英语演讲 理查德克莱德曼
克莱德曼Richard Clayderman：情歌弹了一个甲子 灵感来自我的家庭
克莱德曼Richard Clayderman：情歌弹了一个甲子灵感来自我的家庭作者：赵静来源：《音乐周刊》2013年第09期世界上最成功的钢琴家——理查德·克莱德曼（Richard Clayderman）又回来了！他拥有迷人的外表与优雅稳重的演奏风格，被乐迷冠以“浪漫王子”之称；他的乐迷遍布世界各地，跨越各个年龄层，不分种族不分性别；他售出了超过8500万张唱片，近850万次You tube点击量；代表作《水边的阿狄丽娜》更成为钢琴曲的“象征”之一；专辑数量已超过Bob Dylan、Coldplay、Adele、Jay Z、Lady Gaga等。
为了送给自己的60岁生日，克莱德曼隆重推出《浪漫》（Romantique）这张最新专辑。
克莱德曼如此评价自己：“我有自己的风格和自己弹琴的方式。
我会在弹琴时融入我的细腻敏感和我的情绪。
弹琴总是能让我感觉愉悦，这也促成了我的风格。
我非常喜欢听芭芭拉·史翠珊、保罗·麦卡特尼、艾尔顿·约翰。
我想我的灵感来自于家庭。
当我在家安静地待着，和夫人共度时，都让我感到非常幸福。
这样我会感觉更好，再去弹琴我总是可以弹出一些新的东西。
”因阿狄丽娜一曲成名1976年法国作曲家保罗·赛内维尔为小女儿阿狄丽娜谱写了一首曲子，并特别举办一场面试公开招募最适合演奏该曲的钢琴家，时年23岁的克莱德曼从众多应试者中脱颖而出，成为这首曲子的首演人，并随后推出了自己的第一张专辑，从此展开了长达近40年、持久而耀眼的艺术生涯。
在过去的35年里，理查德·克莱德曼孩子般的金发碧眼和独特的钢琴风格，让他一眼就能被人认出。
尽管他让自己足够低调，但他的专辑销量仍然轻松过百万，他的音乐会一经发布，门票马上就会被哄抢一空。
然而，克莱德曼从没想过成为明星，甚至在舞台上表演。
他说：“我能做一个工作室音乐人就已经很开心了。
”克莱德曼的专辑几乎成为世界上每个国家的畅销唱片，一共被评为267张金唱片以及70张白金唱片。
名家英语演讲稿
名家英语演讲稿Ladies and gentlemen, good morning!It is my great honor to have the opportunity to stand here and share with you some thoughts on the topic of "Famous English Speeches". As we all know, English is a global language, and the ability to speak English fluently and eloquently is important in today's world. Many famous speeches in English have left a deep impact on people's hearts and minds, and have become timeless classics that continue to inspire and motivate us.One of the most famous English speeches is Martin Luther King Jr.'s "I Have a Dream". Delivered in 1963 during the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, this speech is a powerful call for racial equality and an end to discrimination. King's use of vivid imagery and powerful repetition, such as "I have a dream that one day...," has made this speech a symbol of hope and inspiration for people around the world.Another iconic English speech is Winston Churchill's "We Shall Fight on the Beaches". Delivered during World War II, this speech rallied the British people to stand firm against the threat of Nazi invasion. Churchill's stirring rhetoric and unwavering determination, as he declared, "We shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall never surrender," have made this speech a testament to the power of leadership and resilience in the face of adversity.In addition to these historical speeches, there are also many contemporary English speeches that have made a significant impact. For example, Malala Yousafzai's speech at the United Nations in 2013, in which she passionately advocated for the rights of girls to receive education, has inspired people all over the world to stand up for gender equality and education for all.What makes these speeches so powerful and enduring? It is not just the eloquence of the speakers or the beauty of the language, but also the universal truths and values they convey. These speeches touch upon the fundamental human aspirations for freedom,justice, and equality, and they remind us of the power of words to move hearts and change minds.As we reflect on these famous English speeches, let us also remember that each of us has the power to use our own words to inspire and uplift others. Whether it is in a formal speech or a simple conversation, let us strive to communicate with clarity, sincerity, and empathy. Let us use the English language not just as a tool for communication, but as a medium for spreading positivity, understanding, and compassion.In conclusion, the famous English speeches we have discussed today serve as timeless reminders of the power of language to shape our world. Let us continue to draw inspiration from these speeches, and let us also strive to be the authors of our own speeches, using our words to build bridges, foster understanding, and create positive change in our communities and beyond.Thank you.。
美国演讲专家理查德即兴演讲的“四步曲”演讲范文
( 演讲稿 )单位：_________________________姓名：_________________________日期：_________________________精品文档 / Word文档 / 文字可改美国演讲专家理查德即兴演讲的“四步曲”演讲范文"Four steps" speech model of Richard's impromptu speech美国演讲专家理查德即兴演讲的“四步曲”演讲范文即兴演讲通常是在一家的场合下，演讲者事先未作准备，只是根据需要而作的临时发言。
因此，即兴演讲在思维的敏捷性、语言的逻辑性和口头达的雄辩性方面都有更高的要求。
如何做好即兴演讲，避免因措手不及而陷入难堪的境地呢？美国演讲专家理查德总结了一个即兴演讲的“四步曲”，这四步是：1，喂，喂!2，为什么要浪费这个口舌？3，举例。
4，怎么办？第一步“喂，喂!”提示我们必须首先呼唤起听众的兴趣。
理查德说：“不要平铺直叙地开始演讲：‘今天，我要讲的内容是保障行人生命安全……’你这样开头：‘在上星期四，特购的450具晶莹闪亮的棺材已运到了我们的城市……’”理查德设计的这一开头语虽然不符合我们中国人的忌讳心理，但它无疑具有一种先声夺人的气势，它能激听众之疑，使他们很想弄清事情的究竟。
“为什么要费这个口舌”是第二步。
理查德说，接下去你应向听众讲明为什么应当听你演讲。
若谈交通安全问题，可这样讲：“不讲交通安全，那订购的450具棺材也许在等待着我，等待着你，等待着我们的亲人。
”理查德所讲述的“为什么”既联系着“我”(演讲者)，又联系着“你”(听讲者)，还联系着场外你我有关系的千千万万的“亲人”，这就使所有的与会者不知不觉地成了他的“俘虏”，在心理上与他产生了共鸣。
紧接着的第三步为“举例”。
理查德指出，比如谈交通安全问题，你若用活生生的事例来说明那些会使人们送命的潜在因素，远比只讲那些干巴巴的条文要好得多。
名人英语演讲稿
名人英语演讲稿Ladies and gentlemen,Today, I stand before you to talk about the power of words and the impact they can have on our lives. As individuals, we are all influenced by the words of others – whether it be through the speeches of great leaders, the lyrics of our favorite songs, or the quotes of influential figures throughout history.One such figure whose words continue to resonate with people from all walks of life is Martin Luther King Jr. In his famous "I Have a Dream" speech, he spoke passionately about his vision for a world free from discrimination and injustice. His words not only inspired a movement, but they also paved the way for significant social change.Another iconic figure whose words have left an indelible mark on history is Winston Churchill. During World War II, he rallied the British people with his stirring speeches, conveying a sense of strength and resilience in the face of adversity. His words united a nation and instilled hope in the hearts of millions.As we reflect on these remarkable individuals and their powerful speeches, we must also recognize that each and every one of us has the potential to make a difference through our words. Whether it be in our personal relationships, our careers, or our communities, the way we choose to speak can influence others and shape the world around us.Words have the power to uplift, to inspire, and to evoke change.They can bridge gaps, foster understanding, and promote acceptance. Conversely, they can also divide, hurt, and incite hatred. It is essential, therefore, that we choose our words wisely and use them to promote positivity, empathy, and unity.In conclusion, let us remember the profound impact that words can have on our lives. Let us strive to be conscious of the words we use and the messages we convey. By doing so, we can contribute to a world that is not only free from intolerance and injustice but also one that is filled with compassion, understanding, and respect. Thank you.。
简单介绍音乐家-理查德·克莱德曼
--The sayings that Richard Clayderman told us.
-When you are faced with fates -Please never give up -Just try your best to fight -And you can see the brightest glory in the darkness -Please believe yourself and make you true in this world -Live on and never say die.
--His story--about the song of love.
