section of security returns.In a contemporaneous paper,Shumway~1998!exam-ines the effects of loss aversion on securities prices.He does not,however,examine whether this approach can explain the known patterns in the cross section of securities prices.928The Journal of Financepart of the recipients.This suggests that people will tend to be overconfi-dent about private signals.We therefore examine a setting in which some traders possess private information and some do not.A trader who possesses a private information signal is overconfident about that signal:he overesti-mates its precision.A trader who does not possess that signal has no per-sonal reason to be overconfident about its precision.8The analysis has two other equivalent interpretations.First,the class of investors that are not overconfident can instead be viewed as a set of fully rational uninformed investors.These traders can also be viewed as being fully rational informed arbitrageurs.All three interpretations lead to iden-tical results.We refer to the signals the informed individuals receive as “private.”9Individuals who receive a private signal about a factor or about a security’s idiosyncratic payoff component are referred to as the overconfi-dent informed with respect to that signal.Individuals who do not receive a given signal are referred to as arbitrageurs with respect to that signal.10A.1.TimingA set of identical risk-averse individuals are each endowed with baskets containing shares of NϩK risky securities and of a risk-free consumption claim with terminal~date2!payoff of1.Prior to trade at date1,individuals hold identical prior beliefs about the risky security payoffs.At date1,some, but not all,individuals receive noisy private signals about the risky security payoffs.Whether or not an individual receives a signal affects his belief about the precision of that signal.Individuals then trade securities based on their beliefs.At date2,conclusive public information arrives,the NϩK securities pay liquidating dividends of uϭ~u1,...,u NϩK!',the risk-free secu-rity pays1,and all consumption takes place.118A purely rational trader would disagree with the overconfident investors as to posterior payoff variances.This suggests that there may be profit opportunities for trading in options markets.If the model were extended to continuous time using the stylized assumptions of arbitrage-based option pricing~smooth diffusion of information,nonstochastic volatility!,then rational traders would be able to obtain large risk-free profits by forming hedge portfolios of options,stocks,and bonds.However,as options professionals are well aware,information ar-rives in discrete chunks such as earnings reports,and volatility evolves stochastically.Thus, even a trader who has a better assessment of volatility cannot make risk-free profits.In other words,a reasonable dynamic extension of the model would provide risky profit opportunities, but not arbitrage opportunities,to rational agents.9An overconfident investor recognizes that those other investors who receive the same sig-nal he0she does perceive a similarly high precision for it.Because this perception is shared,the investor does not regard the others as overconfident about this signal.The investor does rec-ognize overconfidence in others about signals which they receive,if he0she does not receive that signal him0herself.10We therefore allow for the possibility that an individual is overconfident with respect to one signal,but acts rationally to arbitrage mispricing arising from a different signal.11Incorporating a nonzero risk-free rate would increase notational complexity but would not alter the central insights offered here.A.2.Individuals and the Portfolio ProblemAll individuals have identical preferences.Individual j selects his portfolio to maximize E j@Ϫexp~ϪA c j!#,where c j,date2consumption,is equal to his port-folio payoff.The j subscript here denotes that the expectations are taken using individual j’s beliefs,conditional on all information available to j as of date1. Let P denote the date1vector of prices of each security relative to the risk-free security,x j denote the vector of risky security demands by individual j, and let x j be the vector of individual j’s security endowment.Let m j[E j@u# denote the vector of expected payoffs,and V j[E j@~uϪE j@u#!~uϪE j@u#!'#de-note the covariance matrix of security payoffs.Because all asset payoffs are normally distributed,individual j solvesmaxxj x j'm jϪA2x j'V j x j subject to x j'Pϭx j'P.~1!All individuals act as price takers.Differentiating the Lagrangian with re-spect to x j'gives the first order condition:?L?x j'ϭm jϪA V j x jϪL Pϭ0.~2!The condition that the price of the risk-free security in terms of itself is1 implies that the Lagrangian multiplier Lϭ1,soPϭm jϪA V j x j.~3!A.3.Risky Security Payoffs—The Factor StructureBefore any information signals are received,the distribution of security payoffs at date2are described by the following K-factor structure:u iϭu iϩ(kϭ1K b ik f kϩe i,~4!where b ik is the loading of the i th security on the k th factors,f k is realization of the k th factor,and e i is the i th residual.As is standard with factor models, we specify w.l.o.g.that E@f k#ϭ0,E@f k2#ϭ1,E@f j f k#ϭ0∀i j,E@e i#ϭ0, E@e i f k#ϭ0∀i,k.The values of u i and b ik are common knowledge,but the realizations of f k and e i are not revealed until date2.Let V i e denote V ar~e i!. With many securities,K mimicking portfolios can be formed that correlate arbitrarily closely with the K factors and diversify away the idiosyncratic risk.As a convenient approximation,we assume that each of the first K securities is a factor-mimicking portfolio for factor K,and therefore that each of these assets has zero residual variance,has a loading of1on factor k,and zero on the other KϪ1factors.Overconfidence and Asset Pricing929。
CEO Overconfidence and Corporate Investment
论述两种对立观点的英语作文
论述两种对立观点的英语作文The Pros and Cons of Technological Advancements.In today's world, technological advancements are shaping our lives in profound and unprecedented ways. While some view these advancements as pure blessings, others are skeptical about their impact on society. This essay aims to explore both sides of the argument, discussing the benefits and drawbacks of technological advancements.The Benefits of Technological Advancements.Increased Efficiency and Convenience.One of the most significant benefits of technological advancements is the increase in efficiency and convenience they bring to our daily lives. Automation and artificial intelligence have transformed various industries, making processes faster and more accurate. For instance, in manufacturing, robots have replaced human workers,increasing production rates while reducing errors. Similarly, in healthcare, advanced diagnostic tools and technologies allow doctors to make more informed decisions, leading to better patient outcomes.Enhanced Communication and Connectivity.Technological advancements have also revolutionized the way we communicate and connect with each other. Theinternet and social media platforms have broken geographical barriers, allowing people from different parts of the world to stay connected and share information seamlessly. This has not only made it easier for people to stay in touch but has also facilitated the spread of knowledge and ideas.Improved Quality of Life.Another noteworthy benefit of technological advancements is the improvement they have brought to our quality of life. Innovations in areas like healthcare, transportation, and entertainment have made life morecomfortable and enjoyable. For instance, remote healthcare technologies allow patients to consult doctors without having to travel, while electric vehicles and public transportation systems have reduced pollution and traffic congestion.The Drawbacks of Technological Advancements.Job Displacement and Inequality.One of the primary concerns regarding technological advancements is job displacement and the widening gap between the rich and the poor. Automation and robots have led to the loss of millions of jobs, particularly in sectors like manufacturing and customer service. While new jobs have been created in other sectors, not everyone has the skills or opportunities to access them. This has led to increased economic inequality and social tension.Privacy Concerns.With the widespread use of technology, privacy hasbecome a major concern. Big data and surveillance technologies allow governments and corporations to trackand analyze our every move, infringing on our privacy rights. This not only raises concerns about personalsecurity but also has the potential to erode democratic values and freedoms.Addiction and Mental Health Issues.Another significant drawback of technological advancements is the rise in addiction and mental health issues. The constant stream of information andentertainment available on digital devices can be addictive, leading to issues like screen addiction, anxiety, and depression. This is particularly problematic among younger individuals, who are more prone to these issues due totheir increased use of technology.In conclusion, technological advancements have brought numerous benefits to society, from increased efficiency and convenience to improved quality of life. However, they also pose significant challenges, including job displacement,privacy concerns, and mental health issues. It is crucial that we continue to discuss and debate these issues to ensure that technology serves the interests of all and does not exacerbate existing social problems. Only by doing so can we harness the full potential of technology for the betterment of society.。
有效市场假说(英文)
Characteristic Example
Overconfidence Investors have unrealistically narrow range forecasts for future stock-market index levels. Overconfidence leads to overtrading and greater losses (Barber and Odean, 2001).
