马车简介袁世凯
人物传记袁世凯传
人物传记袁世凯传《袁世凯传》本书为著名历史学者、《剑桥中华民国史》作者陈志让先生的经典力作。
它全面回顾了这位清廷重擘与民国“逆首”的人生历程，详细审察了袁世凯其人在朝鲜监国时期表现出来的治世之才、小站练兵时的干将之能、督抚鲁直时的权臣之范与辛亥革命前后的枭雄之奸，生动地呈现了袁世凯“治世之能臣，乱世之奸雄”的悍厉一生。
内容简介袁世凯，字慰庭，别号容庵，河南项城人，故人称其为袁项城。
生于清咸丰九年(1859年)八月二十日。
早年投靠淮军首领吴长庆，捐得同知衔，后任驻朝鲜通商大臣。
1895年在天津小站编练新建陆军。
1898年戊成变法期间，伪装赞成维新运动，却暗中向权臣荣禄告密，出卖维新派，取得了慈禧太后的宠信。
1899年升任山东巡抚，残酷镇压义和团。
1901年继李鸿章之后为直隶总督兼北洋大臣，成为北洋军阀的最高首领。
1911年辛亥革命时，他眼看清廷气数已尽，决定逼清帝逊位，骗得革命党人信任，攫取了中华民国总统之位。
1915年12月复辟帝制，半年后在举国人民的一片声讨中忧愤而终。
本书运用历史唯物主义观点，客观、公正、准确地描写了袁世凯从青年从军到称帝归西的主要人生经历。
其中包括袁世凯二赴朝鲜、小站练兵、组建北洋军、镇压义和团、逼清帝退位直至当上民国大总统、镇压革命、破坏民主、复辟帝制等一系列重大历史事件。
全书史料翔实，结构严谨，层次分明，语言朴实流畅，适宜各年龄层次的读者阅读。
作者简介陈志让(Jerome Ch’en)：著名历史学家，《剑桥中华民国史》作者，加拿大多伦多大学东亚系教授。
著有《军绅政治》《毛泽东与中国革命》等。
陈志让在海外华人世界是与前两位齐名的历史学者，他是享誉中外《剑桥中华民国史》作者之一; 其作品《军绅政治》由广西师范大学前两年出版，被业内专家捧为可永世流传的经典，在知识精英界有一点的人气基础。
名家推荐最干净的笔触，最清晰的叙事，最少的道德说教。
是我所接触到的几种中外作者书写的袁世凯传记中……最好的一种。
袁世凯传生平简介袁世凯传简介
袁世凯传生平简介袁世凯传简介《袁世凯传》是____年8月1日国际文化出版公司出版的图书，作者是李宗一。
今天为大家精心准备了袁世凯传简介，希望对大家有所帮助!袁世凯是近代中国历史上一个极其重要的代表人物，一个伪装维新的封建专制主义者。
他的名字已经成为近代中国反动政治的同义语，每一部中国近代史书都不能不提到他。
本书在参阅了有关袁世凯的政府档案、私人函电及已出版的专著和史料的基础上，进一步探讨了袁世凯的一生。
本书主要目的在于揭露封建专制主义的野蛮、愚昧、虚伪和顽固，说明清末民初支配我国社会历史的一般的和特有的规律，以及违反这个规律的人物最终要失败的必然性。
袁世凯纵横捭阖两时代，既是清朝重臣，又是民国元首，是中国近代化变革的参与者和见证者。
袁世凯是个不折不扣的纨绔子弟，早年科考失败，弃文从武，投靠吴长庆，攀附李鸿章，巴结荣禄，取悦西太后，同时还不忘在维新派身上下赌注工于心计的他施展手腕，长袖善舞，终于位极人臣。
民国初始，又攘夺了民国大总统的职位，进而称帝建元。
本书资料翔实、语言凝练，作为一本严格意义上的历史作品，多角度阅读定会受益匪浅。
袁世凯是近代中国历史上一个极其重要的代表人物，一个伪装维新的封建专制主义者。
他的名字已经成为近代中国反动政治的同义语，每一部中国近代史书都不能不提到他。
李宗一的《袁世凯传》这本书以大量的历史细节鲜活地再现了一个乱世枭雄翻云覆雨、竞逐群雄的官海传奇，并因此为我们打开了认识一个时代的缺口。
诗人徐刚以如火的激情、史诗般的语言，生动地描绘了19世纪末20世纪初那个光明与黑暗并存、梦想与绝望同在、进步与颓败共生的时代，展现了一幅末世悲歌式的民众生活图景，堪称一部20世纪初的中华民族心灵史。
袁世凯纵横捭阖两时代，既是清朝重臣，又是民国元首，是中国近代化变革的参与者和见证者。
袁世凯是个不折不扣的纨绔子弟，早年科考失败，弃文从武，投靠吴长庆，攀附李鸿章，巴结荣禄，取悦西太后，同时还不忘在维新派身上下赌注工于心计的他施展手腕，长袖善舞，终于位极人臣。
袁世凯简介
袁世凯简介
袁世凯(1859—1916年)，河南项城人，北洋军阀
首领。
早年投靠淮军将领吴长庆,曾任驻朝鲜通商
大臣。
1895年，经李鸿章推荐，担任荣禄部下的
新建陆军督办，在天津小站训练“新建陆军”，网
罗徐世昌、段祺瑞等为党羽，拼凑起家的政治资
本。
“百日维新”期间，以曾参加强学会向光绪皇
帝表示效忠，骗取了维新派的信任，被光绪皇帝
破格授予兵部侍郎。
戊戌政变前，满口答应维新
派的要求，同意在天津阅兵时诛荣禄，以武力保护光绪皇帝，清除后党，但旋即向荣禄告密，出卖维新派，获得了慈禧的宠信。
1899年，升任山东巡抚，勾结德国侵略军残酷镇压义和团。
1900年八国联军侵略我国期间，加紧接触外国。
1901年，李鸿章临终前推荐袁世凯任直隶总督、北洋大臣。
1903年，利用清廷调整之机，成为北洋军阀的首领。
辛亥革命爆发后，在帝国主义支持下一方面逼迫清帝退位，另一方面采取多种手段窃取了革命果实，建立北洋军阀政权。
此后，派人刺杀了宋教仁，镇压了革命党人的“二月革命”，又以暴力强迫国会选他为正式大总统，实行个人独裁。
1915年，为取得日本帝国主义对复辟帝制运动的支持，接受了旨在灭亡中国的“二十一条”。
1915年底，宣布恢复君主制，改中华民国为中华帝国，自称中华帝国的皇帝，激起了护国运动。
1916年，在全国人民的声讨声中，被迫宣布取消帝制，不久忧惧而死。
袁世凯——精选推荐
袁世凯袁世凯叶根发、王术静编撰，杨宏⾬指导、修改⼀、袁世凯评传⼩引袁世凯，字慰庭，号容庵。
河南项城⼈。
⽣于1859年9⽉16⽇（清咸丰九年⼋⽉⼆⼗⽇）。
卒于1916年6⽉6⽇。
袁世凯病逝后，黄兴在《戏挽袁世凯联》写到：“算得个四⼗年来天下英雄，陡起野⼼，假筹安两字美名，⼀意进⾏，居然想学袁公路。
仅做了⼋旬三⽇屋⾥皇帝，伤哉短命，援快活⼀时谚语，两相⽐较，毕竟差胜郭彦威。
”应该说，这个结论还是⽐较公允的。
富家⼦弟袁世凯⽣前谋求帝制时，⼀班御⽤⽂⼈曾舞⽂弄墨，替袁世凯考证说，项城袁⽒⼀族可远溯东汉末年袁术袁公路，近祖是明季宿将袁崇焕，并上书袁世凯要求将袁崇焕附祀关（⽻）岳（飞）庙。
那时梁⼠诒撰⽂这样赞颂袁崇焕，“使崇焕以前⽽有崇焕其⼈者，则满洲军将不能越辽河⼀步；使崇焕以后⽽有崇焕其⼈者，则满洲军尤不能越榆关⼀步，崇焕⼀⽇不去则满洲⼀⽇不能得志于中国。
”⾯对这种为⾃⼰当皇帝⽽牵强附会制造的舆论，袁世凯倒表现得较清醒，没有答应。
项城袁家算不上“望族”，有案可稽的先祖要数袁世凯的曾祖⽗袁耀东。
他靠设馆收徒以养家糊⼝，因过度⽤功读书⽽“赉志⽽殁”，只活了40岁，留下了⼀群孤⼉寡母难维⽣计。
袁耀东⽣前最⼤的名头——庠⽣。
好在袁耀东之妻郭⽒治家育⼉有⽅，据《项城袁⽒家集》的《母德禄》介绍，郭⽒⽩天井⾅亲操，与众婢共苦；晚上篝灯课⼦，三⿎不辍。
在郭⽒的悉⼼调教下，袁耀东的四个⼉⼦树三、甲三、凤三和重三，都有出息。
长⼦袁树三是袁世凯的祖⽗，廪贡⽣，曾署任河南陈留县训导兼教谕；三⼦袁凤三是庠⽣，后担任禹城教谕20年之久；四⼦袁重三，为⽣员，虽未⼊任途，但在家乡长期主持团练；次⼦袁甲三，于道光⼗五年中进⼠，也就是他，奠定了⽇后袁⽒家族的兴盛。
袁甲三历任礼部主事、军机处章京、郎中。
1850年被调任江南监察道御史、兵科给事中。
此时的袁甲三和时任礼部左侍郎的曾国藩、⼤理寺卿倭仁过往较密，经常“讲求宋儒之学”。
袁家的资产也随着袁甲三的仕途的成功膨胀起来，成为项城的⼤望族。
袁世凯简介
• 袁世凯在北洋政府时期的外交政策 • 袁世凯在北洋政府时期，实行了一系列外交政策，维护国家利 益 • 袁世凯试图通过外交手段，提高国家的国际地位，维护政权 • 袁世凯在北洋政府时期的外交政策为他后来的外交手腕奠定了 基础
袁世凯的外交手腕及国际影响力
袁世凯的外交手腕
• 袁世凯在外交事务中，表现出一定的外交手腕，为中国 争取了一定的国际地位 • 袁世凯善于利用国际势力，为自己争取利益 • 袁世凯的外交手腕为他后来的外交生涯奠定了基础
袁世凯的国际影响力
• 袁世凯在国际事务中，具有一定的影响力 • 袁世凯的努力为中国争取了一定的国际地位 • 袁世凯的国际影响力为他后来的外交生涯奠定了基础
06
袁世凯的失败与遗产
袁世凯在辛亥革命后的政治困 境
• 袁世凯在辛亥革命后的政治困境 • 辛亥革命后，袁世凯成为北洋政府的掌权者，但面临着政治危 机 • 袁世凯实行独裁统治，打压反对派，引发了一系列政治危机和 社会动荡 • 袁世凯在辛亥革命后的政治困境为他后来的失败埋下了伏笔
袁世凯在北洋政府时 期的权力斗争
• 袁世凯在北洋政府时期的权力斗争 • 袁世凯在北洋政府时期，面临着激烈的权力斗争 • 袁世凯试图通过政治手段，巩固自己的地位，维护政权 • 袁世凯在北洋政府时期的权力斗争为他后来的失败埋下了伏笔
袁世凯的历史地位及遗产评价
袁世凯的历史地位
• 袁世凯是中国近代史上一位重要的政治家和军事家 • 袁世凯在清朝末年ቤተ መጻሕፍቲ ባይዱ辛亥革命和北洋政府时期都发挥了重要作用 • 袁世凯的历史地位为中国近代史的研究提供了重要的参考
袁世凯在甲午战争后的影响
• 甲午战争后，袁世凯受到清朝政府的重用，担任北洋大臣 • 袁世凯在北洋大臣任期内，进行了一系列政治改革，整顿北洋官场 • 袁世凯的甲午战争经历为他后来的政治生涯奠定了基础
辛亥革命小故事
东华门缘起：1911年11月，在赋闲三年后，袁世凯被清廷召回京城，主持武昌起义后的危局。
1912年1月16日，上午11时45分，袁世凯上完朝，乘马车从东华门驶出，途经东安门来到三顺茶叶店门前时，遭到十余位革命党人的伏击，伏击使袁的六名护卫丧生，袁本人被扣在被炸翻的马车下，逃过一劫。
但从此袁世凯就不太敢出门了。
自从1912年上半年住进中南海，直至1916年6月去世，四年间，袁世凯只有四次走出过中南海的大门。
寻迹东华门，紫禁城东门，城楼依然巍峨。
历史的沧桑写在城墙的每一块青砖上，不知名的野花在墙缝里挣扎着开放。
“东华门”三个字按照现在的说法依然很给力。
东面檐下“东华门”匾额原为满、蒙、汉三种文字，后减为满、汉两种，辛亥革命后只余铜质汉字。
城楼下人流如织，来自四面八方的游客在用各种方言说：“这就是东华门。
”其中不免有洋腔洋调的声音。
人们打量着这城楼，看得到历史的过往吗？或许在他们眼里这里已经是游览中可以忽略的一站。
有些地方在历史大潮中总是宿命般地被赋予了特殊的意义，东华门算是一例。
明末思宗朱由检在明亡时从此门逃到煤山自杀，后来他的灵柩又停在东华门外数日，无人埋葬。
因此，清人入关后就认为东华门是个很不吉利的门，于是决定由此门出灵柩，并将门钉数减至为阴数72个。
东华门也因此被称为鬼门。
鬼门也似乎在冥冥中预示着一些不祥事。
如今守门的门卫对“鬼门”的说法颇不以为然。
只有导游在招呼游客时大声喊道：“这里是一鬼门，不要在这里留影，不要在这里照相。
”游客们也很听话，一个个乖乖地收起了照相机，生怕留了影会出事。
“鬼门”杀机东华门是紫禁城的东侧门，始建于明永乐十八年（1420）。
东华门门楼高33米。
东华门门钉很特殊。
在紫禁城四宫门中，只有东华门大门上的门钉是8行9列，共72个，是偶数，为阴。