12 岁时，理查德考入了巴黎音乐学院。爸爸为了奖励理查 德，又送给他一个老式的小管风琴。从此，理查德发现，除 钢琴之外，还有其他的爱好乐器。 16 岁那年，理查德在学校 音乐比赛中获得了第一名，并以优异的成绩毕业。毕业后， 理查德想要做一点与众不同的事情，就与其他搞音乐的伙伴 一起成立了一支小乐队。 而爸爸也非常支持理查德，带着他 们去排练厅练习。他知道，只有经过不断地锻炼，理查德才 能在音乐方面有所造就。 经过刻苦的练习，最后，理查德与伙伴们的小乐队开始正 式演出了。那段日子过得很辛苦，他们要排练，还要演出， 挣到了一点钱，又要购买许多乐器，才能继续演出。 不幸的是，理查德的爸爸突然身患重病，无法在经济上支 持理查德。为了演出，理查德只好节衣缩食，经常用三明治 来填饱肚子。结果，他在 17 岁那年得了胃溃疡，不得不去医 院进行手术。 通过在小乐队里的锻炼，理查德的钢琴弹得越来越棒，人 们都认为他将成为一名前途无量的古典钢琴曲演奏家，因为 他最擅长演奏肖邦、拉威尔、德彪西等人的作品，如果继续 努力，必将成为古典音乐界的明日之星。但是，偶然对通俗 音乐发生兴趣后，为了让更多的人了解音乐，理查德不顾周 围人的反对，毅然转变方向，突破传统，超越自我，以他高 超的钢琴演奏技巧和深厚的音乐感，把音乐和浪漫带给了更 多的普通人。 成功与机遇总是垂青那些一直都在努力奋斗的人。很快， 理查德被法国一个著名的唱片制作商看中，发行了他的第一 张唱片《给爱德琳的诗》（又被称为《水边的阿狄丽娜》）。 这张唱片，刚一上市，就引起了轰动。理查德那特殊的演奏 风格与含蓄的个性，打动了许多听众。《给爱德琳的诗》的 畅销连唱片制造商都没想到它会卖得这样好。
高中英语世界名人演讲词30RichardM.Nixon素材
三十、Richard M. NixonResignation Address to the NationGood evening:This is the 37th time I have spoken to you from this office, where so many decisions have been made that shape the history of this nation. Each time I have done so to discuss with you some matter that I believe affected the national interest. In all the decisions I have made in my public life I have always tried to do what was best for the nation.Throughout the long and difficult period of Watergate, I have felt it was my d uty to persevere -- to make every possible effort to complete the term of office to which you elected me. In the past few days, however, it has become evident to me that I no longer have a strong enough political base in the Congress to justify continuing that effort. As long as there was such a base, I felt strongly that it was necessary to see the constitutional process through to its conclusion; that to do otherwise would be unfaithful to the spirit of that deliberately difficult process, and a d angerously destabilizing precedent for the future. But with the disappearance of that base, I now believe that the constitutional purpose has been served. And there is no longer a need for the process to be prolonged.I would have preferred to carry through to the finish whatever the personal agony it would have involved, and my family unanimously urged me to do so. But the interests of the nation must always come before any personal considerations. From the discussions I have had with Congressional and other leaders I have concluded that because of the Watergate matter I might not have the support of the Congress that I would consider necessary to back the very difficult decisions and carry out the duties of this office in the way the interests of the nation will require.I have never been a quitter.To leave office before my term is completed is abhorrent to every instinct in my body. But as President, I must put the interests of America first.America needs a full-time President and a full-time Congress, particularly at this time with problems we face at home and abroad. To continue to fight through the months ahead for my personal vindication would almos t totally absorb the time and attention of both the President and the Congress in a period when our entire focus should be on the great issues of peace abroad and prosperity without inflation at home. Therefore, I shall resign the Presidency effective at noon tomorrow.Vice President Ford will be sworn in as President at that hour in this office. As I recall the high hopes for America with which we began this second term, I feel a great sadness that I will not be here in this office working on your behal f to achieve those hopes in the next two and a half years. But in turning over direction of the Government to Vice President Ford I know, as I told the nation when I nominated him for that office ten months ago, that the leadership of America would be in good hands.In passing this office to the Vice President, I also do so with the profound sense of the weight of responsibility that will fall on his shoulders tomorrow, andtherefore of the understanding, the patience, the cooperation he will need from all Americans. As he assumes that responsibility he will deserve the help and the support of all of us. As we look to the future, the first essential is to begin healing the wounds of this nation. To put the bitterness and divisions of the recent past behind us and to rediscover those shared ideals that lie at the heart of our strength and unity as a great and as a free people.By taking this action, I hope that I will have hastened the start of that process of healing which is so desperately needed in America. I regret deeply any injuries that may have been done in the course of the events that led to this decision. I would say only that if some of my judgments were wrong -- and some were wrong -- they were made in what I believed at the time to be the best interests of the nation. To those who have stood with me during these past difficult months, to my family, my friends, the many others who joined in supporting my cause because they believed it was right, I will be eternally grateful for your support. And to those who have not felt able to give me your support, let me say I leave with no bitterness toward those who have opposed me, because all of us in the final analysis have been concerned with the good of the country, however our judgments might differ.So let us all now join together in affirming that common commitment and in helping our new President succeed for the benefit of all Americans. I shall leave this office with regret at not completing my term but with gratitude for the privilege of serving as your President for the past five and a half years. These years have been a momentous time in the history of our nation and the world. They have been a time of achievement in which we can all be proud, achievements that represent the shared efforts of the administration, the Congress and the people. But the challenges ahead are equally great. And they, too, will require the support and the efforts of the Congress and the people, working in cooperation with the new Administration.We have ended America's longest war. But in the work of securing a lasting peace in the world, the goals ahead are even more far-reaching and more difficult. We must complete a structure of peace, so that it will be said of this generation -- our generation of Americans -- by the people of all nations, not only that we ended one war but that we prevented future wars.We have unlocked the doors that for a quarter of a century stood between the United States and the People's Republic of China. We must now insure that the one-quarter of the world's people who live in the People's Republic of China will be and remain, not our enemies, but our friends.In the Middle East, 100 million people in the Arab countries, many of whom have considered us their enemy for nearly 20 years, now look on us as their friends. We must continue to build on that friendship so that peace can settle at last over the Middle East and so that the cradle of civilization will not become its grave. Together with the Soviet Union we have made the crucial breakthroughs that have begun the process of limiting nuclear arms. But, we must set as our goal, not just limiting, but reducing and finally destroying these terrible weapons, so that they cannot destroy civilization. And so that the threat of nuclear war will no longer hang over the world and the people. We have opened a new relation with the Soviet Union. Wemust continue to develop and expand that new relationship, so that the two strongest nations of the world will live together in cooperation rather than confrontation. Around the world -- in Asia, in Africa, in Latin America, in the Middle East -- there are millions of people who live in terrible poverty, even starvation. We must keep as our goal turning away from production for war and expanding production for peace so that people everywhere on this earth can at last look forward, in their children's time, if not in our own time, to having the necessities for a decent life. Here, in America, we are fortunate that most of our people have not only the blessings of liberty but also t he means to live full and good, and by the world's standards even abundant lives.We must press on, however, toward a goal not only of more and better jobs but of full opportunity for every American, and of what we are striving so hard right now to achieve -- prosperity without inflation.For more than a quarter of a century in public life, I have shared in the turbulent history of this evening. I have fought for what I believe in. I have tried, to the best of my ability, to discharge those duties and meet those responsibilities that were entrusted to me. Sometimes I have succeeded. And sometimes I have failed. But always I have taken heart from what Theodore Roosevelt once said about the man in the arena, whose face is marred by dust and sweat and blood, who strives valiantly, who errs and comes short again and again because there is not effort without error and shortcoming, but who does actually strive to do the deed, who knows the great enthusiasms, the great devotions, who spends himself in a worthy cause, who at the best knows in the end the triumphs of high achievements and with the worst if he fails, at least fails while daring greatly.I pledge to you tonight that as long as I have a breath of life in my body, I shall continue in that spirit. I shall continue to work for the great causes to which I have been dedicated throughout my years as a Congressman, a Senator, Vice President and President, the cause of peace -- not just for America but among all nations -- prosperity, justice and opportunity for all of our people.There is one cause above all to which I have been devoted and to which I shall always be devoted for as long as I live.When I first took the oath of office as President five a nd a half years ago, I made this sacred commitment: to consecrate my office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon to the cause of peace among nations. I've done my very best in all the days since to be true to that pledge. As a result of these efforts, I am confident that the world is a safer place today, not only for the people of America but for the people of all nations, and that all of our children have a better chance than before of living in peace rather than dying in war.This, more than anything, is what I hoped to achieve when I sought the Presidency. This, more than anything, is what I hope will be my legacy to you, to our country, as I leave the Presidency.To have served in this office is to have felt a very personal sense of kinship with each and every American.In leaving it, I do so with this prayer: May God's grace be with you in all the daysahead.。
钢琴王子理查德克莱德曼
钢琴王子——理查德•克莱德曼跨专业选修课《欧洲音乐赏析》期末论文2012—2013年第2学期院系：少数民族语言文学系专业：中国少数民族语言文学姓名：邱礼财学号：11170282013年6月6日钢琴王子——理查德•克莱德曼摘要：他是一位钢琴家，一个世界著名的钢琴家，他的单曲一上市就在38个国家卖出2200万张。
他在钢琴领域创造了“新浪漫”风格，并在全球范围内的销量已超过了700万张，不可思议地拥有267张金唱片和70张白金唱片。
本文将对理查德•克莱德曼的生平、贡献、代表作等进行分析并谈谈自己的感受。
关键词：理查德•克莱德曼钢琴生平贡献代表作影响一、理查德•克莱德曼的生平理查德•克莱德曼19 5 3 年12 月28 日生于法国巴黎，5岁开始学习钢琴，6岁时手指已经非常纯熟、流畅，经常受到老师的赞誉，随即进入巴黎国立音乐学院学习。
16岁开始演奏并作曲，在学校的音乐比赛中经常获得头等奖，同年以优异的成绩毕业。
刚毕业那会儿他的父亲已身患重病，无法从经济上继续支持儿子在学业上的继续深造。
为了生存，克莱德曼找了一份做音乐伴奏的工作。
那时的克莱德曼擅长演奏肖邦、拉威尔、德彪西等人的作品，在古典音乐界已经算是一颗明日之星了。
但是，他偶然对通俗音乐发生了兴趣，不顾周围人们的反对，毅然转变方向。
期间，他还结识了当时在法国音乐节最受欢迎的作曲家奥利佛•杜桑。
由于克莱德曼不仅具有高度的钢琴演奏技巧，而且具有良好的乐感，深得杜桑的赏识。
“我很喜欢那段日子”，他说，“而且薪水也很高。
这就是我如何离开古典音乐的经历，尽管古典音乐的学习经历为我现在的演奏打下了坚实的基础。
”是金子总会发光，他的天赋也自然会被别人赏识。
1976年，也就是克莱德曼23岁的时候，他的生活发生了巨大变化。
这一年，克莱德曼为电视剧配乐，独奏了《致艾德琳的诗》，立即引起了轰动，他那特特殊的演奏风格与含蓄的个性，打动了许多听众。
《致艾德琳的诗》畅销全世界38个国家，总销量高达2200万张。
2015年高中英语世界名人演讲词18RichardM.Nixon素材