July 3rd 2012
Mark Largan | Current Issues in Finance | MSc in Finance and Management
Behavioural finance
Behavioural psychologists have tried to explain why and how investors might be irrational.
July 3rd 2012
Mark Largan | Current Issues in Finance | MSc in Finance and Management
Behavioural finance
Behavioural finance also argues that the ‘there is no free lunch’ argument which applies to rational pricing in an efficient market can also apply to an inefficient market.
July 3rd 2012
Mark Largan | Current Issues inБайду номын сангаасFinance | MSc in Finance and Management
过于自信的 英语作文
Excessive selfconfidence can be a doubleedged sword.While confidence is essential for success in various aspects of life,too much of it can lead to overestimation of ones abilities and a lack of awareness of potential pitfalls.Heres an essay exploring the concept of overconfidence and its implications.Title:The Pitfalls of OverconfidenceIn the pursuit of success,selfconfidence is often touted as a key ingredient.It is the fuel that propels individuals to take risks,face challenges,and embrace opportunities. However,when selfconfidence morphs into overconfidence,it can become a hindrance rather than a help.This essay delves into the nature of overconfidence,its potential dangers,and the importance of maintaining a balanced perspective.Overconfidence DefinedOverconfidence arises when an individuals belief in their abilities surpasses their actual capabilities.It is characterized by an inflated sense of selfworth and an unwavering conviction in ones own success.While a healthy level of selfassurance can be beneficial, overconfidence can lead to complacency,poor decisionmaking,and a disregard for the advice of others.The Dangers of Overconfidenceplacency:Overconfident individuals may become complacent,assuming that their natural abilities will carry them through any situation.This can result in a lack of preparation and a failure to adapt to changing circumstances.2.Poor DecisionMaking:Overconfidence can cloud judgment,leading to decisions made without sufficient information or consideration of potential consequences.3.Underestimation of Risks:Those who are overconfident may not fully assess risks, believing that they can overcome any obstacle without difficulty.4.Resistance to Feedback:Overconfident individuals often dismiss feedback or criticism, which can hinder personal growth and the ability to learn from mistakes.5.Impact on Relationships:Overconfidence can create friction in personal and professional relationships,as others may perceive the individual as arrogant or dismissive of their input.Balancing Confidence and HumilityTo avoid the pitfalls of overconfidence,it is crucial to strike a balance between selfassurance and humility.Recognizing ones strengths while remaining open to learning and growth is essential.Here are some strategies to maintain this balance:1.SelfReflection:Regularly assess ones abilities and achievements objectively, acknowledging areas for improvement.2.Seek Feedback:Actively seek feedback from others and be open to constructive criticism.3.Continuous Learning:Embrace a growth mindset,always looking for opportunities to learn and develop new skills.4.Acknowledge Uncertainty:Accept that uncertainty is a part of life and that even the most capable individuals can encounter unforeseen challenges.5.Practice Humility:Recognize the contributions of others and the value of teamwork in achieving success.ConclusionIn conclusion,while selfconfidence is a vital component of personal and professional success,overconfidence can lead to a range of negative outcomes.By cultivating humility and remaining open to feedback and learning,individuals can harness the power of confidence without falling into the trap of overconfidence.It is through this balanced approach that one can navigate the complexities of life and achieve sustainable success.。
Boys will be boys
2.Return Calculation
Gross monthly return
R
gr ht
=
=
∑
sht
i=1
p i t R ig r t
p it R
net it
Net monthly return
R
net ht
∑
sht
i=1
pit :the beginning-of-month market value for the holding of stock i by
Household Account and Demographic Data
H2
return calculation
H1
Turnover
The Effect of Trading on Return Performance
Security Selection
Data and Method
Men are more confident than women
p
H it : the number of stocks held at the beginning of month t
The meaning of “1”: to make sure that the turnover is less than 1
If the number of stocks sold is larger than the household held at the beginning of the month, then assumes that all the stocks held are sold. Turnover is 1 in this situation.(ignore intramonth trading)
Overconfidence
By extension the observed anomalous behaviour of prices may be partly due to overconfidence.
Applications of overconfidence in asset markets
Methods of application:
Assume investors buy or sell stocks based on their expectations about indicators of company performance. Let‟s call this indicators φ.
A 2 2 E where ~ N(0, k ) t 1 t 1 i,t
K reduces the variance of the expectation of the investor. This implies that the investor believes that his estimate is more precise than what it really is. How can this affect financial markets?
One explanation for these phenomena is that investors are unable to act according to Neoclassical theories. A large body of evidence indicates that people:
Why is it important?
Overconfidence leads to a sub-optimal use of information.