其余三门皆9行9列，计81个，是奇数，为阳。
很早就有人认为清朝从顺治帝到隆裕太后，帝、后逝世，都是从东华门送殡、进东华门迎灵的。
按人死为鬼的说法，故称此门为“鬼门”、“阴门”。
袁世凯
第 1 页 共 1 页人物简介袁世凯（1859年9月16日－1916年6月6日）,字慰亭（又.袁世凯作慰庭），号容庵，汉族，河南项城人，是中国近代史上著名的政治人物。
曾是北洋军阀的领导人，在辛亥革命后，与南方革命军有约，只要推翻清帝奉袁世凯为大总统，袁世凯履行承诺，逼宣统退位。
成为中华民国首任大总统，后复辟称帝被推翻。
他曾担任过满清王朝的军机大臣、驻朝鲜的代理总督。
生平经历袁世凯生于清文宗咸丰九年八月二十日（1859年9月16日）。
袁世凯六岁时养父袁保庆替他找个启蒙老师袁执中教四书五经。
光绪二年（1876年）秋，袁世凯与沈丘于姓女子结婚，时年17岁。
翌年初春，又回到北京。
1879年，其姑丈张向宸办理河南赈务，委托袁世凯分办陈州捐务，因他集款独巨，提拔袁世凯为“中书科中书”。
袁世凯先后于1876年和1879年两次参加科举考试，都没能在乡试中中举。
袁世凯科场失败以后，决定投奔淮系李鸿章。
袁世凯在北京读书时，李鸿章正在直隶总督任上。
对这位大人的显赫地位不胜钦羡。
在洋务派“练兵求强”思想的影响下，他“好读兵书”，“留心时事”，常作军事论说，侈谈练兵“安内攘外”。
1881年5月，带领“其家旧部数十人”往山东登州，投靠淮军统领吴长庆。
当袁世凯来到登州时，吴长庆不仅“肫然相信”，乐意收留，备加照抚，而且随后又加以提拔重用。
历史事件 创立新军《辛丑条约》签订后，清政府迫于内外形势，施行新政。
袁世凯表示极力拥护。
1901年袁世凯在山东创建山东大学堂（今山东大学）。
1902年，袁世凯兼任政务处参预政务大臣和练兵大臣，在保定编练北洋常备军（简称北洋军）。
次年，清政府在北京设立练兵处，庆亲王奕劻为总理大臣，袁世凯任会办大臣，掌握实权。
创办各种武备学堂，并聘请大批日本军官担任教习。
在此期间，他在发展北洋工矿企业、修筑铁路、创办巡警、整顿地方政权及开办新式学堂等方面，都颇有成效。
通过办理新政，他得以“内结亲贵，外树党援”，很快形成了一个以他为首的庞大的北洋军事政治集团。
袁世凯到底有什么“本事”袁世凯传简介
袁世凯到底有什么“本事”袁世凯传简介袁世凯是中国近代史上的人物，他26岁成为朝鲜交涉通商事务全权代表，是北洋军阀的鼻祖，中华民国第二任临时大总统。
后因称帝及卖国等行为身败名裂、遗臭万年。
2011年是辛亥革命100周年。
而袁世凯是这场革命紧挨伟人不过的一个人物。
抛开对他脸谱化的简单认识，他到底是一个什么样的人呢？厚黑袁世凯的厚黑是家传的。
他的叔父，也就是他的养父袁保庆，曾当过江宁盐巡道，纵横官场很有一套。
有一年，袁保庆过生日，家里唱堂会，请来苏州诸多名角献艺。
戏演到高潮，袁保庆触景生情，对只有十来岁的袁世凯说第二段了这样一段意味深长的话：“官场犹如戏场，你看台上演的这些忠孝节义、生死离别，何等生动逼真，使人闻之动心，观之泣涕，但这一切都是假的。
戏子之难，就难在把假做成真。
官场也是这样子，最大的本事就在于做工装假的做工技法。
若无此本事或本事不佳堪忧的话，不但被戏子取笑，被百姓看不起，在官场里也混不下去。
”该文对袁世凯影响很大，多年之后，他仍然记忆犹新。
袁世凯的“厚”集中体现在他的巴结儒生上。
他极力巴结慈禧太后。
慈禧太后的第一辆汽车就是老袁送的。
他巴结慈禧是很下工夫的。
八国联军撤退后，慈禧太后回到北京。
由于八国联军的毁坏，宫人的很多陈设都被抢走和毁坏了，过惯了奢侈过惯集体生活的慈禧太后命当时为直隶总督的袁世凯筹措资金。
这时直隶的很多地方的确没完全恢复秩序，就是立即向百姓顾不上代扣也来不及。
他为了迎合太后，除了已设法筹集了筹措一些款子外，还产品设计了一个生财计划，就是从那些肥缺官员身上刮油。
袁世凯派幕友立传京津的几家银号管事来署。
这些银号的管事者一听袁宫保有请，以为好事来了，便欣然而往。
见面之后，老袁假称有大批公款要存放生息，但要利息3分。
管事贪其存款数额巨大，但又以贷款利息太高为嫌，忙赔笑说道：“小号存款，月息向来最多8厘，3分数目实在太高，实在无力担承。
”老袁笑着说：“真的吗？那也好，公款就按8厘照算，但其中有我私人存款几十万，难道不肯特别优待吗？”管事们极力辩解，为了取信，他们说某藩台存款若干万，某道台存款若干万，都是个人存款。
课件：袁世凯——简介和历史评价
唐绍仪
核心问题： 废除清政府 建立共和政体 清帝待遇
南北议和（1911.10.上海）
就任临时大总统
民国建设造端 百凡待治
世凯深思竭其能力
发扬共和之精神 涤荡专制之瑕秽 谨守宪法 依国民之愿望
1912.3.10日袁世凯就任临时大总统
靳达国家于安全强国之域 俾五大民族同臻乐利
袁世凯的统治
破坏《临时约法》，控制内阁
生于河南周口项城
葬于河南安阳
袁世凯是推动中国近代化的有功之人
1、组建中国近代第一支新式军队 2、袁世凯是第一个在中国建立巡警制度的 人。 3、支持创办实业、发展商业 4、创办各式新式学堂不下几十所 5、督修中国人自己建造的第一条铁路 6、提出“保护私产”、“经营自由”
袁世凯是推动中国近代化的有功之人
破格提拔青年军官
天津小站
从北洋军备学堂挑选了王士珍、冯国璋、段祺瑞、曹锟等
多达130名学生担任新建陆军统带、帮带、领官、哨官、教习者。
王士珍
冯国璋
段祺瑞
北洋军阀嫡系有“小站系”之称。
天津小站
北洋军阀担任大总统、副总统、执政、国务总理、各 部总长、巡阅使、检阅使、各省督军、省长，以及军 长、师长、旅长等重要人物，大多出自小站。小站系， 事实上构成了后来北洋军阀武装政治集团的班底。
刺杀宋教仁开启了民国史上用武力干 预政治斗争的先例
宋教仁
简介： 宋教仁（1882－ 1913），字遁初，号渔 父，汉族，湖南桃源人。 1913年被暗杀于上海， 享年三十二岁。中国伟 大的民主革命先行者、 中华民国的缔造者，是 中华民国初期第一位倡 导内阁制的政治家，是 国民党三元首之一。
宋教仁的演讲尖锐的抨击 袁世凯的专政 宋教仁组建国民党并不断 扩充国民党的力量
袁世凯
个人评价
Part 2袁世凯使中国从政治、经济、文化上 进行了全面的反攻倒算，使中国重新落入 了黑暗的深渊。
1、破坏镇压人民斗争 2、建立和强化独裁统治，复辟帝制 3、出卖民族利益，投靠帝国主义
1884年，日本挑起朝鲜内乱，袁世凯在没得 到授权的情况下，当机立断，把日本赶出朝鲜。 1894年，中国甲午战败，退出朝鲜，袁世凯看 国力衰弱，军队素质低下，建议训练新兵。 1895年受命赴天津督练“新式陆军”。他仿造 欧洲军制训练军队，取得极大的收获。后来以此为 基础，在河北保定编炼北洋常备军，就是后来大家 熟悉的北洋军，实力居全国之首，为他以后强取总 统宝座打下基础。
7、对外开放 （一是自开通商业“特区”， 扩大开放范围；二是引进外资，尤其注重 侨资 ） 8、解除了呈请开办企业的若干限制 史学唐德刚曾断言：尽管有私利交织 其间，但袁世凯在推动中国走向近代化的 路上确实做了很多实事，比孙中山做得多。
有人认为，袁氏是一个投机分子。 但也有人认为袁世凯是推翻满清的功 臣，袁世凯本人堪称中国的拿破仑或华盛 顿。 另外，袁世凯时期对教授和知识分子 充分尊重，人民生活基本安康，舆论也比 较自由，反袁言论在报纸照样发行。
个人评价
Part 1 人。 袁世凯是推动中国近代化的有功之
1、 袁世凯也是第一个在中国建立巡警制度的人。
2、 直隶总督任上，袁世凯推行新政的主要成绩是支持创办实业、发展商业， 地点主要在天津。 3 、袁世凯在直隶总督任上创办的各式新式学堂不下几十所。 4 、1905年，他督修了中国人自己建造的第一条铁路：京张铁路。
达到满清重臣的顶峰
光绪28年，代替李鸿章职务，赏加“太子 少保衔” 1902年，出任直隶总督兼北洋大臣 1907年，入阁军机大臣兼外务部尚书，成 为位同宰辅的一品大臣
袁世凯简介中英对照
Yuan ShikaiYuan Shikai (Wade-Giles spelling: Yuan Shih-kai; simplified Chinese: 袁世凯; traditional Chinese: 袁世凱; pinyin: Yuán Shìkǎi; 16 September 1859 – 6 June 1916) was an important Chinese general and politician, famous for his influence during the late Qing Dynasty, his role in the events leading up to the abdication of the last Qing Emperor of China, his autocratic rule as the second President of the Republic of China (following Sun Y atsen), and his short-lived attempt to revive the Chinese monarchy, with himself as the "Great Emperor of China."Yuan Shikai was born in the village of Zhangying (張營村), Xiangcheng County, Chenzhou Prefecture, Henan, though the clan later moved 16 kilometers southeast of Xiangcheng to a hilly area that was easier to defend. There the Yuans had built a fortified village, Yuanzhaicun (Chinese: 袁寨村; literally "the fortified village of the Yuan family").Yuan‘s family was affluent enough to provide Yuan with a traditional Confucian education.[1] As a young man he enjoyed riding, boxing, and entertainment with friends. Though hoping to pursue a career in the civil service, he failed the Imperial examinations twice, leading him to decide on an entry into politics through the Huai Army, where many of his relatives served. His career began with the purchase of a minor official title in 1880, which was a common method of official promotion in the late Qing.