十八、Richard M. NixonThe Great Silent MajorityGood evening, my fellow Americans.Tonight I want to talk to you on a subject of deep concern to all Americans and to many people in all parts of the world, the war in Vietnam.I believe that one of the reasons for the deep division about Vietnam is that many Americans have lost confidence in what their Government has told them about our policy. The American people cannot and should not be asked to support a policy which involves the overriding issues of war and peace unless they know the truth about that policy.Tonight, therefore, I would like to answer some of the questions that I know are on the minds of many of y ou listening to me.How and why did America get involved in Vietnam in the first place?How has this administration changed the policy of the previous Administration? What has really happened in the negotiations in Paris and on the battlefront in Vietnam?What choices do we have if we are to end the war?What are the prospects for peace?Now let me begin by describing the situation I found when I was inaugurated on January 20: The war had been going on for four years. Thirty-one thousand Americans had been killed in action. The training program for the South Vietnamese was beyond [behind] schedule. Five hundred and forty-thousand Americans were in Vietnam with no plans to reduce the number. No progress had been made at the negotiations in Paris and the United States had not put forth a comprehensive peace proposal.The war was causing deep division at home and criticism from many of our friends, as well as our enemies, abroad.In view of these circumstances, there were some who urged that I end the war at once by ordering the immediate withdrawal of all American forces. From a political standpoint, this would have been a popular and easy course to follow. After all, we became involved in the war while my predecessor was in office. I could blame the defeat, which would be the result of my action, on him -- and come out as the peacemaker. Some put it to me quite bluntly: This was the only way to avoid allowing Johnson’s war to become Nixon’s war.But I had a greater obligation than to think only of the years of my Administration, and of the next election. I had to think of the effect of my decision on the next generation, and on the future of peace and freedom in America, and in the world. Let us all understand that the question before us is not whether some Americans are for peace and some Americans are against peace. The question at issue is not whether Jo hnson’s war becomes Nixon’s war. The great question is: How can we win America’s peace?Well, let us turn now to the fundamental issue: Why and how did the United States become involved in Vietnam in the first place? Fifteen years ago North Vietnam, with the logistical support of Communist China and the Soviet Union, launched a campaignto impose a Communist government on South Vietnam by instigating and supporting a revolution.In response to the request of the Government of South Vietnam, President Eisenhower sent economic aid and military equipment to assist the people of South Vietnam in their efforts to prevent a Communist takeover. Seven years ago, President Kennedy sent 16,000 military personnel to Vietnam as combat advisers. Four years ago, President Johnson sent American combat forces to South Vietnam.Now many believe that President Johnson’s decision to send American combat forces to South Vietnam was wrong. And many others, I among them, have been strongly critical of the way the war has been conducted.But the question facing us today is: Now that we are in the war, what is the best way to end it?In January I could only conclude that the precipitate withdrawal of all American forces from Vietnam would be a disaster not only for South Vietnam but for the United States and for the cause of peace.For the South Vietnamese, our precipitate withdrawal would inevitably allow the Communists to repeat the massacres which followed their takeover in the North 15 years before. They then murdered more than 50,000 people and hundreds of thousands more died in slave labor camps.We saw a prelude of what would happen in South Vietnam when the Communists entered the city of Hue last year. During their brief rule there, there was a bloody reign of terror in which 3,000 civilians were clubbed, shot to death, and buried in mass graves.With the sudden collapse of our support, these atrocities at Hue would become the nightmare of the entire nation and particularly for the million-and-a half Catholic refugees who fled to South Vietnam when the Communists took over in the North. For the United States this first defeat in our nation’s history would result in a collapse of confidence in American leadership not only in Asia but throughout the world.Three American Presidents have recognized the great stakes involved in Vietnam and understood what had to be done.In 1963 President Kennedy with his characteristic eloquence and clarity said, "We want to see a stable Government there," carrying on the [a] struggle to maintain its national independence." We believe strongly in that. We are not going to withdraw from that effort. In my opinion, for us to withdraw from that effort would mean a collapse not only of South Vietnam but Southeast Asia. So we’re going to stay there."¹President Eisenhower and President Johnson expressed the same conclusion during their terms of office.For the future of peace, precipitate withdrawal would be a disaster of immense magnitude. A nation cannot remain great if it betrays its allies and lets down its friends. Our defeat and humiliation in South Vietnam without question would promote recklessness in the councils of those great powers who have not yet abandoned their goals of worlds conquest. This would spark violence wherever our commitments helpmaintain the peace -- in the Middle East, in Berlin, eventually even in the Western Hemisphere. Ultimately, this would cost more lives. It would not bring peace. It would bring more war.For these reasons I rejected the recommendation that I should end the war by immediately withdrawing all of our forces. I chose instead to change American policy on both the negotiating front and the battle front in order to end the war fought on many fronts. I initiated a pursuit for peace on many fronts. In a television speech on May 14, in a speech before the United Nations, on a number of other occasions, I set forth our peace proposals in great detail.We have offered the complete withdrawal of all outside forces within one year. We have proposed a cease fire under international supervision. We have offered free elections under international supervision with the Communists participating in the organization and conduct of the elections as an organized political force. And the Saigon government has pledged to accept the result of the election.We have not put forth our proposals on a take-it-or-leave-it basis. We have indicated that we’re willing to discuss the proposals that have been put forth by the other side. We have declared that anything is negotiable, except the right of the people of South Vietnam to determine their own future.At the Paris peace conference Ambassador Lodge has demonstrated our flexibility and good faith in 40 public meetings. Hanoi has refused even to discuss our proposals. They demand our unconditional acceptance of their terms which are that we withdraw all American forces immediately and unconditionally and that we overthrow the government of South Vietnam as we leave.We have not limited our peace initiatives to public forums and public statements.I recognized in January that a long and bitter war like this usually cannot be settled in a public forum. That is why in addition to the public statements and negotiations, I have explored every possible private avenue that might lead to a settlement. Tonight, I am taking the unprecedented step of disclosing to you some of our other initiatives for peace, initiatives we undertook privately and secretly because we thought we thereby might open a door which publicly would be closed.I did not wait for my inauguration to begin my quest for peace. Soon after my election, through an individual who was directly in contact on a personal basis with the leaders of North Vietnam, I made two private offers for a rapid, comprehensive settlement. Hanoi’s replies ca lled in effect for our surrender before negotiations. Since the Soviet Union furnishes most of the military equipment for North Vietnam, Secretary of State Rogers, my assistant for national security affairs, Dr. Kissinger, Ambassador Lodge and I personally have met on a number of occasions with representatives of the Soviet Government to enlist their assistance in getting meaningful negotiations started. In addition, we have had extended discussions directed toward that same end with representatives of other governments which have diplomatic relations with North Vietnam.None of these initiatives have to date produced results. In mid-July I became convinced that it was necessary to make a major move to break the deadlock in the Paris talks. I spoke directly in this office, where I’m now sitting, with anindividual who had known Ho Chi Minh on a personal basis for 25 years. Through him I sent a letter to Ho Chi Minh. I did this outside of the usual diplomatic channels with the hope that with the necessity of making statements for propaganda removed, there might be constructive progress toward bringing the war to an end.Let me read from that letter to you now:“Dear Mr. President:I realize that it is difficult to communicate meaningfully across the gulf of four years of war. But precisely because of this gulf I wanted to take this opportunity to reaffirm in all solemnity my desire to work for a just peace. I deeply believe that the war in Vietnam has gone on too long and delay in bringing it to an end can benefit no one, least of all the people of Vietnam. The time has come to move forward at the conference table toward an early resolution of this tragic war. You will fi nd us forthcoming and open-minded in a common effort to bring the blessings of peace to the brave people of Vietnam. Let history record that at this critical juncture both sides turned their face toward peace rather than toward conflict and war."I received Ho Chi Minh’s reply on August 30, three days before his death. It simply reiterated the public position North Vietnam had taken at Paris and flatly rejected my initiative. The full text of both letters is being released to the press.In addition to the public meetings that I have referred to, Ambassador Lodge has met with Vietnam’s chief neg otiator in Paris in 11 private sessions. And we have taken other significant initiatives which must remain secret to keep open some channels of communications which may still prove to be productive.But the effect of all the public, private, and secret negotiations which have been undertaken since the bombing halt a year ago, and since this Administration came into office on January 20th, can be summed up in one sentence: No progress whatever has been made except agreement on the shape of the bargaining table.Well, now, who’s at fault? It’s become clear that the obstacle in negotiating an end to the war is not the President of the United States. It is not the South Vietnamese Government. The obstacle is the other side’s absolute refusal to show the least willingness to join us in seeking a just peace. And it will not do so while it is convinced that all it has to do is to wait for our next