溢出效应 英语
溢出效应英语Here is an essay on the topic of "Spillover Effect" in English, with the content exceeding 1000 words as per your instructions. Please note that the title is not included in the word count.The modern world is a highly interconnected and interdependent one, where the actions of one entity can have far-reaching consequences that extend beyond its immediate sphere of influence. This phenomenon, known as the "spillover effect," has become an increasingly significant consideration in various aspects of our lives, from economics and politics to social and environmental realms. In this essay, we will explore the concept of the spillover effect, its implications, and the ways in which it shapes the global landscape.At its core, the spillover effect refers to the situation where the impact of an event, decision, or action in one area or system spills over and affects other areas or systems that may not have been the primary target or intended recipient of the initial influence. This can occur in both positive and negative ways, and the magnitude of the spillover can vary greatly depending on the specific circumstances.One of the most prominent examples of the spillover effect can befound in the realm of economics. The global financial crisis of 2008, which originated in the subprime mortgage market in the United States, is a prime illustration of how a localized event can have far-reaching consequences. The collapse of the housing bubble and the subsequent ripple effects through the financial system led to a global recession, causing widespread job losses, declines in consumer spending, and a decrease in international trade. This economic spillover effect impacted countries and industries that had little direct involvement in the initial crisis, demonstrating the interconnectedness of the global economy.Similarly, the COVID-19 pandemic has showcased the profound spillover effects that can occur in the realm of public health. The outbreak of the virus in a single region quickly escalated into a global pandemic, with widespread social, economic, and political ramifications. Lockdowns, travel restrictions, and supply chain disruptions in one country had immediate implications for other nations, leading to a global economic downturn, job losses, and social upheaval. The spillover effects of the pandemic have been felt in virtually every aspect of our lives, from education and healthcare to entertainment and personal relationships.Beyond the economic and public health spheres, the spillover effect can also be observed in the environmental domain. The deforestation of the Amazon rainforest, for instance, not onlyimpacts the local ecosystem but also has broader implications for global climate patterns, biodiversity, and the overall health of the planet. The burning of fossil fuels in one region can contribute to air pollution and climate change, which then affect communities and environments far beyond the source of the emissions. The interconnectedness of the natural world means that environmental issues rarely remain localized, and the spillover effects can be profound and far-reaching.In the political realm, the spillover effect is equally prevalent. The rise of populist movements or the implementation of protectionist policies in one country can have significant implications for international relations, trade agreements, and global stability. The decisions made by political leaders can reverberate across borders, influencing the economic and social well-being of other nations. The recent trade tensions between the United States and China, for example, have had a ripple effect on the global economy, affecting businesses and consumers worldwide.The recognition of the spillover effect has led to a growing emphasis on the importance of global cooperation and coordination. Addressing complex issues that transcend national boundaries requires a collaborative approach, where nations, organizations, and individuals work together to mitigate the negative spillover effects and leverage the positive ones. This has become increasingly evidentin the realm of climate change, where international agreements and collective action are crucial to addressing a global challenge that knows no borders.Furthermore, the understanding of the spillover effect has also prompted a shift in the way we approach problem-solving and decision-making. Policymakers, business leaders, and individuals alike are now more cognizant of the potential unintended consequences of their actions and the need to consider the broader implications beyond the immediate context. This has led to the development of more comprehensive and holistic approaches to addressing societal, economic, and environmental challenges.In conclusion, the spillover effect is a fundamental concept that highlights the interconnectedness of our world and the far-reaching consequences of our actions. Whether in the realm of economics, public health, the environment, or politics, the spillover effect serves as a constant reminder that our decisions and behaviors can have profound and often unpredictable impacts on the world around us. By acknowledging and understanding the spillover effect, we can strive to make more informed and responsible choices, fostering a more sustainable and equitable global community.。
cfa单词一级2023
1. 额外报酬(Additional Compensation):客户会提供的额外报酬,注意披露。
2. 旁观者效应(Bystander Effect):情景影响的一种,当周围有旁人时,人的行为会受到影响。
3. 考生保证书(Candidate Pledge):考试时考生签署的保证遵守考试纪律的承诺书。
4. 警告信(Cautionary Letter):警告信是非公开的,一般适用于相对不太严重的违反行为。
5. 民事非暴力反抗(Civil Disobedience):民众举行的抗议活动,属于个人行为。
6. 客户指定经纪费(Client Directed Brokerage):客户指定经纪费如何使用的一种费用。
7. 共同投资(Co-Investment):与客户共同进行投资,目的是共担风险。
8. 合规部门(Compliance Department):保持公司治理、风险控制及遵守法律法规的部门。
9. 机密(Confidentiality):遵守保密性,不可随意的泄露客户的信息。
10. 对价(Consideration):一方为换取另一方做某事的承诺而向另一方支付的金钱代价或得到该种承诺的代价。
11. 信用评级机构(Credit-rating Agencies):对证券发行人和证券信用进行等级评定的组织,给出的债券评级会影响债券发行人的融资成本。
12. 下行风险(Downside Risk):是指未来股价走势有可能低于分析师或投资者预期的目标价位的风险。
13. 尽职调查(Due Diligence):投资人在与目标企业达成初步合作意向后,投资人对目标企业一切与本次投资有关的事项进行现场调查、资料分析的活动。
14. 公平交易(Fair Dealing):在提供投资分析,做投资建议,采取投资决策等活动时,公平公正对待所有的客户。
15. 信托(Fiduciary):委托人基于对受托人的信任,将其财产权委托给受托人,由受托人按委托人的意愿以自己的名义,为受益人的利益或特定目的,进行管理和处分的行为。
公共空间有害吗英语作文