[2] Using his father‘s connections, Yuan travelled to Tengzhou, Shandong, and sought a post in the Qing Brigade. Yuan‘s first marriage was in 1876 to a woman of the Yu family who bore him a first son, Keding, in 1878. Yuan Shikai married nine further concubines throughout the course of his life.[3]Years in Joseon Dynasty KoreaJoseon Dynasty Korea in the early 1870s was in the midst of a struggle between isolationists under the King Gojong‘s father (Heungseon Da ewongun), and progressives, led by the queen (Empress Myeongseong), who wanted to open trade. After the Meiji Restoration, Japan had adopted an aggressive foreign policy, contesting Chinese domination of the peninsula. Under the unequal Treaty of Ganghwa, which the Koreans signed with reluctance in 1876, Japan was allowed to send diplomatic missions to Hanseong, and opened trading posts in Incheon and Wonsan. Amidst an internal power struggle which resulted in the queen‘s exile, the Viceroy of Zhili, Li Hongzhang, sent the 3,000 strong Qing Brigade into Korea to impose Chinese will on the country. The regent, Heungseon Daewongun, was then escorted to Tianjin where he was effectively kept prisoner. Though effectively a Chinese puppet-state, Korea‘s weakness w as becoming increasingly apparent, and the Treaty of Jemulpo of 1882 gave the Japanese further right to station troops in Seoul in order to protect their legation. China could no longer shield Korea against a rapidly industrialising Japanese military, and it was obvious Korea‘s army could not deal with its internal crises without serious assistance. The Korean king proposed training 500 troops in the art of modern warfare, and Yuan Shikai was appointed to lead this task in Korea. Li Hongzhang also recommend ed Yuan‘s promotion, with Yuan given the rankof sub-prefect.In 1885, Yuan was appointed Imperial Resident of Seoul.[4] On the surface the position equalled that of ambassador but in practice, as head official from the suzerain, Yuan had become the supreme adviser on all Korean government policies. Seeing China‘s increasing control of the Korean government, Japan sought more influence through co-suzerainty with China. A series of documents were released to Yuan Shikai, claiming the Korean government had changed its stance towards Chinese protection and was interested in Russian protection. Yuan was outraged yet skeptical, and asked Li Hongzhang for advice.In a treaty signed between Japan and Qing, the two parties agreed only to send troops into Korea after notifying the other. Although the Korean government was now stable, it was still a protectorate of Qing. Koreans emerged advocating modernization. Another more radicalised group, the Donghak Society, promoting an early nationalist doctrine based partly upon Confucian principles, rose in rebellion against the government. Yuan and Li Hongzhang sent troops into Korea to protect Seoul and Qing‘s interests, and Japan did the same under the pretext of protecting Japanese trading posts. Tensions boiled over between Japan and China when Japan refused to withdraw its forces and placed a blockade at the 38th Parallel. Li Hongzhang wanted at all costs to avoid a war with Japan, and attempted this by asking for international pressure for a Japanese withdrawal. Japan refused, and war broke out. Yuan, having been put in an ineffective position, was recalled to Tianjin in July 1894, before the official outbreak of the First Sino-Japanese War (甲午戰爭).Late Qing DynastyYuan‘s rise to fame began with his nominal participation in the First Sino-Japanese War as commander of the Chinese garrison forces in Korea. Unlike other officers, however, he avoided the humiliation of Chinese defeat by having been recalled to Beijing several days before the outbreak of conflict.As an ally of Li Hongzhang, Yuan was appointed the commander of the first New army in 1895. As the officer most directly responsible for training China‘s first modernized army, Yuan gained significant political influence and the loyalty of a nucleus of young officers: by 1901, five of China‘s seven divisional commanders and most other senior military officers in China were his protégés.