concession, and our next concession after that one, until it gets everything it wants.There can now be no longer any question that progress in negotiation depends only on Hanoi ’s deciding to negotiate -- to negotiate seriously. I realize that this report on our efforts on the diplomatic front is discouraging to the American people, but the American people are entitled to know the truth -- the bad news as well as the good news -- where the lives of our young men are involved.Now let me turn, however, to a more encouraging report on another front. At the time we launched our search for peace, I recognized we might not succeed in bringing an end to the war through negotiations. I therefore put into effect another plan to bring peace -- a plan which will bring the war to an end regardless of what happens on the negotiating front. It is in line with the major shift in U. S. foreign policy which I described in my press conference at Guam on July 25. Let me briefly explain what has been described as the Nixon Doctrine -- a policy which not only will helpend the war in Vietnam but which is an essential element of our program to prevent future Vietnams.We Americans are a do-it-yourself people -- we’re an impatient people. Instead of teaching someone else to do a job, we like to do it ourselves. And this trait has been carried over into our foreign policy. In Korea, and again in Vietnam, the United States furnished most of the money, most of the arms, and most of the men to help the people of those countries defend their freedom against Communist aggression. Before any American troops were committed to Vietnam, a leader of another Asian country expressed this opinion to me when I was traveling in Asia as a private citizen. He said: “When you are trying to assist another nation defend its freedom, U.S. policy should be to help them fight the war, but not to fight the war for them.”Well in accordance with this wise counsel, I laid down in Guam three principles as guidelines for future American policy toward Asia. First, the United States will keep all of its treaty commitments. Second, we shall provide a shield if a nuclear power threatens the freedom of a nation allied with us, or of a nation whose survival we consider vital to our security. Third, in cases involving other types of aggression we shall furnish military and economic assistance when requested in accordance with our treaty commitments. But we shall look to the nation directly threatened to assume the primary responsibility of providing the manpower for its defense.After I announced this policy, I found that the leaders of the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam, South Korea, other nations which might be threatened by Communist aggression, welcomed this new direction in American foreign policy.The defense of freedom is everybody’s business -- not just America’s business. And it is particularly the responsibility of the people whose freedom is threatened. In the previous Administration, we Americanized the war in Vietnam. In this Administration, we are Vietnamizing the search for peace.The policy of the previous Administration not only resulted in our assuming the primary responsibility for fighting the war, but even more significant did not adequately stress the goal of strengthening the South Vietnamese so that they could defend themselves when we left.The Vietnamization plan was launched following Secretary Laird’s visit to Vietnam in March. Under the plan, I ordered first a substantial increase in the training and equipment of South Vietnamese forces. In July, on my visit to Vietnam, I changed General Abrams’s orders, so that they were consistent with the objectives of our new policies. Under the new orders, the primary mission of our troops is to enable the South Vietnamese forces to assume the full responsibility for the security of South Vietnam. Our air operations have been reduced by over 20 per cent.And now we have begun to see the results of this long-overdue change in American policy in Vietnam. After five years of Americans going into Vietnam we are finally bringing American men home. By December 15 over 60,000 men will have been withdrawn from South Vietnam, including 20 percent of all of our combat forces. The South Vietnamese have continued to gain in strength. As a result, they've been able to take over combat responsibilities from our American troops.Two other significant developments have occurred since this Administration took office. Enemy infiltration, infiltration which is essential if they are to launch a major attack over the last three months, is less than 20 percent of what it was over the same period last year. And most important, United States casualties have declined during the last two months to the lowest point in three years.Let me now turn to our program for the future. We have adopted a plan which we have worked out in cooperation with the South Vietnamese for the complete withdrawal of all U.S. combat ground forces and their replacement by South Vietnamese forces on an orderly scheduled timetable. This withdrawal will be made from strength and not from weakness. As South Vietnamese forces become stronger, the rate of American withdrawal can become greater.I have not, and do not, intend to announce the timetable for our program, and there are obvious reasons for this decision which I’m sure you will understand. As I’ve indicated on several occasions, the rate of withdrawal will depend on developments on three fronts. One of these is the progress which can be, or might be, made in the Paris talks. An announcement of a fixed timetable for our withdrawal would completely remove any incentive for the enemy to negotia te an agreement. They would simply wait until our forces had withdrawn and then move in.The other two factors on which we will base our withdrawal decisions are the level of enemy activity and the progress of the training programs of the South Vietnamese forces. And I am glad to be able to report tonight progress on both of these fronts has been greater than we anticipated when we started the program in June for withdrawal. As a result, our timetable for withdrawal is more optimistic now than when we made our first estimates in June.Now this clearly demonstrates why it is not wise to be frozen in on a fixed timetable. We must retain the flexibility to base each withdrawal decision on the situation as it is at that time, rather than on estimates that are no longer valid. Along with this optimistic estimate, I must in all candor leave one note of caution. If the level of enemy activity significantly increases, we might have to adjust our timetable accordingly.However, I want the record to be completely clear on one point. At the time of the bombing halt just a year ago there was some confusion as to whether there was an understanding on the part of the enemy that if we stopped the bombing of North Vietnam, they would stop the shelling of cities in South Vietnam.I want to be sure that there is no misunderstanding on the part of the enemy with regard to our withdrawal program. We have noted the reduced level of infiltration, the reduction of our casualties and are basing our withdrawal decisions partially on those factors. If the level of infiltration or our casualties increase while we are trying to scale down the fighting, it will be the result of a conscious decision by the enemy. Hanoi could make no greater mistake than to assume that an increase in violence will be to its advantage.If I conclude that increased enemy action jeopardizes our remaining forces in Vietnam, I shall not hesitate to take strong and effective measures to deal with that situation. This is not a threat. This is a statement of policy which as Commander-in-Chief ofour armed forces I am making and meeting my responsibility for the protection of American fighting men wherever they may be.My fellow Americans, I am sure you can recognize from what I have said that we really only have two choices open to us if we want to end this war. I can order an immediate precipitate withdrawal of all Americans from Vietnam without regard to the effects of that action. Or we can persist in our search for a just peace through a negotiated settlement, if possible, or through continued implementation of our plan for Vietnamization, if necessary -- a plan in which we will withdraw all of our forces from Vietnam on a schedule in accordance with our program as the South Vietnamese become strong enough to defend the ir own freedom.I have chosen this second course. It is not the easy way. It is the right way. It is a plan which will end the war and serve the cause of peace, not just in Vietnam but in the Pacific and in the world.In speaking of the consequences of a precipitous withdrawal, I mentioned that our allies would lose confidence in America. Far more dangerous, we wou ld lose confidence in ourselves. Oh, the immediate reaction would be a sense of relief that our men were coming home. But as we saw the consequences of what we had done, inevitable remorse and divisive recrimination would scar our spirit as a people. We have faced other crises in our history and we have become stronger by rejecting the easy way out and taking the right way in meeting our challenges. Our greatness as a nation has been our capacity to do what has to be done when we knew our course was right. I recognize that some of my fellow citizens disagree with the plan for peace I have chosen. Honest and patriotic Americans have reached different conclusions as to how peace should be achieved. In San Francisco a few weeks ago, I saw demonstrators carrying signs reading, “Lose in Vietnam, bring the boys home.” Well, one of the strengths of our free society is that any American has a right to reach that conclusion and to advocate that point of view.But as President of the United States, I would be untrue to my oath of office if I allowed the policy of this nation to be dictated by the minority who hold that point of view and who try to impose it on the nation by mounting demonstrations in the street. For almost 200 years, the policy of this nation has been made under our Constitution by those leaders in the Congress and the White House elected by all the people. If a vocal minority, however fervent its cause, prevails over reason and the will of the majority, this nation has no future as a free society.And now, I would like to address a word, if I may, to the young people of this nation who are particularly concerned, and I understand why they are concerned, about this war. I respect your idealism. I share your concern for peace. I want peace as much as you do. There are powerful personal reasons I want to end this war. This week I will have to sign 83 letters to mothers, fathers, wives, and loved ones of men who have given their lives for America in Vietnam. It's very little satisfaction to me that this is only one-third as many letters as I signed the first week in office. There is nothing I want more than to see the day come when I do not have to write any of those letters.I want to end the war to save the lives of those brave young men in Vietnam. ButI want to end it in a way which will increase the chance that their younger brothers and their sons will not have to fight in some future Vietnam some place in the world. And I want to end the war for another reason. I want to end it so that the energy and dedication of you, our young people, now too often directed into bitter hatred against those responsible for the war, can be turned to the