Public spaces are integral parts of a community,serving as venues for social interaction,recreation,and cultural activities.However,the question of whether public spaces are harmful is a complex one,with various factors to consider.Here are some points to explore in an essay on the potential harms of public spaces:1.Overcrowding:Public spaces can become overcrowded,especially during peak times or special events.This can lead to discomfort,stress,and even health risks due to the spread of infectious diseases.ck of Maintenance:If public spaces are not wellmaintained,they can become hazardous.Poor lighting,broken equipment,and unclean areas can pose safety risks to visitors.3.Crime and Security Issues:Public spaces can sometimes be associated with higher crime rates,especially if they are not monitored or if there is a lack of security personnel. This can make people feel unsafe and discourage them from using these spaces.4.Noise Pollution:Public spaces can be sources of noise pollution,which can be harmful to mental health and wellbeing.Excessive noise can lead to stress,sleep disturbances,and hearing problems.5.Environmental Impact:The management of public spaces can have environmental implications,such as the use of water for landscaping,the generation of waste,and the impact on local ecosystems.6.Exclusion and Discrimination:Public spaces can sometimes be designed or managed in ways that exclude certain groups of people,such as those with disabilities or marginalized communities.This can lead to feelings of alienation and a lack of access to public resources.mercialization:The commercialization of public spaces can lead to a loss of community spirit and authenticity.Overcommercialization can make public spaces feel impersonal and reduce their value as community assets.8.Privacy Concerns:With the rise of surveillance technology,public spaces can become areas where privacy is compromised.This can lead to a loss of trust in public institutions and a feeling of being constantly monitored.9.Health Risks:In some cases,public spaces can harbor health risks such as allergens, poor air quality,or exposure to harmful substances.10.Cultural Homogenization:The design and programming of public spaces can sometimes lead to a loss of cultural diversity,as spaces are designed to appeal to a broad audience rather than reflecting the unique characteristics of a community.In conclusion,while public spaces offer numerous benefits to communities,they can also present challenges and potential harms.It is essential for urban planners,policymakers, and community members to work together to create public spaces that are safe,inclusive, and beneficial to all.。
唤醒文化自信的英语
唤醒文化自信的英语1.M e n N o w a d a y s M u s t B u i l d U p S e l f-C o n f i d e n c e A n d P r o p e r P r i d e O f N a t i o n a l C u l t u r e,M a i n l y A d v o c a t i n g O u r O w n N a t i o n a l i s m.当代人要树立文化自信心和自尊心,全力提倡文化的民族主义。
2.T h e Re s e a r c h O n Tr a d i t i o n a l W u s h u D e v e l o p m e n t F r o m T h eA n g l e O f W u s h u C u l t u r a l C o n f i d e n c e A n d C o n s c i o u s n e s s;从武术文化自信与自觉的角度谈传统武术的发展3.Re b u i l d C u l t u r a l C o n f i d e n c e St i c k To A r t i s t i c N o u m e n o n重建文化自信坚守艺术本体——国家舞台艺术精品工程评选感悟4.C u l t u r a l C h a l l e n g e A n d C u l t u r a l S e l f-C o n f i d e n c e I n T h e C o n t e x t O f G l o b a l i z a t i o n;全球化语境下文化的挑战与文化的自信5.C u l t u r a l D e v e l o p m e n t O f W u s h u:F r o m S e l f-C o u n s i o u s n e s s To M o d e r n i z a t i o n中国武术文化发展视阈:从自知自信走向现代化6.“O v e r c o n f i d e n c e”A n d I t s C r o s s-C u l t u r a l Va r i a t i o n;“过分自信”的研究及其跨文化差异7.M a r g i n A n d S e l f-C o n f i d e n c e--O n T h e C u l t u r a l P h e n o m e n a O f Z h a o t o n g D o w n T h e A g e s;边缘与自信——历史上的昭通文化现象8.A n d K n o w l e d g e O f Yo u r O w n C u l t u re A l l o w s Yo u To L e a r n A b o u t O t h e r C u l t u r e s W i t h C o n f i d e n c e.对自身文化有了透彻了解,我们才能充满自信地接触其他文化。
英语作文 广告的弊端
Advertising,a ubiquitous phenomenon in modern society,has its undeniable benefits in promoting products and services.However,it is also not without its drawbacks.Here are some of the negative aspects of advertising:1.Misleading Information:Sometimes,advertisements can be misleading,presenting products in a way that does not accurately reflect their true nature or capabilities.This can lead to consumer dissatisfaction and a loss of trust in the brand.2.Exploitation of Consumer Psychology:Advertisers often use psychological tactics to manipulate consumer desires and emotions.This can lead to impulsive buying decisions that consumers may later regret.3.Encouragement of Materialism:Advertising can foster a culture of materialism,where people are encouraged to equate happiness with the acquisition of material goods.This can lead to a focus on superficial values over more meaningful aspects of life.4.Overconsumption:The constant exposure to advertisements can lead to overconsumption,as consumers are persuaded to buy more than they need.This can contribute to environmental issues such as waste and resource depletion.mercialization of Public Spaces:Advertising has invaded many public spaces, from billboards to online platforms.This commercialization can detract from the aesthetic and communal value of these spaces.6.Invasion of Privacy:With the rise of targeted advertising,based on personal data,there is a growing concern about privacy invasion.Consumers may feel uncomfortable knowing that their personal information is being used to tailor advertisements to them.7.Negative Health Impacts:Certain types of advertisements,particularly those for junk food or alcohol,can have negative health implications.They can contribute to unhealthy lifestyle choices and exacerbate public health issues.8.Cultural Homogenization:Advertising can contribute to the globalization of culture, sometimes at the expense of local traditions and diversity.This can lead to a loss of cultural identity and uniqueness.9.Financial Burden on Businesses:The cost of advertising can be a significant financial burden for businesses,especially small and mediumsized enterprises.This can affect their ability to invest in other areas such as product development or customer service.10.Deceptive Practices:Some advertisers engage in deceptive practices,such as using false testimonials or exaggerated claims.This not only misleads consumers but also undermines the integrity of the advertising industry as a whole.In conclusion,while advertising plays a crucial role in the economy,it is essential to be aware of its potential negative impacts and to advocate for responsible advertising practices that respect consumers and the environment.。