[2] The Qing court relied heavily on his army due to the proximity of its garrison to the capital and their effectiveness. Of the new armies that were part of the Self-Strengthening Movement, Yuan‘s was the best trained and most effective.The Qing Court at the time was divided between progressives under the leadership of the Guangxu Emperor, and conservatives under the Empress Dowager Cixi, who had temporarily retreated to the Summer Palace as a place of "retirement". After the Guangxu Emperor‘s Hundred Days‘ Reform in 1898, however, Cixi dec ided that the reforms were too drastic, and plotted to restore her own regency through a coup d‘état. Plans of the coup spread early, and the Emperor was very aware of the plot. He asked reform advocates Kang Y ouwei, Tan Sitong and others to develop aplan to save him. Yuan‘s involvement in the coup continues to be a large topic of historical debate. TanSitong reportedly had a talk with Yuan several days before the coup, asking Yuan to assist the Emperor against Cixi. Yuan refused a direct answer, but insisted he was loyal to the Emperor. Meanwhile Manchu General Ronglu was planning manoeuvres for his army to stage the coup.According to sources, including the diary of Liang Qichao and contemporary Chinese news sources, Yuan Shikai arrived in Tianjin on 20 September 1898 by train. It was certain that by the evening, Yuan had talked to Ronglu, but what was revealed to him remains ambiguous. Most historians suggest that Yuan had told Ronglu of all details of the Reformers‘ plans, and asked him to take imme diate action. The plot being exposed, Ronglu‘s troops entered the Forbidden City at dawn on 21 September, forcing the Emperor into seclusion in a lake palace.Yuan Shikai as Governor of ShandongMaking a political alliance with the Empress Dowager, and becoming a lasting enemy of the Guangxu Emperor, Yuan left the capital in 1899 for his new appointment as Governor of Shandong. During his three-year tenure while the Boxer Rebellion erupted, he ensured the suppression of Boxers in the province, though his troops took no active part outside Shandong itself. Yuan took the side of the pro foreign faction in the Imperial Court, along with Prince Qing, Li Hongzhang and Ronglu, he refused to side with the Boxers and attack the Eight Nation Alliance forces, joining with other Chinese governors who commanded substantial modernized armies like Zhang Zhidong not participating in the Boxer Rebellion. He and Zhang ignored Empress Dowager Cixi‘s declaration of war against the foreign powers and continued to suppress the Boxers. In addition to taking not fighting the Eight Nation Alliance and suppressing the Boxers in Shandong, Yuan and his army (the Right Division) also helped the Eight Nation Alliance massacre tens of thousands of people in their anti Boxer campaign in Zhili after the Alliance captured Beijing.[5] Yuan operated out of Baoding during the campaign, which ended in 1902.[6]He also founded a provincial junior college (Shandong College, the forerunner of Shandong University) in Jinan, which adopted western ideas of education.In June 1902 he was promoted to Viceroy of Zhili, the lucrative Commissioner for North China Trade,[7] and Minister of Beiyang (北洋通商大臣), comprising the modern regions of Liaoning, Hebei, and Shandong. Having gained the regard of foreigners after helping crush the Boxer Rebellion, he successfully obtained numerous loans to expand his Beiyang Army into the most powerful army in China. He created a 1,000-strong police force to keep order in Tianjin, the first of its kind in Chinese history, as a result of the Boxer Protocol having forbidden troops to be staged close to Tianjin. Yuan was also involved in the transfer of railway control from Sheng Xuanhuai, leading railways and their construction to became a large source of his revenue. Yuan played an active role in late-Qing political reforms, including the creation of the Ministry of Education (學部) and Ministry of Police (巡警部). Hefurther advocated for ethnic equality between Manchus and Han Chinese.Retreat and returnThe Empress Dowager and the Guangxu Emperor died within a day of each other in November 1908.[4] and sources indicate that the will of the Emperor specifically ordered Yuan be executed. Nonetheless avoiding a death sentence, in January 1909 Yuan Shikai was relieved of all his posts by the regent, Prince Chun. The public reason for Yuan‘s resignation was that he was returning to his home in the village of Huanshang (洹上村), now the prefecture-level city of Anyang, due to a foot disease. During his three years of effective exile, Yuan kept contact with his close allies, including Duan Qirui, who reported to him regularly about army proceedings. The loyalty of the Beiyang Army was still undoubtedly behind him. Having this strategic military support, Yuan held the balance of power between various revolutionaries (like Sun Y at-sen) and the Qing Court. Both wanted Yuan on their side.The Wuchang Uprising and the republicThe Wuchang Uprising took place on 10 October 1911 in Hubei province. The southern provinces subsequently declared their independence from the Qing Court, but neither the northern provinces nor the Beiyang Army had a clear stance for or against the rebellion. Both the Qing court and Yuan were fully aware that the