great challenges of peace, a better life for all Americans, a better life for all people on this earth.I have chosen a plan for peace. I believe it will succeed. If it does not succeed, what the critics say now won’t matter. Or if it does succeed, what the critics say now won’t matter. If it does not succeed, anything I say then won’t matter.I know it may not be fashionable to speak of patriotism or national destiny these days, but I feel it is appropriate to do so on this occasion. Two hundred years ago this nation was weak and poor. But even then, America was the hope of millions in the world. Today we have become the strongest and richest nation in the world, and the wheel of destiny has turned so that any hope the world has for the survival of peace and freedom will be determined by whether the American people have the moral stamina and the courage to meet the challenge of free-world leadership.Let historians not record that, when America was the most powerful nation in the world, we passed on the other side of the road and allowed the last hopes for peace and freedom of millions of people to be suffocated by the forces of totalitarianism. So tonight, to you, the great silent majority of my fellow Americans, I ask for your support. I pledged in my campaign for the Presidency to end the war in a way that we could win the peace. I have initiated a plan of action which will enable me to keep that pledge. The more support I can have from the American people, the sooner that pledge can be redeemed. For the more divided we are at home, the less likely the enemy is to negotiate at Paris.Let us be united for peace. Let us also be united against defeat. Because let us understand -- North Vietnam cannot defeat or humiliate the United States. Only Americans can do that.Fifty years ago, in this room, and at this very desk, President Woodrow Wilson spoke words which caught the imagination of a war-weary world. He said: “This is the war to end wars.” His dream for peace after World War I was shattered on the hard reality of great power politics. And Woodrow Wilson died a broken man. Tonight, I do not tell you that the war in Vietnam is the war to end wars, but I do say this: I have initiated a plan which will end this war in a way that will bring us closer to that great goal to which -- to which Woodrow Wilson and every American President in our history has been dedicated -- the goal of a just and lasting peace. As President I hold the responsibility for choosing the best path for that goal and then leading the nation along it.I pledge to you tonight that I shall meet this responsibility with all of the strength and wisdom I can command, in accordance with your hopes, mindful of your concerns, sustained by your prayers.。
理查德克莱德曼给艾德琳的诗
理查德克莱德曼给艾德琳的诗哎呀，你知道理查德克莱德曼吗？那可是音乐界的大师级人物啊！
他的那首，简直就是天籁之音！
想象一下，你正走在一条幽静的小路上，周围是郁郁葱葱的树林，
微风轻轻拂过你的脸庞。
这时，的旋律悠悠传来，是不是感觉整个世
界都变得美好而宁静了？就像在炎热的夏日里，突然喝到了一杯清凉
爽口的果汁，让人瞬间舒畅！
我记得有一次，我心情特别糟糕，感觉整个世界都在跟我作对。
我
打开音乐播放器，碰巧就听到了这首曲子。
那优美的音符，如同温柔
的手，轻轻抚摸着我受伤的心灵。
难道这还不足以说明它的魅力吗？
还有一回，我在朋友家聚会。
大家玩得正高兴的时候，有人放了这首。
原本喧闹的场面瞬间安静下来，所有人都沉浸在这美妙的旋律中。
这不就跟魔法一样吗？
理查德克莱德曼用他的才华，赋予了无尽的魅力。
它不只是一首曲子，更像是一个能带你逃离现实烦恼的仙境。
每次聆听，都能让人获
得心灵的慰藉。
我觉得，就是音乐世界中的一颗璀璨明珠，永远闪耀着迷人的光芒，让人陶醉，无法自拔！。
查理演讲稿英文
查理演讲稿英文Ladies and gentlemen,I stand before you today to speak about an important topic that affects us all - the power of kindness. In a world where negativity and selfishness seem to prevail, it is crucial that we recognize and appreciate the impact that acts of kindness can have on individuals and society as a whole.Kindness is not merely a random act of niceness; it is a fundamental pillar of humanity. It is the ability to put others before ourselves, to empathize with their struggles, and to offer a helping hand without expecting anything in return. Kindness knows no boundaries - it transcends race, religion, and class. It is a universal language that can connect us all.Moreover, kindness is contagious. When one person performs an act of kindness, it inspires others to do the same. In a world where negativity spreads like wildfire, a simple act of kindness can spark a chain reaction that can change the course of events. Kindness has the power to alleviate pain, to heal wounds, and to build bridges of understanding between people.Furthermore, kindness is not limited to grand gestures or extravagantacts. Small acts of kindness can have just as profound an effect. A smile to a stranger, offering a helping hand to someone in need, or even listening to a friend who is going through a tough time - these seemingly insignificant acts can brighten someone's day and provide them with hope and reassurance.In addition to the impact it has on individuals, kindness can also transform society. A society built on kindness is one where compassion and empathy reign supreme. It is a society where people look out for one another, where there is a sense of collective responsibility for the welfare of others. Imagine a world where acts of kindness are not exceptional; they are expected, even demanded. This vision can become a reality if we all make an effort to be kind, to treat others with respect and dignity.So, let us not underestimate the power of kindness. Let us embrace kindness as a foundation for our interactions with others. Let us remember that even the smallest acts of kindness can make a significant difference. With kindness, we can create a more compassionate, understanding, and harmonious world for all.Thank you.。
高中英语世界名人演讲词5RichardM.Nixon素材
五、Richard M. Nixon"Checkers"My Fellow Americans,I come before you tonight as a candidate for the Vice Presidency and as a man whose honesty and integrity has been questioned.Now, the usual political thing to do when charges are made against you is to either ignore them or to deny them without giving details. I believe we've had enough of that in the United States, particularly with the present Administration in Washington, D.C. To me the office of the Vice Presidency of the United States is a great office, and I feel that the people have got to have confidence in the integrity of the men who run for that office and who might obtain it.I have a theory, too, that the best and only answer to a smear or to an honest misunderstanding of the facts is to tell the truth. And that's why I'm here tonight.I want to tell you my side of the case. I'm sure that you have read the charge, and you've heard it, that I, Senator Nixon, took 18,000 dollars from a group of my supporters.Now, was that wrong? And let me say that it was wrong. I'm saying, incidentally, that it was wrong, not jus t illegal, because it isn't a question of whether it was legal or illegal, that isn't enough. The question is, was it morally wrong? I say that it was morally wrong -- if any of that 18,000 dollars went to Senator Nixon, for my personal use. I say that it was morally wrong if it was secretly given and secretly handled. And I say that it was morally wrong if any of the contributors got special favors for the contributions that they made.And now to answer those questions let me say this: Not one cent of the 18,000 dollars or any other money of that type ever went to m e for my personal use. Every penny of it was used to pay for political expenses that I did not think should be charged to the taxpayers of the United States. It was not a secret fund. As a matter of fact, when I was on "Meet the Press" -- some of you may have seen it last Sunday -- Peter Edson came up to me after the program, and he said, "Dick, what about this "fund" we hear about?" And I said, "Well, there's no secret about it. Go out and see Dana Smith who was the administrator of the fund." And I gave him [Edson] his [Smith's] address. And I said you will find that the purpose of the fund simply was to defray political expenses that I did not feel should be charged to the Government. And third, let me point out -- and I want to make this particularly clear -- that no contributor to this fund, no contributor to any of my campaigns, has ever received any consideration that he would not have received as an ordinary constituent. I just don't believe in that, and I can say that never, while I have been in the Senate of the United States, as far as the people that contributed to this fund are concerned, have I made a telephone call for them to an agency, or have I gone down to an agency in their behalf. And the records will show that, the records which are in the hands of the administration.Well, then, some of you will say, and rightly, "Well, what did you use the fund for, Senator?" "Why did you have to have it?" Let me tell you in just a word how a Senateoffice operates. First of all, a Senator gets 15,000 dollars a year in salary. He gets enough money to pay for one trip a year -- a round trip, that is -- for himself and his family between his home and Washington, D.C. And then he gets an allowance to handle the people that work in his office to handle his mail. And the allowance for my State of California is enough to hire 13 people. And let me say, incidentally, that that allowance is not paid to the Senator. It's paid directly to the individuals that the Senator puts on his pay roll. But all of these people and all of these allowances are for strictly official business; business, for example, when a constituent writes in and wants you to go down to the Veteran's Administration and get some information about his GI policy -- items of that type, for example. But there are other expense s which are not covered by the Government. And I think I can best discuss those expenses by asking you some questions.Do you think that when I or any other Senator makes a political speech, has it printed, should charge the printing of that speech and the mailing of that speech to the taxpayers? Do you think, for example, when I or any other Senator makes a trip to his home State to make a purely political speech that the cost of that trip should be charged to the taxpayers? Do you think when a Senator makes political broadcasts or political television broadcasts, radio or television, that the expense of those broadcasts should be charged to the taxpayers? Well I know what your answer is. It's the same answer that audiences give me whenever I discuss this particular problem: The answer is no. The taxpayers shouldn't be required to finance items which are not official business but which are primarily political business.Well, then the question arises, you say, "Well, how do you pay for these and how can you do it legally?" And there are several ways that it can be done, incidentally, and that it is done legally in the United States Senate and in the Congress. The first way is to be a rich man. I don't happen to be a rich man, so I couldn't use that one. Another way that is used is to put your wife on the pay roll. Let me say, incidentally, that my opponent, my opposite number for the Vice Presidency on the Democratic ticket, does have his wife on the pay roll and has had it -- her on his pay roll for the ten years -- for the past ten years. Now just let me say this: That's his business, and I'm not critical of him for doing that. You will have to pass judgment on that particular point.But I have never done that for this reason: I have found that there are so many deserving stenographers and secretaries in Washington that needed the work that I just didn't feel it was right to put my wife on the pay roll.My wife's sitting over here. She's a wonderful stenographer. She used to teach stenography and she used to teach shorthand in high school. That was when