regarding disclosure and marketing -回复
regarding disclosure and marketing -回复在本文中,我们将讨论有关披露和营销的重要性。
披露在商业和市场领域扮演着非常重要的角色,它是建立透明度和信任的基石。
我们将深入研究为什么披露对于各种类型的企业和市场活动至关重要,并提供一些关于如何进行有效披露的建议。
首先,让我们明确披露的概念。
披露是指向相关方提供有关企业、产品或服务的重要信息的过程。
这些信息可以涉及财务、法律、风险、可持续性等各个方面。
披露的目的是确保市场参与者具有准确、完整的信息,从而能够做出明智的决策。
披露对于企业的各个层面都很重要。
首先,它是建立企业信誉和声誉的关键因素之一。
通过透明地披露公司的财务状况和业务运营情况,企业能够赢得股东、投资者和潜在客户的信任。
另外,披露还有助于确保企业遵守法律和规定,避免潜在的法律风险,并使监管机构能够监督和审计企业的运营。
在营销领域,披露同样至关重要。
消费者在做出购买决策时,通常会希望了解产品或服务的相关信息,如成分、生产过程、质量保证等。
通过提供准确、详尽的披露信息,企业能够增强消费者对其产品或服务的信任和满意度。
此外,披露还可以帮助企业遵守广告法规,并避免因误导性宣传而面临法律责任。
披露的方式和途径多种多样,取决于企业的特定情况和所面临的要求。
以下是一些有效进行披露的方法:1. 财务披露:企业应该定期公布财务报表,提供给投资者和股东。
这些报表应该包括收入、费用、债务、现金流量等重要财务指标。
此外,在有关公司经营状况的公告中需要提供详细的解释和分析。
2. 可持续性披露:在现代商业环境中,可持续性已经成为一个热门话题。
企业应该披露自己在环境、社会和治理方面的政策和实践。
这些披露可以包括有关能源使用、碳足迹、员工福利、反腐败措施等方面的信息。
3. 产品披露:对于消费者来说,了解产品或服务的相关信息非常重要。
企业应该提供详细的产品说明、使用说明、成分清单等信息。
此外,如果产品存在任何安全风险或其他重要问题,企业需要及时进行披露。
关于土地征用的英文文献
Land Acquisition ActJerome KernIn India the government is empowered by the central law passed by the union legislature, which is known as the Land Acquisition Act, 1894. The objective of this Act is to amend the laws relating to land acquisition for public purpose and for companies and also to determine the compensation, which is required to be made in cases of land acquisition. The enactment states that the expression land includes benefits that arise of land and things attached to the earth or permanently attached to the anything fastened to the earth.Further the Land Acquisition Act also specifies the public officers who are authorized for such acquiring of land on behalf of the State. They include the Collector, Deputy Commissioner and also any officer who is specially appointed by the appropriate government under the authority of law. The collector prepares the declaration and copies are forwarded to the administrative departments and all the concerned parties. This declaration is then required to be published in the same manner as in case of the notification issued. The collector issues the awards, further allows a time of not less than 15 days for any objections to be filed.Moreover if the compensation given is under protest than as per the enactment the awardees are entitled to refer the matter to the court for determination of requisite amount of compensation.First, Right to Property“Right to acquire a property, although is not a fundamental right, but is a constitutional and human right. Before a person can be deprived of his right to acquire property, the law and/or a contract must expressly and explicitly state so.”The answer to the question, whether the property amendments violate the basic structure of our Constitution is in negative. The answer to this question depends upon the correct interpretation of the nature and effect of those amendments and their effect on fundamental rights and other basic features of our Constitution.The right conferred by Article 19(1) (f) and Article 31 read with the under noted entries were closely interwoven with the whole fabric of the Indian Constitution that those rights cannot be torn out without leaving a jaggedhole and broken threads replaced so as to harmonize with the other parts of the ConstitutionArticle 19(1) (f) and Article 31 (2) dealt with different, but connected aspects of the right to property. The above mentioned two articles were mutually exclusive. However, there was a difference in opinion in this regard which was clarified by the 25th Amendment which introduced in Article 31 a new clause (2-B) which provided that “Nothing in Article 19(1) (f) shall affect any such law as is referred to in clause (2).” The validity of this amendment was unanimously upheld in the Fundamental Rights case. The reason for this mutual exclusiveness was that when property is acquired for a public purpose on payment of compensation, the right of a citizen to hold property is gone, and the question of his right to hold that property subject to reasonable restrictions does not arise.Further Article 19(1) (f) which conferred on citizens the right to acquire, hold and dispose of property formed part of a group of articles under the heading “Right to Freedom.” It requires no elaborate argument to demonstrate that property is intimately connected with the right to freedom. Article 31 appeared under the heading “Right to Property”; for the right to freedom conferred by Article 19(1) (f) would be worth little if the property when acquired could be taken away by law. Hence Article 31 provided that private property could be acquired only for public purpose and on payment of compensation. There is nothing in the Statement of Objects and Reasons to show that the Parliament no longer looked upon the right to acquire hold and dispose of property as part of the Right to Freedom.Second,Principle of Determining CompensationBoth under amended and unamended Article 31(2), legislatures have an option either to fix the compensation in the law itself, or to lay down principles for determining compensation to be paid. Confining to the first option, if after the 4th Amendment, Parliament passed a law fixing compensation ranging from 90 to 50 per cent, or less, of the full and fair money equivalent (market value) of the property to be acquired, no court could set aside the law, for the challenge would be to the adequacy of compensation. In the result, the law would be a valid law although the compensation provided fell short, or far short, of the market value.If the question is asked “why the law has fixed the compensation amounting to 60%, and not 70 or 50 per cent of the market value?” the answer would be that in the legislative judgment the amount fixed by the law was a fair and just compensation for the acquisition of property under that law. And if a law fixing compensation at amounts ranging from 90 to 50 per cent,or less, of the market value of the property acquired cannot be struck down by a court, equally, “principles of compensation” cannot be struck down when they produce the same result. The consequence of the transformation brought about by the 4th Amendment is that “principles of compensation do not mean the same thing before and after the 4th Amendment. The 4th Amendment clearly explained the meaning of “principle of compensation” as rules, the application of which would enable a person to determine the full and fair