Beiyang Army was the only Qing force powerful enough to quell the revolutionaries. The court requested Yuan‘s return on 27 October, but he repeatedly declined offers from the Qing Court for his return, first as the Viceroy of Huguang, and then as Prime Minister of the Imperial Cabinet. Time was on Yuan‘s side, and Yuan waited, using his "foot ailment" as a pretext to his continual refusal.After further pleas by the Qing Court, Yuan agreed and eventually left his village for Beijing on 30 October, becoming Prime Minister on 1 November 1911. Immediately after that he asked Prince Chun, the Regent, to abstain from politics. Zaifeng, forced to resign his regency, made way for Yuan to compose a newly created, predominantly Han Chinese Cabinet of confidants, consisting of only one Manchu, who held the position of Minister of Suzerainty. To further reward Yuan‘s loyalty to the court, the Empress Dowager Longyu offered Yuan the noble title Marquis of the First Rank (一等侯), an honour only previously given to General Zeng Guofan. While ensuring temporary political stability in Beijing, his forces captured Hankou and Hanyang in November 1911 in preparation for attacking Wuchang, thus forcing the repub lican revolutionaries to negotiate.Abdication of the child emperorYuan Shikai sworn in as Provisional President of the Republic of China, in Beijing, 10 March 1912.The revolutionaries had elected Sun Yat-Sen as the first Provisional President of the Republic of China, but they were in a weak position militarily, so they negotiated with the Qing, using Yuan as an intermediary. Yuan arranged for the abdication of the childemperor Puyi (or Xuantong Emperor) in return for being granted the position of President.[4] Yuan would not be present when the Abdication edict was issued by Empress Dowager Longyu on 12 February 1912.Sun agreed to Yuan‘s presidency after some internal bickering, but asked that thecapital be situated in Nanjing. Yuan, however, wanted the geographic advantage of having the nation‘s capital close to his base of military power. Cao Kun, one of his trusted subordinate Beiyang military commanders, fabricated a coup d‘état in Beijing and Tianjin, apparently under Yuan‘s orders, to p rovide an excuse for Yuan not to leave his sphere of influence in Zhili (present-day Hebei province). The revolutionaries compromised again, and the capital of the new republic was established in Beijing. Yuan Shikai was elected Provisional President of the Republic of China by the Nanjing Provisional Senate on 14 February 1912, and sworn in on 10 March of that year.[8][9]Democratic electionsIn February 1913, democratic elections were held for the National Assembly in which the Chinese Nationalist Party or the Kuomintang (KMT) scored a significant victory. Song Jiaoren of the KMT zealously supported a cabinet system and was widely regarded as a candidate for Prime Minister.One of Song‘s main political goals was to ensure that the powers and independ ence of China‘s Parliament be properly protected from the influence of the office of the President. Song‘s goals in curtailing the office of the President conflicted with the interests of Yuan, who, by mid-1912, clearly dominated the provisional cabinet and was showing signs of a desire to hold overwhelming executive power. During Song‘s travels through China in 1912, he had openly and vehemently expressed the desire to limit the powers of the President in terms that often appeared openly critical of Yuan‘s ambitions. When the results of the 1913 elections indicated a clear victory for the KMT it appeared that Song would be in a position to exercise a dominant role in selecting the premier and cabinet, and the party could have proceeded to push for the election of a future president in a parliamentary setting.[10]On 20 March 1913, while travelling with a group of friends to Peking, Song Jiaoren was shot twice at close range by a lone gunman, Ying Kuicheng, at a Shanghai railway station. He died two days later in hospital. The trail of evidence led to the secretary of the cabinet and the provisional premier of Yuan Shikai‘s government. Although Yuan was considered by contemporary Chinese media sources as the man most likely behind the assassination, the main conspirators investigated by authorities were either themselves assassinated or disappeared mysteriously. Because of the lack of evidence, Yuan was never officially implicated.[10]Becoming emperorTensions between the Kuomintang and Yuan continued to intensify. After arriving in Peking, the elected Parliament attempted to gain control over Yuan, to develop a permanent constitution, and to hold a legitimate, open presidential election. Becausehe had authorized $100 million of "reorganization loans" from a variety of foreign banks, the KMT in particular were highly critical of Yuan‘s handling of the national budget.