I met her. And I can tell you folks that she's worked many hours at night and many hours on Saturdays and Sundays in my office, and she's done a fine job, and I am proud to say tonight that in the six years I've bee n in the House and the Senate of the United States, Pat Nixon has never been on the Government pay roll.What are other ways that these finances can be taken care of? Some who are lawyers, and I happen to be a lawyer, continue to practice law, but I haven't been able to do that. I'm so far away from California that I've been so busy with my senatorialwork that I have not engaged in any legal practice. And, also, as far as law practice is concerned, it seemed to me that the relationship between an attorney and the client was so personal that you couldn't possibly represent a man as an attorney and then have an unbiased view when he presented his case to you in the event that he had one before Government.And so I felt that the best way to handle these necessary political exp enses of getting my message to the American people and the speeches I made -- the speeches that I had printed for the most part concerned this one message of exposing this Administration, the Communism in it, the corruption in it -- the only way that I could do that was to accept the aid which people in my home State of California, who contributed to my campaign and who continued to make these contributions after I was elected, were glad to make.And let me say I'm proud of the fact that not on e of them has ever asked me for a special favor. I'm proud of the fact that not one of them has ever asked me to vote on a bill other than of my own conscience would dictate. And I am proud of the fact that the taxpayers, by subterfuge or otherwise, have never paid one dime for expenses which I thought were political and shouldn't be charged to the taxpayers. Let me say, incidentally, that some of you may say, "Well, that's all right, Senator, that's your explanation, but have you got any proof?" And I'd like to tell you this evening that just an hour ago we received an independent audit of this entire fund.I suggested to Governor Sherman Adams, who is the Chief of Staff of the Dwight Eisenhower campaign, that an independent audit and legal report be obtained, and I have that audit here in my hands. It's an audit made by the P rice Waterhouse & Company firm, and the legal opinion by Gibson, Dunn, & Crutcher, lawyers in Los Angeles, the biggest law firm, and incidentally, one of the best ones in Los Angeles.I am proud to be able to report to you tonight that this audit and this legal opinion is being forwarded to General Eisenhower. And I'd like to read to you the opinion that was prepared by Gibson, Dunn, & Crutcher, and based on all the pertinent laws and statutes, together with the audit report prepared by the certified public accountants. Quote:It is our conclusion that Senator Nixon did not obtain any financial gain from the collection and disbursement of the fund by Dana Smith; that Senator Nixon did not violate any federal or state law by reason of the operation of the fund; and that neither the portion of the fund paid by Dana Smith directly to third persons, nor the portion paid to Senator Nixon, to reimburse him for designated office expenses, constituted income to the Senator which was either reportable or taxable as income under applicable tax laws.Now that, my friends, is not Nixon speaking, but that's an independent audit which was requested, because I want the American people to know all the facts, and I am not afraid of having independent people go in and check the facts, and that is exactly what they did. But then I realized that there are still some who may say, and rightfully so -- and let me say that I recognize that some will continue to smear regardless of what the truth may be -- but that there has been, understandably, some honest misunderstanding on this matter, and there are some that will say, "Well,maybe you were able, Senator, to fake this thing. How can we believe what you say? After all, is there a possibility that maybe you got some sums in cash? Is there a possibility that you may have feathered your own nest?" And so now, what I am going to do -- and incidentally this is unprecedented in the history of American politics -- I am going at this time to give to this television and radio audio -- audience, a complete financial history, everything I've earned, everything I've spent, everything I own. And I want you to know the facts.I'll have to start early. I was born in 1913. Our family was one of modest circumstances, and most of my early life was spent in a store out in East Whittier. It was a grocery store, one of those family enterprises. The only reason we were able to make it go was because my mother and dad had five boys, and we all worked in the store. I worked my way through college, and, to a great extent, through law school. And then in 1940, probably the best thing that ever happened to me happened.I married Pat who's sitting over here. We had a rather difficult time after we were married, like so many of the young couples who may be listening to us. I practiced law. She continued to teach school.Then, in 1942, I went into the service. Let me say that my service record was not a particularly unusual one. I went to the South Pacific. I guess I'm entitled to a couple of battle stars. I got a couple of letters of commendation. But I was just there when the bombs were falling. And then I returned -- returned to the United States, and in 1946, I ran for the Congress. When we came out of the war -- Pat and I -- Pat during the war had worked as a stenographer, and in a bank, and as an economist for a Government agency -- and when we came out, the total of our savings, from both my law practice, her teaching and all the time that I was in the war, the total for that entire period was just a little less than 10,000 dollars. Every cent of that, incidentally, was in Government bonds. Well that's where we start, when I go into politics.Now, what have I earned since I went into politics? Well, here it is. I've jotted it down. Let me read the notes. First of all, I've had my salary as a Congressman and as a Senator. Second, I have received a total in this past six years of 1600 dollars from estates which were in my law firm at the time that I severed my connection with it. And, incidentally, as I said before, I have not engaged in any legal practice and have not accepted any fees from business that came into the firm after I went into politics. I have made an average of approximately 1500 dollars a year from nonpolitical speaking engagements and lectures.And then, fortunately, we've inherited a little money. Pat sold her interest in her father's estate for 3,000 dollars, and I inherited 1500 dollars from my grandfather. We lived rather modestly. For four years we lived in an apartment in Parkfairfax, in Alexandria, Virginia. The rent was 80 dollars a month. And we saved for the time that we could buy a house. Now, that was what we took in. What did we do with this money? What do we have today to show for it? This will surprise you because it is so little, I suppose, as standards generally go of people in public life.First of all, we've got a house in Washington, which cost 41,000 dollars and on which we owe 20,000 dollars. We have a house in Whittier, California which cost 13,000dollars and on which we owe 3000 dollars. My folks are living there at the present time. I have just 4000 dollars in life insurance, plus my GI policy which I've never been able to convert, and which will run out in two years. I have no life insurance whatever on Pat. I have no life insurance on our two youngsters, Tricia and Julie.I own a 1950 Oldsmobile car. We have our furniture. We have no stocks and bonds of any type. We have no interest of any kind, direct or indirect, in any business. Now, that's what we have. What do we owe?Well in addition to the mortgage, the 20,000 dollar mortgage on the house in Washington, the 10,000 dollar one on the house in Whittier, I owe 4500 dollars to the Riggs Bank in Washington, D.C., with interest 4 and 1/2 percent. I owe 3500 dollars to my parents, and the interest on that loan, which I pay regularly, because it's the part of the savings they made through the years they were working so hard -- I pay regularly 4 percent interest. And then I have a 500 dollar loan, which I have on my life insurance.Well, that's about it. That's what we have. And that's what we owe. It isn't very much. But Pat and I have the satisfaction that every dime that we've got is honestly ours. I should say this, that Pat doesn't have a mink coat. But she does have a respectable Republican cloth coat, and I always tell her she'd look good in anything. One other thing I probably should tell you, because if I don't they'll probably be saying this about me, too. We did get something, a gift, after the election. A man down in Texas heard Pat on the radio mention the fact that our two youngsters would like to have a dog. And believe it or not, the day before we left on this campaign trip we got a message from Union Station in Baltimore, saying they had a package for us. We went down to get it. You know what it was? It was a little cocker spaniel dog in a crate that he'd sent all the way from Texas, black and white, spotted. And our little girl Tricia, the six year old, named it "Checkers." And you know, the kids, like all kids, love the dog, and I just want to say this, right now, that regardless of what they say about it, we're gonna keep it.It isn't easy to come before a nationwide audience and bare your life, as I've done. But I want to say some things before I conclude that I think most of you will agree on. Mr. Mitchell, the Chairman of the Democratic National Committee, made this statement -- that if a man couldn't afford to be in the United States Senate, he shouldn't run for the Senate. And I just want to make my position clear. I don't agree with Mr. Mitchell when he says that only a rich man should serve his Government in the United States Senate or in the Congress. I don't believe that represents the thinking of the Democratic Party, and I know that it doesn't represent the thinking of the Republican Party.I believe that it's fine that a man like Governor Stevenson, who inherited a fortune from his father, can run for President. But I also feel that it's essential in this country of ours that a man of modest means can also run for President, because, you know, remember Abraham Lincoln, you remember what he said: "God must have loved the common people -- he made so many of them."And now I'm going to suggest some courses of conduct. First of all, you have read in the papers about other funds, now. Mr. Stevenson apparently had a couple -- oneof them in which a group of business people paid and helped to supplement the salaries of State employees. Here is where the money went directly into their pockets, and I think that what Mr. Stevenson should do should be to come before the American people, as I have, give the names of the people that contributed to that fund, give the names of the people who put this money into their pockets at the same time that they were receiving money from their State government and see what favors, if any, they gave out for that.I don't condemn Mr. Stevenson for what he did, but until the facts are in there isa doubt that will be raised. And as far as Mr. Sparkman is concerned, I would suggest the same thing. He's had his wife on the payroll. I don't