新自由主义的本质(一)

新自由主义的本质(一)(The essence of neoliberalism)新自由主义的本质 1)As the dominant discourse would have it, the economic world is a pure and perfect order, implacably unrolling the logic of its predictable consequences, and prompt to repress all violations by the sanctions that it inflicts, either automatically or - more unusually - through the intermediary of its armed extensions, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and the policies they impose: reducing labour costs, reducing public expenditures and making work more flexible. Is the dominant discourse right? What if, in reality, this economic order were no more than the implementation of a utopia - the utopia of neoliberalism - thus converted into a political problem? One that, with the aid of the economic theory that it proclaims, succeeds in conceiving of itself as the scientific description of reality? 主流的言论认为，经济领域秩序纯洁,完美，不可改变的展开了其可预见后果的逻辑，并迅速镇压了因它制裁而引起的一切侵犯，无论是不是自动的- 更不寻常的是- 通过其武装扩展的中介，国际货币基金（IMF）和经济合作与发展组织（经合组织）和他们所能利用的政策：降低劳动成本，减少公共开支，使工作更加灵活。

是主导的话语权吗？在现实中，如果这种经济秩序并不比一个乌托邦的实现更加–新自由主义的乌托邦–容易转化为一个政治问题，那将会怎么样？其中一个问题就是，在它所宣布的经济理论的援助下，现实的科学描述设想取得了成功？ 2)This tutelary theory is a pure mathematical fiction. From the start it has been founded on a formidable abstraction. For, in the name of a narrow and strict conception of rationality as individual rationality, it brackets the economic and social conditions of rational orientations and the economic and social structures that are the condition of their application. 这种保护理论是纯粹的数学虚构，从一开始就建立在抽象的基础上。

因为，以一条狭窄的合理性和严格的概念名义，包括合理取向及经济和社会结构是其申请条件的经济和社会条件。

3)To give the measure of this omission, it is enough to think just of the educational system. Education is never taken account of as such at a time when it plays a determining role in the production of goods and services as in the production of the producers themselves. From this sort of original sin, inscribed in the Walrasian myth (1) of "pure theory", flow all of the deficiencies and faultsof the discipline of economics and the fatal obstinacy with which it attaches itself to the arbitrary opposition which it induces, through its mere existence, between a properly economic logic, based on competition and efficiency, and social logic, which is subject to the rule of fairness. 对遗漏进行衡量，单单考虑教育制度就足够了。

当它在生产者的产品中的生产商品和服务起着决定性的作用时，教育从来都没被考虑在内。

从这个原罪中，写在瓦尔拉斯神话上的“纯理论”，流躺着经济纪律的缺点、和由它自身附加的任意反对而引发的致命的不足，通过它的存在，正确的经济逻辑之间，以竞争和效率，还有社会逻辑为基础，这是符合公平原则的。

4)That said, this "theory" that is desocialised and dehistoricised at its roots has, today more than ever, the means of making itself true and empiricallyverifiable. In effect, neoliberal discourse is not just one discourse among many. Rather, it isa "strong discourse" - the way psychiatric discourse is in an asylum, in Erving Goffman's analysis (2). It is so strong and so hard to combat only because it has on its side all of the forces of a world of relations of forces, a world that it contributes to making what it is. It does this most notably by orienting the economic choices of those who dominate economic relationships. It thus adds its own symbolic force to these relations of forces. In the name of this scientific programme, converted into a plan of political action, an immense political project is underway, although its status as such is denied because it appears to be purely negative. This project aims to create the conditions under which the "theory" can be realised and can function: a programme of the methodical destruction of collectives. 这表示，今天比以往任何时候都多，这种“理论”从根本上脱离了社会情况和历史情况，使自己成为真正的以经验为依据的可证实的手段。

实际上，新自由主义的话语不仅仅是很多话语中的一种。

相反，在欧文戈夫曼的分析中，它是一个“强有力的话语” –是精神话语方式的一个庇护.它是如此强烈，所以很难对付，只是因为关系着世界力量的力量站在它那边，它有助于使这个世界成为什么样子。

它做着最显着的，占主导地位的经济关系的经济选择。

因此，它增加了自己的力量，而力量象征这些关系。

在这一科学计划的名称为一个政治行动，一个巨大的政治转化项目计划，正在进行，尽管其地位，这就是被拒绝，因为它似乎是纯粹消极的。

该项目旨在建立所依据，“理论”的实现和形成作用：一个集团有条不紊的销毁方案。

5)The movement toward the neoliberal utopia of a pure and perfect market is made possible by the politics of financial deregulation. And it is achieved through the transformative and, it must be said, destructive action of all of the political measures (of which the most recent is the Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI), designed to protect foreign corporations and their investments from national states) that aim to callinto question any and all collective structures that could serve as an obstacle to the logic of the pure market: the nation, whose space to manoeuvre continually decreases; work groups, for example through the individualisation of salaries and of careers as a function of individual competences, with the consequent atomisation of workers; collectives for the defence of the rights of workers, unions, associations, cooperatives; even the family, which loses part of its control over consumption through the constitution of markets by age groups. 这使一个纯粹的，完善的市场新自由主义的乌托邦运动，通过经济反常的政策下，成为可能。