[11]Yuan‘s crackdown on the Kuomintang began in 1913, with the suppression and bribery of KMT members in the two legislative chambers. Anti-Yuan revolutionariesalso claimed Yuan orchestrated the collapse of the KMT internally and dismissed governors interpreted as being pro-Kuomintang.Second RevolutionSeeing the situation for his party worsen, Sun Y at-sen fled to Japan in November 1913, and called for a Second Revolution, this time against Yuan Shikai. Subsequently, Yuan gradually took over the government, using the military as the base of his power. He dissolved the national and provincial assemblies, and the House of Representatives and Senate were replaced by the newly formed "Council of State", with Duan Qirui, his trusted Beiyang lieutenant, as Prime Minister. Finally, Yuan had himself elected president to a five-year term, publicly labelled the Kuomintang a seditious organization, ordered the Kuomintang‘s dissolution, and evicted all members from Parliament.The Kuomintang‘s "Second Revolution" ended in failure as Yuan‘s troops achieved complete victory over revolutionary uprisings. Provincial governors with KMT loyalties who remained willingly submitted to Yuan. Because those commanders not loyal to Yuan were effectively removed from power, the Second Revolution cemented Yuan‘s power.[14]In January 1914, China‘s Parliament was formally dissolved. To give his government a semblance of legitimacy, Yuan convened a body of 66 men from his cabinet who, on 1 May 1914, produced a "constitutional compact" that effectively replaced China‘s provisional constitution. The new legal status quo gave Yuan, as president, practically unlimited powers over China‘s military, finances, foreign policy, and the rights of China‘s citizens. Yuan justified these reforms by stating that representative democracy had been proven inefficient by political infighting.[15]After his victory, Yuan reorganized the provincial governments. Each province was now supported by a Military Governor (都督) as well as a civil authority, giving each governor control of their own army. Although granting Yuan and provincial authorities a decentralised administration, it helped lay the foundations for the warlordism that crippled China over the next two decades.Japan‘s Twenty-one DemandsIn January 1915, having captured the German colony at Qingdao, Japan sent a secret ultimatum, known as the Twenty-one Demands, to Beijing. In these demands, Japan demanded an extension of extraterritoriality, the sale of businesses in debt to Japan, and the turning over of Qingdao to Japan as a concession. When these demands were made public, hostility within China was expressed in nationwide anti-Japanesedemonstrations and an effective national boycott of Japanese goods. Yuan‘s eventual decision to agree to nearly all of the demands led to a decline in the popularity of Yuan‘s government among con temporary Chinese, although many of the requests were mere extensions of Qing treaties.[16] Western pressure later forced Japan to water down some of its demands.Revival of the monarchyTo build up his own authority, Yuan began to re-institute elements of state Confucianism. As the main proponent of reviving Qing state religious observances, Yuan effectively participated as emperor in rituals held at the Qing Temple of Heaven. In late 1915, rumors were floated of a popular consensus that the monarchy should be revived. With his power secure, many of Yuan‘s supporters, notably monarchist Y ang Du, advocated for a revival of the monarchy, asking Yuan to take on the title of Emperor. Y ang reasoned that the Chinese masses had long been used to autocratic rule, and that the Republic had only been effective as a transitional phase to end Manchu rule. He reasoned that China‘s political situation demanded the stability that only a monarchy could ensure. The American political scientist Frank Johnson Goodnow suggested a similar idea. Negotiators representing the government of Japan had also offered to support Yuan‘s ambitions as one of the rewards for Yuan‘s support of the Twenty-One Demands.[17]In 20 November 1915, Yuan held a specially convened "Represe ntative Assembly" which voted unanimously in favor of having Yuan become emperor. On 12 December 1915, Yuan agreed to become the next emperor and proclaimed himself Emperor of the Chinese Empire (中華帝國大皇帝) under the era name of Hongxian (洪憲; i.e. Constitutional Abundance) beginning 1 January 1916. Soon after becoming emperor, Yuan placed an order with the former imperial potters for a 40,000-piece porcelain set costing 1.4 million yuan, a large jade seal, and two imperial robes costing 400,000 yuan each.Public and international reactions to the monarchy‘s revivalBy expecting widespread domestic and international support for his reign, Yuan Shikai and his supporters had miscalculated. Many of Yuan‘s closest supporters abandoned him, and the solidar ity of Yuan‘s Beiyang clique of military protégés dissolved. There were open protests throughout China denouncing Yuan. International governments, including Japan, proved suddenly indifferent or openly hostile to him, not giving him the recognition anticipated.