condemn him for that, but I think that he should come before the American people and indicate what outside sources of income he has had. I would suggest that under the circumstances both Mr. Sparkman and Mr. Stevenson should come before the American people, as I have, and make a complete financial statement as to their financial history, and if they don't it will be an admission that they have something to hide. And I think you will agree with me -- because, folks, remember, a man that's to be President of the United States, a man that's to be Vice President of the United States, must have the confidence of all the people. And that's why I'm doing what I'm doing. And that's why I suggest that Mr. Stevenson and Mr. Sparkman, since they are under attack, should do what they're doing.Now let me say this: I know that this is not the last o f the smears. In spite of my explanation tonight, other smears will be made. Others have been made in the past. And the purpose of the smears, I know, is this: to silence me; to make me let up. Well, they just don't know who they're dealing with. I'm going to tell you this: I remember in the dark days of the Hiss case some of the same columnists, some of the same radio commentators who are attacking me now and misrepresenting my position, were violently opposing me at the time I w as after Alger Hiss. But I continued to fight because I knew I was right, and I can say to this great television and radio audience that I have no apologies to the American people for my part in putting Alger Hiss where he is today. And as far as this is concerned, I intend to continue to fight.Why do I feel so deeply? Why do I feel that in spite of the smears, the misunderstanding, the necessity for a man to come up here and bare his soul as I have -- why is it necessary for me to continue this fight? And I want to tell you why. Because, you see, I love my country. And I think my country is in danger. And I think the only man that can save America at this time is the man that's running for President, on my ticket -- Dwight Eisenhower. You say, "Why do I think it is in danger?" And I say, look at the record. Seven years of the Truman-Acheson Administration, and what's happened? Six hundred million people lost to the Communists. And a war in Korea in which we have lost 117,000 American casualties, and I say to all of you that a policy that results in the loss of 600 million people to the Communists, and a war which cost us 117,000 American casualties isn't good enough for America. And I say that those in the State Department that made the mistakes which caused that war and which resulted in those losses should be kickedout of the State Department just as fast as we get them out of there.And let me say that I know Mr. Stevenson won't do that because he defends the Truman policy, and I know that Dwight Eisenhower will do that, and that he will give America the leadership that it needs. Take the problem of corruption. You've read about the mess in Washington. Mr. Stevenson can't clean it up because he was picked by the man, Truman, under whose Administration the mess was made. You wouldn't trust the man who made the mess to clean it up. That's Truman. And by the same token you can't trust the man who was picked by the man that made the mess to clean it up -- and that's Stevenson.And so I say, Eisenhower, who owed nothing to Truman, nothing to the big city bosses -- he is the man that can clean up the mess in Washington. Take Communism. I say that as far as that subject is concerned the danger is great to America. In the Hiss case they got the secrets which enabled them to break the American secret State Department code. They got secrets in the atomic bomb case which enabled them to get the secret of the atomic bomb five years before they would have gotten it by their own devices. And I say that any man who called the Alger Hiss case a red herring isn't fit to be President of the United States. I say that a man wh o, like Mr. Stevenson, has pooh-poohed and ridiculed the Communist threat in the United States -- he said that they are phantoms among ourselves. He has accused us that have attempted to expose the Communists, of looking for Communists in the Bureau of Fisheries and Wildlife. I say that a man who says that isn't qualified to be President of the United States. And I say that the only man who can lead us in this fight to rid the Government of both those who are Communists and those who have corrupted this Government is Eisenhower, because Eisenhower, you can be sure, recognizes the problem, and he knows how to deal with it.Now let me that finally, this evening, I want to read to you, just briefly, excerpts from a letter which I received, a letter which after all this is over no one can take away from us. It reads as follows:Dear Senator Nixon,Since I am only 19 years of age, I can't vote in this presidential election, but believe me if I could you and General Eisenhower would certainly get my vote. My husband is in the Fleet Marines in Korea. He' a corpsman on the front lines and we have a two month old son he's never seen. And I feel confident that with great Americans like you and General Eisenhower in the White House, lonely Americans like myself will be united with their loved ones now in Korea. I only pray to God that you won't be too late. Enclosed is a small check to help you in your campaign. Living on $85 a month, it is all I can afford at present, but let me know what else I can do.Folks, it's a check for 10 dollars, and it's one that I will never cash. And just let me say this: We hear a lot about prosperity these days, but I say why can't we have prosperity built on peace, rather than prosperity built on war? Why can't we have prosperity and an honest Government in Washington, D.C., at the same time? Believe me, we can. And Eisenhower is the man that can lead this crusade to bring us that kind of prosperity.And now, finally, I know that you wonder whether or not I am going to stay on the Republican ticket or resign. Let me say this: I don't believe that I ought to quit, because I am not a quitter. And, incidentally, Pat's not a quitter. After all, her name was Patricia Ryan and she was born on St. Patrick's day, and you know the Irish never quit.But the decision, my friends, is not mine. I would do nothing that would harm the possibilities of Dwight Eisenhower to become President of the United States. And for that reason I am submitting to the Republican National Committee tonight through this television broadcast the decision which it is theirs to make. Let them decide whether my position on the ticket will help or hurt. And I am going to ask you to help them decide. Wire and write the Republican National Committee whether you think I should stay on or whether I should get off. And whatever their decision is, I will abide by it.But just let me say this last word: Regardless of what happens, I'm going to continue this fight. I'm going to campaign up and down in America until we drive the crooks and the Communists and those that defend them out of Washington. And remember folks, Eisenhower is a great man, believe me. He's a great man. And a vote for Eisenhower is a vote for what's good for America. And what's good for America....[interrupted by broadcaster]。
有关查理曼的演讲稿英文
有关查理曼的演讲稿英文Ladies and gentlemen,。
Today, I am honored to stand before you to talk about the great composer and pianist, Frederic Chopin, also known as Frédéric François Chopin. Chopin was born in Poland in 1810 and lived a short but incredibly impactful life, passing away at the young age of 39. His music has left an indelible mark on the world of classical music, and his legacy continues to inspire musicians and music lovers to this day.Chopin's music is often described as poetic, expressive, and deeply emotional. His compositions for the piano are particularly renowned for their technical brilliance and profound musicality. Chopin's ability to convey a wide range of emotions through his music is truly remarkable, and his works continue to be celebrated for their beauty and complexity.One of the most fascinating aspects of Chopin's music is the way in which he incorporated elements of Polish folk music into his compositions. This unique blend of classical and folk traditions gave Chopin's music a distinctive voice and set it apart from the works of his contemporaries. His Mazurkas and Polonaises, in particular, showcase his skillful integration of folk melodies and dance rhythms into the classical idiom.Chopin's music also reflects the turbulent political and social climate of his time. As a proud Pole living in the midst of the struggle for Polish independence, Chopin's compositions often convey a sense of longing, nostalgia, and patriotism. His music became a symbol of Polish national identity and resilience, and his compositions continue to hold a special place in the hearts of the Polish people.In addition to his musical achievements, Chopin was also known for his virtuosic skills as a performer. His concerts were highly acclaimed, and he was regarded as one of the greatest pianists of his time. Chopin's innovative approach to piano playing, including his use of rubato and expressive phrasing, set new standards for pianists and had a lasting impact on the development of piano technique.In conclusion, Frederic Chopin's contributions to the world of music are immeasurable. His compositions continue to be cherished by musicians and audiences around the world, and his influence on the development of piano music is undeniable. Chopin's music transcends time and place, speaking to the universal human experience with its beauty, passion, and depth of emotion. As we celebrate the legacy of this remarkable composer, let us remember the enduring power of music to inspire, uplift, and unite us all.Thank you.。
名人英语演讲稿三分钟
名人英语演讲稿三分钟Ladies and gentlemen, good morning. Today, I am honored to stand here and share with you some famous English speeches delivered by great speakers.First of all, let's talk about Martin Luther King Jr.'s "I Have a Dream" speech. In this speech, King expressed his vision of a future where people would not be judged by the color of their skin, but by the content of their character. His powerful words and passionate delivery inspired millions of people to join the civil rights movement and continue the fight for equality.Next, let's move on to Winston Churchill's "We Shall Fight on the Beaches" speech. In the face of imminent threat from Nazi Germany, Churchill rallied the British people with his resolute determination and unwavering confidence. His famous line "We shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never surrender" is a testament to his leadership and courage.Moving on, we cannot forget to mention John F. Kennedy's "Ask Not What Your Country Can Do for You" speech. In this iconic address, Kennedy called on Americans to take personal responsibility for the welfare of their country and the world. His stirring words challenged a generation to look beyond their own interests and work towards a greater good.Lastly, let's discuss Malala Yousafzai's Nobel Peace Prize acceptance speech. Malala, a young advocate for girls' education, spoke passionately about the power of education to change the world. Her bravery and resilience in the face of adversity serve as an inspiration to people of all ages.In conclusion, these speeches are not only examples of exceptional oratory skills, but also powerful calls to action that have shaped the course of history. They remind us of the importance of standing up for what is right, speaking out against injustice, and working towards a better future for all. Thank you.。