money equivalent. The 4th Amendment took away the yardstick of full and fair money equivalent and put no determinate yardstick in its place.After the 4th Amendment, principles of compensation only meant general rules, the application of which would produce an amount which the legislature considered was just and fair compensation for the property acquired. The framers of the Constitution knew that to substitute the fixed yardstick of a full and fair equivalent by the changing yardstick of the legislative judgment of what is fair and just to the individual whose property is to be acquired, was to put wide powers in the hands of Parliament which were capable of abuse. But the framers considered it necessary that Parliament should have those powers, and that necessary powers cannot be withheld because they can be abused. As regards the State legislatures, the requirement of obtaining the President’s assent [i.e. approval of the Union Government] was considered a sufficient safeguard. As years went by, it was seen that the presumption that the elected representatives of the people would not enact unfair laws of acquisition was seen to be unfounded, because the power was gravely abused and at times, the power became a weapon of blackmail.The above analysis shows that the 4th Amendment expressly made compensation and principles of compensation non-justifiable. One question still remain open to judicial review, namely, whether the amount fixed or the amount derived from the principles laid down for determining the compensation could be described as compensation at all. If, for example, a law fixed Re. 1 for acquiring property of the market value Rs.1 lac, it is obvious that the legislature was observing the form but denying the substance of compensation. Such compensation would be struck down as illusory, i.e. in a practical sense, as no compensation at all. Where illusory compensation ends and grossly inadequate compensation begins, is a matter of difficulty which would have to be solved on the facts and circumstances for which the law provides. But apart from this limitation, the 4th Amendment was designed to exclude judicial review of “compensation” or principles of compensation for the acquisition of property.In Vejravelu’s case, the petitioner impugned the Land Acquisition (Madras Amendment) Act, 1961 which amended the Land Acquisition Act, 1894, by providing that for acquisition of land for housing purposes the compensation to be paid was to be the market value at the date of acquisition or the amount equal to the average market value during the five years immediately preceding the date of acquisition, whichever was less. The Amendment Act also excluded potential value of land. Since Subba Rao, C.J. struck down the impugned Act for violating Article 14m it was wholly unnecessary for him to go into the challenge to the said Act under Article 31. In fact, in the view which Subba Rao, C.J. took of the impugned Act under Article 14, he himself found it unnecessary to go into the challenge to the said Act under Article 19. The discussion in Vajravelu’s case of the effect of 4th Amendment is confused and self-contradictory. At one place Subba Rao, C.J. observed that if the 4th Amendment is amending Article 31(2) retained the word “compensation”, the word must be treated as having the meaning of “just equivalent.” However, he realized that to put this meaning would be to destroy the very object with which the 4th Amendment was enacted, namely, to nullify Bela Banerjee’s case. He therefore inconsistently upheld the grossly inadequate compensation provided for in the impugned Act. This judgment need not detain us further because Subba Rao, C.J.’s observation that “compensation” as used in the 4th Amendment mean “a just equivalent” was treated in State of Gujarat v. Shantilal Magaldas as not merely obiter but also erroneous.In Shantilal Magaldas’s case Shah, J. held that the Transfer of Property Act laid down a relevant principle when it provided for compensation being determined on the basis of market value prevailing on a date anterior to the extinction of interest of the property acquired. The value of Shantilal’s land was determined as on 18th April, 1927. The draft shceme was not sanctioned by Government till 7th August, 1942, (that is, not till after 15 years). The compensation payable was communicated to Shantilal on 23rd August, 1957 (that is, not till after 30 years). Yet Shah, J. held that after the 4th Amendment the Act and the scheme were valid under Article 31(2).The common features of the five provisions laying down the principles of compensation which Shah, J. held were “relevant” (not irrelevant) are as under:Firstly, they did not profess to aim at a just equivalent or the market value of the property at or about the time of acquisition; i.e. to say that the standard of just equivalent was discarded.Secondly, the compensation actually awarded was grossly inadequate, judged by the value of the property in the open market, at or about the time of acquisition.Finally, the compensation was not illusory.In addition to these principles Shah, J. showed that the principles of compensation are “relevant” if they deliberately omit an admitted element of market value, or disregard the continuous rise in the market value by taking the average of 5 years, or disregard the rise by taking the actual cost.The judgment given in Shantilal’s case vanished when the same learned judges delivered the judgment in the Bank Nationalization Case which nullified the 4th Amendment. Following propositions emerged from the majority decision:Compensation being the equivalent n terms of money of the property acquired the principle for determination of compensation is intended to award to the expropriated owner the value of the property acquired. The Constitution guarantees a right to compensation – an equivalent in money of the property acquired. That is the basic guarantee. The law must therefore, provide compensation, and for determining compensation relevant principles must be specified; if the principles are not relevant the ultimate value determined is not compensation.If appropriate method or principle is applied, the fact that by the application of another principle which is also appropriate a different value is realized, the court will not be justified in entertaining the contention that out of the two appropriate methods, one more generous to the owner should have been applied.Both the lines of thought (i.e. Vajravelu’s case and Shantilal’s case) which converge in the ultimate result, support the view that the principles specified by the law for the determination of compensation is beyond the pale of challenge, if it is relevant to determination of compensation and is recognized principle applicable in the determination of compensation for property compulsorily acquired and the principle is appropriate in determining the value of the class of property sought to be acquired.The value determined by the exclusion of important components of the undertaking such as goodwill and the value of unexpired period of leases, will not, in our judgment, be compensation for the undertaking.From:A review of Avijit Guha’s Land, Law, and Left土地征用法杰罗姆·柯恩出处:《法律与左审查》。