[18] Sun Y at-sen, who had fled to Tokyo and set up a base there, actively organized efforts to overthrow Yuan. Yuan‘s sons publicly fought over the title of "Crown Prince", and his former loyal subordinates like Duan Qirui and Xu Shichang left him one by one to create their own factions.Abandonment of the monarchy and deathFaced with widespread opposition, Yuan repeatedly delayed the accession rites in order to appease his foes, but his prestige was irreparably damaged and province afterprovince continued to voice disapproval. On 25 December 1915, Yunnan‘s military governor, Cai E, rebelled, launching the National Protection War. The governor of Guizhou followed in January 1916, and Guangxi declared independence in March. Funding for Yuan‘s accession ceremony was cut on 1 March, and he formally abandoned monarchism on 22 March. This was not enough for his enemies, who called for his resignation as president. More provinces rebelled until Yuan died from uremia on 5 June 1916, at the age of fifty-six. His death was announced the following day.[8][18] His remains were moved to his home province and placed in a largemausoleum. In 1928, the tomb was looted by Feng Yuxiang‘s Guominjun soldiers during the Northern Expedition. He had three sons: Prince Yuan Keding, who was handicapped and deemed an "idiot" by his father; Prince Yuan Kewen, who was said by his father to be a ‗fake scholar‘, and Prince Yuan Keliang, whom Yuan Shikai called a "bandit".Evaluation and legacyThe major effects of Yuan‘s rule on China are mostly considered negative. Although he trained and organized one of China‘s first modern armies and introduced far-ranging modernisations in law and social areas, the loyalty Yuan had fostered among his armed forces split into warlords after his death, undermining the authority of the central government. Yuan did little to improve civilian economic or technological development, and financed his regime through large foreign loans. He is criticized for weakening Chinese morale and international prestige, and for allowing the Japanese to gain broad concessions over his government.[19]After Yuan‘s death, there was an effort by Li Yuanhong to revive the Republic by recalling the legislators who had been ejected in 1913, but this effort was confused and ineffective in asserting central control. Li lacked any support from the military. There was a short-lived effort in 1917 to revive the Qing dynasty led by the loyalist general Zhang Xun, but his forces were defeated by rival warlords later that year. After the collapse of Zhang‘s movement, all pretense of strength from the central government collapsed, and China descended into a period of warlordism. Over the next several decades, the offices of both the president and Parliament became the tools of militarists, and the politicians in Peking became dependent on regional governors for their support and political survival.[20]After Yuan‘s death, China was left without any generally recognized central authority, and the nation‘s army quickly fragmented into forces of competing warlords. For this reason he is sometimes called "the Father of the Warlords". However, it is not accurate to attribute China‘s subsequent age of warlordism as a personal preference, since in his career as a military reformer he had attempted to forge a modern army based on the Japanese model. Throughout his lifetime, he demonstrated an understanding of staffing, military education, and regular transfers of officer personnel, combining the se skills to create China‘s first modern military organisation. After his return to power in 1911, however, he seemed willing to sacrifice his legacy of military reform for imperial ambitions, and instead ruled by acombination of violence and bribery that destroyed the idealism of the early Republican movement. In the CCTV Production Towards the Republic, Yuan is portrayed through most of his early years as an able administrator, although a very skilled manipulator of political situations. His self-proclamation as Emperor is largely depicted as being influenced by external forces, especially that of his son, prince Yuan Keding.A bixi (stone tortoise) with a stele in honor of Yuan Shikai, which was installed in Anyang‘s Huanyuan Park soon after his death, was (partly) restored in 1993.袁世凯（威氏注音法：Yuan Shih-kai；简体中文：袁世凯；中国传统：袁世凱；拼音：Y uán Shìkǎi；1859年9月16日—1916年6月6日）是中国的一个重要的将军和政治家，晚清时期以他的影响力而闻名，在事件中他使晚清皇帝退位，他的独裁统治作为中华民国第二任总统（在第一任孙中山之后），作为―中国伟大的皇帝‖，他曾短暂的尝试去恢复中国君主政体。