名人演讲稿英文3分钟
名人演讲稿英文3分钟Ladies and gentlemen,Thank you for giving me this opportunity to address you all here today. Today, I would like to talk to you about a topic that is close to my heart - the power of dreams.We live in a world that is filled with opportunities and possibilities. Each and every one of us has the ability to dream big and achieve greatness. Throughout history, we have seen countless examples of individuals who have turned their dreams into reality. From inventors and scientists to social activists and entrepreneurs, these individuals have left an indelible mark on humanity.One such person who exemplifies the power of dreams is Martin Luther King Jr. In his famous speech, he shared his dream of a world where people would be judged not by the color of their skin, but by the content of their character. His dream sparked a movement that led to significant advancements in civil rights and equality.But it doesn't take a famous figure like Martin Luther King Jr. to make a difference. Each and every one of us has the ability to impact the world in our own unique way. We all have dreams and aspirations that drive us forward, pushing us to achieve what may seem impossible.Take, for example, Oprah Winfrey. She grew up in poverty and faced numerous obstacles throughout her life. However, she never let those challenges define her. Instead, she held onto her dreams of becoming a successful talk show host. Through hard work, determination, and the powerof her voice, she turned those dreams into a reality. Today, Oprah is not only a renowned media mogul but also a philanthropist who has made a positive impact on countless lives.The key to turning our dreams into reality lies in believing in ourselves. We must have the courage to pursue our passions and take risks, even in the face of adversity. Walt Disney once said, "All our dreams can come true if we have the courage to pursue them." These words hold true even today. We must have the audacity to dream big and the perseverance to overcome obstacles along the way.In addition to self-belief, support and encouragement from others play a crucial role in achieving our dreams. Surrounding ourselves with people who believe in us and our aspirations can provide the motivation and inspiration we need to keep going, even when the going gets tough.I remember reading about the story of J.K. Rowling, the author of the immensely popular Harry Potter series. She faced numerous rejections from publishers before finally finding one who believed in her work. Without that support, the world may never have been introduced to the magical world of Harry Potter.In conclusion, ladies and gentlemen, our dreams have the power to shape our lives and the lives of those around us. They have the power to bring about positive change and make the world a better place. Let us never underestimate the power of dreams and the impact they can have. As Eleanor Roosevelt once said, "The future belongs to those who believe in the beauty of their dreams."Thank you.。
2008年考研英语一text4
主题：2008年考研英语一text4内容：1. 阅读理解题目2008年考研英语一text4的阅读理解题目是关于英国音乐家理查德·克莱德曼的介绍和评价。
文章主要介绍了克莱德曼的音乐风格，对他的评价以及他在我国的影响等内容。
2. 文章结构分析阅读理解题目要求考生通过阅读全文来回答相关问题，因此文章结构的分析对于理解文章内容和答题有重要作用。
在文章开头部分，作者对克莱德曼的音乐风格和他的音乐生涯进行了介绍，接着对他在我国的影响进行了评价，最后给出了结论。
3. 文章内容细节在文章的内容细节部分，克莱德曼的音乐风格主要以抒情曲和轻音乐为主，给人一种温馨、浪漫的感觉。
在对他在我国的影响部分，作者认为他的音乐走进了我国普通百姓的生活，深受欢迎。
作者对他的音乐进行了评价，认为他的音乐取得了巨大的成功，并对他的成就给予了高度评价。
4. 文章观点分析在这篇文章中，作者对克莱德曼的音乐风格和成就做出了积极的评价，认为他的音乐对我国乐迷产生了深远的影响。
文章的观点明确，语言简练，层次分明，符合高考英语的阅读理解要求。
5. 文章写作技巧分析在这篇文章中，作者使用了大量的描写性词语和修辞手法，比如“温馨”、“浪漫”等词语，增强了文章的感染力。
作者对克莱德曼的音乐进行了客观公正的评价，符合高考英语的评价标准。
结论：2008年考研英语一text4的阅读理解题目主要关于英国音乐家理查德·克莱德曼的介绍和评价。
文章着重介绍了克莱德曼的音乐风格、对他的评价以及他在我国的影响等内容。
文章结构清晰，观点明确，语言简练，符合高考英语的阅读理解要求。
文章的写作技巧较好，使用了大量的描写性词语和修辞手法，增强了文章的感染力。
该篇文章可以作为高考英语阅读理解的范文进行分析和借鉴。
2008年考研英语一text4的阅读理解题目是关于英国音乐家理查德·克莱德曼的介绍和评价。
文章主要介绍了克莱德曼的音乐风格、对他的评价以及他在我国的影响等内容。
简短易懂的英语名人演讲稿
简短易懂的英语名人演讲稿Ladies and gentlemen, esteemed guests,。
Today, I want to talk to you about the power of words and the impact of great speeches. Throughout history, there have been many influential figures who have delivered powerful and memorable speeches that have inspired and moved people around the world. These speeches have the ability to convey important messages, evoke strong emotions, and ultimately bring about positive change.One of the most iconic speeches in history is Martin Luther King Jr.'s "I Have a Dream" speech. In this speech, King eloquently expressed his vision for a future where people would be judged by the content of their character rather than the color of their skin. His words were not only powerful, but they also ignited a movement for civil rights and equality that continues to resonate today.Another great orator, Winston Churchill, delivered a series of speeches during World War II that rallied the British people and bolstered their resolve during a time of great adversity. His famous "We shall fight on the beaches" speech is a testament to the power of words in times of crisis, and it served as a source of inspiration for the entire nation.In more recent times, we have seen the impact of speeches from figures like Malala Yousafzai, who spoke out against the oppression of girls' education and became a symbol of resilience and determination. Her words have not only raised awareness about the importance of education for all, but they have also inspired countless individuals to stand up for their rights.The common thread among these speeches is their ability to connect with people on a deep and emotional level. They have the power to transcend barriers and unite people from all walks of life. Whether it's through the use of compelling storytelling, powerful imagery, or stirring rhetoric, great speeches have the ability to captivate and inspire audiences in a way that few other forms of communication can.As we reflect on the impact of these speeches, it's important to recognize the responsibility that comes with the power of words. Words have the potential to uplift and empower, but they also have the power to divide and incite hatred. It is crucial for leaders and public figures to use their platform to spread messages of hope, unity, and progress.In conclusion, the impact of great speeches cannot be overstated. They have the power to shape the course of history, inspire movements, and bring about positive change. As we continue to navigate the complexities of our world, let us remember the enduring power of words and the importance of using them to build a better future for all.Thank you.。
永恒的乐章—理查德.克莱德曼作文650字.docx
永恒的乐章—理查德.克莱德曼作文650字
永恒的乐章—理查德.克莱德曼在音乐的长河中，曾有这样一位人物——他，在一夜之间成为钢琴之王，他的成名作，就是耳熟能详的著名钢琴曲——《水边的阿狄丽娜》。
说起他的名字，也许很多人不熟悉小学作文，他就是我的偶像——通俗钢琴之王，理查德.克莱德曼！
——题记平坦的成名之路
1953年，理查德.克莱德曼降生在法国巴黎，5岁时，就跟担任钢琴教师的父亲学习钢琴。
他认识音符比阅读其他文章更快，更容易。
6岁时，他的小手已经灵活的令人不住的惊叹。
十六岁时，因演奏自己做的曲子，在校内音乐比赛中获得一等奖。
后来考入巴黎国立音乐戏剧学院，专攻古典钢琴，他演奏的曲目，一部分是名作改编，另一部分是流行音乐，这些乐曲通过克莱德曼亲切，洒脱和富于诗意的演奏，既有高雅的古典韵味，又充满清新，浪漫的醉人芳香，是不可多得的雅俗共赏的作品。
世界名曲的诞生
克莱德曼原为大歌唱家的钢琴伴奏师，由于为一部经典又富有趣味的电视剧演奏了一曲《水边的阿狄丽娜》作为片尾曲，使听摇滚乐听了厌烦的人精神一震，一夜之间成为家喻户晓的通俗钢琴之王。
而后，他又相继推出了优雅而又不乏忧郁的曲子——
《如爱情那样》（又名《秋日的私语》）。
成为我的偶像
在冬天我往往会想起克莱德曼的曲子《少女的祈祷》，也就是因为这首轻巧又不失天真的曲子，使我瞬间佩服上了这位钢琴家。
我喜欢他充满忧郁的《爱的协奏曲》；我喜欢他浪漫，温柔的《星空的旋律》；我更喜欢他幽静的《梦中的婚礼》；我也爱他饱含乡情的《给母亲的信》与《乡愁》。
他是音乐永恒的乐章!。
名人演讲稿剑桥演讲稿
名人演讲稿剑桥演讲稿尊敬的理查德校长，女士们，先生们：来到向往已久的剑桥大学，非常兴奋。
剑桥举世著名，培养出牛顿、达尔文、培根等很多杰出的科学家、思想家，为人类文明进步作出了重要奉献。
今年是剑桥建校800周年，我谨致以热烈祝贺!这是我第四次访问英国。
中英相距远远，但两国人民的友好交往不断增多。
香港题目的美满解决，经贸、文教、科技等领域的有效合作，为开展中英全面战略伙伴关系奠定了坚实根底。
在此，我向长时间致力于中英友好的朋友们表示崇高的敬意!今天，我演讲的题目是：用开展的眼光***。
我深深爱着的祖国古老而又年轻。
说她古老，她是一个有着数千年文明史的东方大国。
中华民族以自己的勤劳和聪明，创造了灿烂的古代文明，对人类开展作出太重大奉献。
说她年轻，新中国成立才60年，改革开放才30年。
中国人民经太长时间不懈的斗争建立了新中国，又经过艰苦的探索，终究找到了适宜国情的开展道路中国特点社会主义道路，文明古国焕发了青春活力。
中国改革开放，最重要的是解放思想，最根本、最具有长远意义的是体制创新。
我们推动经济体制改革，建立了社会主义市场经济体制。
在政府的宏观调控下，充分发挥市场对资源配置的根底性作用。
我们深化政治体制改革，把开展民主和完善法制结合起来，实行人民当家作主，依法治国，建设社会主义法治国家。
改革开放的实质，就是坚持以人为本，通过解放和开展生产力满足人们日益增长的物质文化需求，在公正的条件下增进人的全面开展;就是保障人民的民主权利，让国家政通人和、兴旺兴旺;就是维护人的尊严和自由，让每个人的聪明和气力得以迸发，成功地寻求自己的幸福生活。
30年来，中国贫困人口减少了2亿多，人均寿命进步了5岁，8300万残疾人得到政府和社会的特殊关爱，这是中国保障人权的光辉业绩。
九年免费义务教育的推行，农村合作医疗制度的建立，社会保障体系的完善，使学有所教、病有所医、老有所养的理想，正在变成现实。
我愿借用两句唐诗形容中国的现状：“潮平两岸阔，风正一帆悬。
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Байду номын сангаас
ichard is very fond of Chinese. He changes a lot of Chinese songs to piano melodies. He adapted and played the largest number of Chinese music among foreign artists.Such as 《梁祝》、《红太阳》、 《一条大河》、《花心》、 《山歌好比春江水》and so on.
layderman has recorded over 1,300 melodies, and has created a new romantic style through a repertoire which combines his trademark originals with classics and pop standards. He has devoted much of his time to performing concerts, going as far as far as playing 200 shows in 250 days. He has clocked up worldwide record sales of approximately 70 million, as of 2006,and has 267 gold and
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World tours
Richard Clayderman in China
1992， in Beijing, Tianjin, Shanghai, Hong Kong 1995， in Beijing, Tianjin, Shanghai, Guangzhou, Nanjing, Shenzhen, Wuhan 1996， Dalian, Shenyang, Kunming 1998， Chengdu, Guangzhou, Chongqing, Wenzhou, in Changchun, Nanchang 1999，Shenyang, Xi‘an, Guiyang, Huangguoshu 2000,，Hangzhou, Harbin, Jinan 2001， Yiwu, Zhengzhou, Changsha, Wuhan, Nanjing, Jinan 2002 ，in Beijing, Hefei, Nanjing, Guangzhou, Shenzhen, Zhuhai, Taiyuan, Zhengzhou, Ningbo 2003， Shanghai, Suzhou, Chengdu, Nanning 2004， in Shenzhen, the Forbidden City in Beijing, Wuhan, Guangzhou；won the second top 10 performances events contest award, and Promotion Award 2005， Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, Jiangsu, Fujian, Zhejiang, Henan, Heilongjiang, Hainan, Singapore 2006 ， Qinghai, Jinan, Shenzhen, Fuzhou, Xiamen, Shenyang, Beijing, Macau 2007 ，Performed a national tour with country music Tianjiao girl group in 2008 ，Suzhou， Daqing Performed a national tour with country music Tianjiao girl 2009 2009， Nanchang， Zibo ，Zhengzhou， Sihong， Harbin，Shijiazhuang 2010，Shanghai ， Beijing, Wuhan ，Hefei ，Luoyang 2011,，Shanghai， Jinan, Shandong， Hangzhou， Qinghai ，Xianning ，Dalian, Chengdu,，Beijing，Chongqing ，Shenzhen,，Xi‘an ，Shijiazhuang
制片人：
潘煜
12级生物技术
石秀祥 12级人力资源管理
Richard Clayderman
the most successful pianist in the world
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ichard Clayderman has done what virtually no other French act has ever done..... established a truly international career as a best selling recording artist and concert performer.
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The music I’m most fond of
Lyphard Melody（星空） Ballade pour Adeline（致爱德琳的诗） A Comme Amour(秋日的私语) Concerto pour une jeune fille nommée “je t‘aime”（爱情协奏曲） Mariage d'amour(梦中的婚礼) Fate (命运）
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70 platinum discs to his credit.
love performing live on stage", he says, "because I have direct contact with my audience. In concert, with my 10 musicians or a symphony orchestra, I like to mix different tempos, rhythms and styles to evoke all kinds of emotion". Clayderman's international success has resulted in a punishing itinerary, in the past, has seen him play as many as 200 concerts in just 250 days spent outside France. In spite of this, he remains very much a family man.
Richard Clayderman at age of 12
Brief introduction to Richard Clayderman
B
orn in Philippe Pages, Frence,28 December 1953 He learned piano from his father when he was 5 At the age of twelve, he was accepted into the Conservatoire de Paris
Thanks