管理者过度自信的量化指标研究
管理者过度自信的量化指标研究发表时间:2014-11-18T14:14:38.903Z 来源:《价值工程》2014年第1月上旬供稿作者:袁晓红[导读] 资本市场有效性不足,因而难以用股票期权和CAR 来衡量管理者的过度自信。
Study on the Quantitative Indicator for Manager's Overconfidence袁晓红YUAN Xiao-hong(汕头职业技术学院经济管理系,汕头515000)(Department of Economics and Management,Shantou Polytechnic,Shantou 515000,China)摘要院随着行为财务理论的兴起,过度自信理论倍受人们的关注。
而在这一类研究中,实证研究远远滞后于理论研究,其中的主要原因是研究者们难以找到一个可行的方法来度量管理者的过度自信。
本文将对我国现有的关于管理者过度自信量化指标的研究做以梳理,并在此基础提出适合中国实际情况的量化指标。
Abstract: With the rise of behavioral finance theory, overconfidence theory is attracting more and more attention. But the empiricalresearch in this field is far lagging behind the theoretical research. The main reason is that the researchers are hard to find a feasiblemethod to measure managers' overconfidence. In this article, the existing research on managers overconfidence quantitative indicators aresummarized, and based on this, quantitative indicators suitable for China's actual situation are put forward.关键词院过度自信;量化指标;行为财务理论Key words: overconfidence;quantitative indicators;behavioral finance theory中图分类号院C931.3 文献标识码院A 文章编号院1006-4311(2014)01-0176-030 引言随着财务研究的不断深入,学者们发现资本市场中的许多经济现象与传统的财务理论不一致,开始对传统的理论假设提出质疑,产生了“行为公司财务理论”。
过度自信、有限参与和资产价格泡沫
Overconfidence, Limited Participation and Asset
Price Bubbles
作者: 吴卫星[1];汪勇祥[2];梁衡义[3]
作者机构: [1]对外经济贸易大学金融学院,100029;[2]哥伦比亚大学商学院博士生;[3]中国科学院应用数学所,100080
出版物刊名: 经济研究
页码: 115-127页
主题词: 过度自信;有限参与;资产价格泡沫
摘要:当存在模型不确定性且有限市场参与内生时,过度自信的投资者和理性投资者参与股票市场的程度有着不同的行为模式。
本文给出的模型分析了两种投资者在不同情况下对股票市场的参与情况,借此解释有限市场参与、超额进入和资产定价之间的关系。
模型在流动性溢价、投资者结构和风险溢价的关系等方面具有明显的实证含义。
模型表明,理性投资者有更大的投资区域,但是非理性投资者在其投资区域内更为激进。
进而,在不同情形下,模型给出了资产均衡价格与投资者结构之间对应关系。
企业异质性_高管过度自信与企业创新绩效_易靖韬
○ 易靖韬 张修平 王化成
摘要 本文选用科技部数据库中全 部 A 股上市公司作
研 究 发 现 , 有关高 管 过 度自信 的 大多 数 研 究 往 往 认
为研究样本,探讨高管过度自信对企业创新绩效的影响。 为过 度自信这一心理偏差会导致不利于股 东价 值( 企业
为了融合各种不同的解释本文根据lee等的研究选取企业规模和企业负债这两种异质性视角来考察当企业规模和企业负债不同时高管过度自信与企业创新绩效关系的变化认为企业规模和企业负债共同塑造过度自信的高管进行投资决策时的企业情境二者可能确立了高管过度自信与企业创新绩效之间关系变动的边界即高管决策的企业情境的不同会导致过度自信对创新结果的不同影响
始 研 究 过 度自 信这一 特 征在 企 业 管 理 者中的 表 现 。 一 些
关 于文 献中的 不同 研 究 结 论, 本 文 认 为高 管 过 度自
研究表明,过度自信的管理者会选择更高的负债水平和 信与企业创新绩效的关系有可能条件依赖于企业异质性
更多的股权融资,[7] 进行更多的投资。[8]
的情境。当高管决策的企业情境不同时,高管进行创新
本文的研究贡献主要体现在两个方面 :其一,与已 有 对 高 管 过 度自 信与 企 业 创 新 绩 效 关 系 的 研 究不同 ,[18 ,19 ] 本 文 通 过导入 企 业 异质 性 分 析 框 架 拓 展了过 去 的 传 统 分 析 范 式( 线 性 思 维), 补充 和丰富了决 策行为的 情 境 约 束 这一 新 的 研 究 视 角 , 突 破 了 现 有 研 究 基 于 企 业同 质 性 假 设 的 局 限 性 , 通 过 企 业 异质 的 情 境 约 束 可以 融 合不同 的研究解释。该研究从企业规模与企业负债两个异质维 度 进 行 拓 展 , 阐 明了在 不同 企 业 环 境 下, 过 度自 信 的 高 管对于创新绩效的影响具有差异性的表现。其二,由于 中国企业的专利数据较难获取,国内尚且没有利用专利 数据作为创新产出变量来研究二者的关系的文献,本文
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Accepted ManuscriptOverconfidence,public disclosure and long-lived informationDeqing ZhouPII:S0165-1765(12)00354-0DOI:10.1016/j.econlet.2012.06.022Reference:ECOLET5482To appear in:Economics LettersReceived date:14February2012Revised date:28May2012Accepted date:8June2012Please cite this article as:Zhou,D.,Overconfidence,public disclosure and long-lived information.Economics Letters(2012),doi:10.1016/j.econlet.2012.06.022This is a PDF file of an unedited manuscript that has been accepted for publication.As a service to our customers we are providing this early version of the manuscript.The manuscript will undergo copyediting,typesetting,and review of the resulting proof before it is published in its final form.Please note that during the production process errors may be discovered which could affect the content,and all legal disclaimers that apply to the journal pertain.Highlights:The single insider in this model is irrationally confident.He is required to publicly disclose his trades after the fact.We find the more confident insider trades less aggressively in the first trade. Half of the total information is revealed by the first trade.Overconfidence,Public Disclosure and Long-lived InformationDeqing Zhou∗a Department of Business Statistics and Econometrics,Guanghua School of Management,Peking University,100871,Chinab Center for Statistical Science,Peking University,Chinac School of Finance,Central University of Finance and Economics,100081,ChinaAbstractWe analyze a strategic trading model where an overconfident insider is required to pub-licly disclose his trades after the fact.Wefind the more confident insider is more concerned about the effect the initial trading has on the future.Keywords:Insider;Market makers;Overconfidence;Public disclosure;JEL classification:C72,D82,G141.IntroductionUsing an extension of the two periods frameworks of Kyle(1985)and Huddart et al. (2001),this work characterizes the optimal behavior of an irrationally confident insider who possesses a long-lived noisy private signal concerning the fundamental value of a risky asset under the mandatory disclosure requirement.Kyle(1985)examines the equilibrium strategy of a rational insider with no public disclosure.Huddart et al.(2001)extend Kyle(1985)to allow for public disclosure,but like Kyle(1985),they also assume the insider to be rational. 1Abundant evidences show,however,that most people most of the time are overconfidentin the sense that they overestimate the precision of their knowledge.Thus,we attempt to address the following question:what is the effect of the interaction between irrationality and trade disclosure on the equilibrium results such as the insider’s trading strategy,the insider’s profits,the market depth,the trading volume and the price efficiency?Wefind that,when the information is good enough or when the insider is moderate overconfident,a linear and mixed equilibrium exists.The more confident insider trades less aggressively and camouflages his information with less noise in thefirst period.As a result, half of the total information is revealed by thefirst trade,no matter how confident the insider is.This is in sharp contrast with the no disclosure cases,such as Wang(1998)and Zhou(2011)where enhancing the trader’s confidence degree improves the market efficiency in revealing private information.In Section2we discuss the structure of our model.Section3derives the linear and mixed equilibrium and presents the properties of our model’s equilibrium.Section4concludes.2.The modelWe confirm to the notation of Huddart et al.(2001).A risky asset is traded between a single insider,multiple market makers and multiple noise traders.The asset’s fundamental value v is normally distributed with prior mean p0and prior varianceσ2v,in statistical notation,v∼N(p0,σ2v).An imperfect signal concerning the fundamental value,denoted as s,satisfiess=v+ǫ,in whichǫ∼N(0,σ2ǫ)andǫis independent of v.The insider observes in advance the realization of the signal s,while market makers have no such observation.Assume the insider believes thats=v+kǫ,in which k−1represents the insider’s confidence degree.When k<1,the insider is over-confident,believing that this signal is more precise than it actually is,when k>1,he is underconfident and when k=1he is rational.The market makers are rational.Consider a two periods model with the periods indexed by n∈{1,2}.In the nth period, the insider submits an order x n to maximize his expected profits,based on the information available to him and the belief mentioned above.Meanwhile,noise traders together submit an exogenous order u n∼N(0,σ2u).Assume u1,u2,v,ǫare mutually independent.Prior tothe nth trade,market makers observe the total orderflow x n+u n(but they cannot observe2x n or u n individually)and set the price as p n.After thefirst trade and before the second, the insider’s submission in thefirst period is publicly disclosed and market makers update the price to p∗1based on this information.In a semi-strong efficient market,p1=E[v|x1+u1],p∗1=E[v|x1],p2=E[v|p∗1,x2+u2].Useπn to denote the insider’s profit obtained from the nth trade,E k(·|·)and E(·|·)to denote respectively the conditional expectation under the insider’s belief and that under the rational belief.3.The equilibriumFirst,we present some preliminary results in Lemma1.Lemma1.The insider evaluates the asset’s fundamental value v asσ2vE k(v|s)=c k s,with c k=for c k c −11∈(0,2)2and any given p 0,there exists a Nash equilibrium characterized by the following constants:λ1=λ2=1 c k c −11−(c k c −11)2σu 2−c k c −11 Σ0121c k c −11Σ0,(8)σ2z = 12σ2u ,(9)Σ1=Σ0λ1,h 1=c k c −11−1,h ∗1=2(c k c −11−1)λ2,h 2=1−c k c −11.(12)Proof.See Appendix A. Unlike the rational belief cases examined by Huddart et al.(2001),Cao and Ma (2000)and Zhang (2004)where the insider trades only on the pricing error,an irrational insider trades on both the pricing error and the current price.Actually,an overconfident insider trades negatively on the current price in the first period and trades positively on it in the second period,whereas an underconfident insider trades reversely.In Wang (1998)and Zhou (2011)with no disclosure,enhancing the trader’s confidence degree improves the market efficiency in revealing private information,in our model with disclosure,however,each trade reveals half of the total information,3no matter how confident the insider is.From Theorem 1,it is straightforward to show that:Proposition 1.(i)β1decreases and β2increases with k −1.(ii)σz decreases and γincreases with k −1.σ2ǫ−σ2vc 1 x 2−η2p ∗1Remarks:(i)shows that a more confident insider trades less aggressively in thefirst period and more aggressively in the second.Intuitively,an overconfident insider is more concerned about the effect thefirst trading has on the second than the rational one since he overestimates his information advantage.(ii)presents that a more confident insider camouflages his information with less noise,and correspondingly,market makers adjust more to the insider’s announcement.Define the expected trading volume in the nth period as that in Admati and Pfleiderer (1988):1V ol(n)=2−2),V ol(2)increases with k.When k is samll enough such that c k c−11∈(2√aggressively in thefirst period and more aggressively in the second.In contrast to the case with no disclosure,we show that with disclosure the more confident insiderfinds it optimal to inject less noise to thefirst trade so that thefirst trade still reveals half of the total initial information.Appendix AProof of Lemma1.First,E k(v|s)=E(v|v+kǫ)=c k s.SinceCov(v−c1s,s)=0,Cov(v−c1s,u n)=0,for n=1,2,by the property of normally distributed variables,we know v−c1s is independent of s,u1, and u2.Note that in the equilibrium,p∗1,x1,x2are all measurable to the information set {s,u1,u2}.Hence,v−c1s is also independent of p∗1,x1,x2.This givesE[v−c1s|x1+u1]=E[v−c1s|x1]=E[v−c1s|p∗1,x2+u2]=E[v−c1s]=0,from which expressions for p1,p∗1and p2in Lemma1are verified.Proof of Theorem1.In the second period,given the market makers’pricing strategy(4), the insider’s profit is estimated by the insider asE k[π2|p∗1,s]=x2[c k s−λ2x2−(1+h2)p∗1],(13) therefore,1x2=[c k s−(1+h2)p∗1]2.(14)4λ2For identifying h2,Lemma1impliesE[p2−p∗1|x1]=0,6but from(4),we knowE[p2−p∗1|x1]=12λ2,η2=c k c−11−1β22Σ1+σ2u.(16)Combining(15)and(16)givesλ2=1 c k c−114 Σ1for c k c−11∈(0,2),andβ2= 2−c k c−11 σ2u4λ2(c k s−(1+h2)p∗1)2|s]by(14), =(c k s−(1+h1)p0−λ1x1)x1+12λ2]x1+[1−(2−c k c−11)γ2λ2(2−c k c−11)2(h∗1+1)γ]p0=0.7Since the insider is willing to paly a mixed strategy x1=β1(c1s−p0)+η1p0+z,where z∼N(0,σ2z),the insider must be indifferent across all values of x1,thus−2λ1+(2−c k c−11)2γ2=0,(19)2λ2−(1+h1)+1.(21)2Substituting(21)into(18)yields(2−c k c−11)γλ1=σu 2−(c k c−11)2,λ1and thus expressions forη1and h1in(11)are verified.8Application of the projection theorem for normally distributed variables givesβ1Σ0λ1=,(27)β21Σ0+σ2zΣ1=Σ0−β21Σ20σ2u.(29)c k c−11ThenΣ1=Σ0−c k c−11β21Σ20by(26),(2−c k c−11)σ2u=Σ0−4λ21σ2u222c k c−11 σ2u.Hence V arx1and V ol(1)increase with k.When n=2,V arx2=β22Σ1+η22V arp∗1=β22Σ1+η22(Σ0−Σ1),(30) where(30)results from the factΣ0=V ar(c1s−p∗1+p∗1)=Σ1+V arp∗1.9Substituting forβ2andη2from(8)and(12)into(30)yieldsV arx2=(c k c−11)2+4(c k c−11−1)2dc k c−11=2(−4+4c k c−11+(c k c−11)2)2−2),V arx2and V ol(2)increase with k.When c k c−11∈(2√2−c k c−112=2Zhou,D.Q.,2011.Overconfidence on public information.Economics Letters,112,239-242. 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