告诉你一个真实的袁世凯——南方周末
2009-11-04 17:25:28 来源：南方人物周刊对袁世凯，人们有过许多称呼：袁项城，是借用他的祖籍地；袁宫保，是用清廷所赐“太子少保”衔，当上民国大总统之前，这是他最喜欢的称呼；大总统，从他53岁叫到56岁，但长子袁克定即使在新中国成立后，提起父亲依旧称“先大总统”；洪宪帝，从1916年1月1日到3月22日，共83天；卖国贼、窃国大盗，从民国叫到新中国，出现在历史教科书里。
他的后代在上历史课的时候，不是“无地自容”，就是“回家暗自流泪”。
广州市社科院研究员骆宝善精研袁世凯20多年，能一眼辨认出袁氏手迹。
“我读书的时候，袁世凯是窃国大盗；我在中大教书时，也跟学生说袁世凯是窃国大盗；直到我退休了，才能不这样讲了。
”“过去史书上说，袁世凯是个纨绔子弟，其实不是这样。
从同治十三年到光绪三年，他正正经经在北京读了4年书，长进很大。
他自己说过，那几年，为了要博一个功名，他读书累到吐血，都没考取一个举人，这是他一生最大的遗憾。
”骆宝善忽然记不起袁世凯某年乡试所作的挺不错的联句，女儿悄悄递进来一张纸条：“光绪五年：重门惊蟋蟀，万瓦冷鸳鸯。
”字是骆宝善的妻子刘路生写的。
夫妇俩都是袁世凯的研究者，连女儿对袁世凯也很熟悉。
“袁世凯留下来的东西，是一批家书和向清朝政府报告的文牍。
从家书中看，他的思路很清晰，考虑事情很周密，对事情的把握和分析，肯定在同龄人之上。
”骆宝善主持了国家“七五”社科规划基金资助的“袁世凯研究”项目，他主编的《袁世凯全集》囊括了所有已发现的家书和文牍，将在2011年夏天出版，计30卷，2500万字。
袁静雪（原名叔祯，袁世凯三女）印象中的父亲总是军人派头：黑呢制服，站或坐时，腰背挺直；平常少有笑容；生气时骂“混蛋”，气极了，“混蛋加三级”；待部下很客气，但他们都很怕他。
有人夸张地说，袁世凯坐在那里，睛光四射，像一只老虎。
在中南海的时候，袁世凯吃饭时要奏军乐。
溥仪在《我的前半生》中记道，每当军乐声起，总管太监张谦和的嘴就会因生气而变扁：“简直钟鸣鼎食，比皇上还神气！”统领军人，对袁世凯来说，“比起做文章来，到底容易多了”。
袁世凯简介
三一文库（）〔袁世凯简介〕袁世凯，是近代中国历史上一个极其重要的代表人物，一个伪装维新的封建专制主义者。
以下是小编给大家整理的袁世凯简介的内容，欢迎大家查看。
袁世凯 - 简介袁世凯(1859年9月16日-1916年6月6日)，字慰亭，号容庵，河南项城人，故又称袁项城，清末民初的军事和政治人物。
袁家在清道光年间开始兴盛，袁世凯的从叔祖父袁甲三曾署理漕运总督，并参与平定太平天国运动和捻军，为淮军重要将领，为其家族成员如袁世凯等人将来进入仕途打下良好的人脉基础。
袁世凯于清季投身行伍，襄赞洋务运动及新政，自道员、督抚累升，至入值军机，甚至内阁总理大臣，成为清末头号权臣。
民国成立，袁氏当选首任大总统，甚至於1916年称帝，但终归失败。
1916年6月6日死于北京，时年57岁。
同年8月24日正式归葬于河南安阳市。
袁世凯 - 从政生涯民国之前1859年9月16日 (咸丰九年) 袁世凯生于河南省项城市王明口镇袁寨一个世代官宦的大家族。
父祖多为清朝显贵，权重一方1876年(光绪二年)1879年(光绪五年) 袁世凯两次乡试都未考中，遂决计弃文就武人物肖像(20张)1881年(光绪七年) 袁世凯至山东登州，投靠保庆的结拜兄弟吴长庆，任“庆军”营务处会办。
吴长庆为淮军统领，统率庆军六营驻防登州，督办山东防务。
1882年(光绪八年) 朝鲜发生壬午军乱，当年23岁的袁世凯跟随吴长庆的部队东渡朝鲜，以“通商大臣暨朝鲜总督”身份驻藩属国朝鲜，协助朝鲜训练新军并控制税务。
以整顿军纪和镇压兵变有功，为朝鲜国王所看重，并得清政府奖叙五品同知衔。
1884年(光绪十年) 金玉均等“开化党”人士发动甲申政变，驻朝日军亦趁机行动欲挟制王室;国王李熙奔赴清营求助，袁世凯指挥清军击退日军，维系清廷在朝鲜的宗主权及其他特权。
由直隶总督兼北洋大臣李鸿章奏举，袁世凯任驻汉城清军“总理营务处，会办朝鲜防务”。
1894年(光绪二十年) 甲午战争爆发，清军海陆皆败，袁世凯随军撤退天津1895年(光绪二十一年) 袁世凯由军务处大臣荣禄、李鸿藻等奏派扩练驻天津小站的定武军，更名为“新建陆军”。
北洋军阀——袁世凯
光绪皇帝
袁世凯由于告密获得了后党的信任，地位扶摇直 上。1899年冬，袁世凯由工部侍郎升任山东巡抚， 这是40岁的袁世凯首次出任封疆大吏。当时山东 盛行排外的义和团，袁世凯到任后，认定义和团 为“左道邪教”，全力镇压拳民，令其在山东无 法立足，逃往天津、北京一带。慈禧太后以民气 可用，纵容义和团。1900年爆发了八国联军入侵， 山东在袁世凯治下则维持稳定，并且加入东南互 保，使山东免遭战祸乱。
•小站练兵
中日甲午战争以清军海陆皆败收场，因袁 世凯在朝鲜时期表现突出，有“知兵”之 名，李鸿章等大臣乃于1895年举荐袁世凯 负责督练新军，光绪皇帝和慈禧太后命袁 世凯练兵。袁世凯开始了在天津与塘沽之 间的天津小站的练兵生涯，史称小站练兵， 这股兵力后来成为清末陆军主力。
袁世凯在小站练兵以德军为蓝本，制订了一整套的 建军方案，基本上摒弃了八旗、绿营和湘军、淮军 的旧制。在军事装备上，袁世凯注重武器装备的近 代化和标准化，大胆采用西方的先进技术。强调实 施新法训练的严格性。小站练兵培养了一大批近代 新军事人才，加快了旧军队的淘汰速度，对中国地 区军队的近代化产生了非常重要的影响。
袁世凯（1859年—1916年）， 中国近代史上著名的政治家、 军事家，北洋军阀领袖。字 慰亭（又作慰廷），号容庵、 洗心亭主人，汉族，河南项 城人，故人称“袁项城”。 清 末民初重要的军事家、政治 家、外交家，北洋新军领袖。 曾任清朝内阁总理大臣、中 华民国临时大总统和中华民 国大总统等职。
•少年时代
袁世凯于清咸丰九年八月 二十日（1859年9月16日） 出生于河南省陈州府项城 县袁张营（今项城市千佛 阁办事处袁张营村）一个 官宦家族。 13岁时袁世凯曾制联 “大野龙方蛰，中原鹿正 肥”。这寥寥数字，充分 体现了袁世凯的雄心。
袁世凯简介
1859年，北洋派的开山老祖袁世凯出生于河南项城县的一个官僚大地主的家庭。
在他出生前，西方侵略者对中国发动过两次鸦片战争；太平天国革命曾经席卷大半个中国；捻军也崛起于淮河流域，纵横河南、山东、安徽、江苏四省。
项城地当豫皖两省之交，正是捻军神出鬼没之地。
袁世凯的叔祖父袁甲三，正是以镇压捻军起家的清军大头目。
袁甲三的子侄辈保庆、保龄、保恒等，也都以“从军有功”，用人民的鲜血染红了自己的顶子。
真个是：一门鼎盛，万人遭灾。
袁甲三的另一侄儿袁保中，留在家乡办理团练，虽不曾挣得功名，却也不失为地方上的一霸。
此人正是袁世凯的生身父亲。
袁世凯出生不久，中国局势又起了一番变化：清政府成了帝国主义的走狗，并且用洋兵洋炮镇压了太平天国，捻军也因内部分裂而被各个击破。
于是清政府大肆吹嘘，说什么“同治中兴”啦，“中外和好”啦。
其实，这正是外国侵略者的魔爪步步深入，中国人民反对帝国主义和封建主义的斗争步步高涨，清政府处于内外交困的时期。
清朝开国之初，继承了明朝开科取士的制度，宣扬许多“处世格言”，什么“士为庶民之首”，“书中自有黄金屋”，“好男不当兵，好铁不打钉”，“万般皆下品，唯有读书高”，等等，鼓励青年人参加科举考试，养成一种“重文轻武”的社会风气，以利于巩固其君主专制。
可是，每当农民革命风暴掀起之时，皇帝却又悲叹“国家无可用之兵”，不得不用升官发财的办法，鼓励各地地主豪绅组织武装力量，共同镇压起义农民。
曾国藩的湘军，李鸿章的淮军，就都是镇压太平天国起义的产物。
等到农民革命被镇压下去，天下似乎又太平了，皇帝对于那些曾经替他出过死力的走狗们，又不免有“尾大不掉”之感，于是重弹“偃武修文”的老调，设法解除他们的兵权，而把国家的权力牢牢掌握在自己的手里。
袁世凯在弟兄中排行第四。
他的叔父袁保庆没有儿子，就把他过继过来做“一子兼祧”的嗣子。
他幼年跟随嗣父到过济南、扬州、南京、上海等处。
那时候，农民战争基本结束，因此，嗣父教导他用心读书，以便从科举场中求出路。
袁世凯
在民国总统的正式选举中，袁世凯获胜，孙中山败北。 1913年(民国二年)7月，当时北京(民国)政府任内务总 长的朱启钤向“大总统袁世凯”呈上一份四时节假的 报告，称：“我国旧俗，每年四时令节，即应明文规 定，拟请定阴历元旦为春节，端午为夏节，中秋为秋 节，冬至为冬节，凡我国民都得休息，在公人员，也 准假一日。” 但袁世凯只批准以正月初一为春节(因当时是“五族共 和”，端午等汉族节日列为全国节日不妥)，同意春节 例行放假，次年（1914年）起开始实行。自此，夏历 岁首就由以往的“过年”改成了“春节”。
我们小组经过仔细讨论之后觉得袁世凯本质 上是擅长权术的旧派人物，同时也是爱国者 和民族主义者，对中国的近代化做出重要贡 献，而他最大的败笔在于称帝。
在大家眼中，袁世凯是一个十足的“叛徒”。 首先，他建立和强化独裁统治，复辟帝制。 1913年，镇压“二次革命”后 不久，袁世凯强迫国会选举他为正式大总统。 下令解散国民党和国会。 颁 布独裁专制的《中华民国约法》，同时废除《临时约法》；并改内阁制为总 统制。 修改《大总统选举法》，把自己置于终身总统的地位。 1915年底； 袁世凯当上“中华帝国”的皇帝，并准备于1916年元旦登基。 其次，他出卖民族利益，投靠帝国主义。 1911年底，在沙皇俄国策动下， 外蒙古“独立”，成立“大蒙古国”。 第一次世界大战爆发以后，日本借 口对德宣战，出兵山东，强占了胶济铁路和青岛。袁世凯没有任何反对的表 示。 1915年，基本上接受了日本灭亡中国的“二十一条”。 1916年6月6 日。 再次，他是暗杀国民党理事长宋教仁的元凶 。 1913年2月，依据临时约法， 举行了中国历史上第一次国会选举。国民党所得议席最多，按约法精神应由 该党理事长宋教仁出任内阁总理。3月20日，宋教仁却在上海遇刺身亡，全 国大哗。革命元勋孙文、黄兴等均指袁氏授意暗杀。
袁世凯
袁世凯（1859年—1916年），字慰亭，号容庵，汉族，项城人，中国近代史上著名政治家、军事家，北洋新军的创始人。早年在朝鲜驻军，击败日军。归国后在天津小站督练新军。清末新政期间推动近代化改革。辛亥革命期间逼清帝溥仪退位，以和平的方式推翻清朝，统一国家，并当选为第一任中华民国大总统。在位期间积极发展实业，统一币制，创立近代化司法和教育制度。主张建强国、创建强大的中央政府。[1]中华民国的成立并没有给中国带来政治和社会的稳定，袁世凯后来效仿同一时期部分世界列强的政治体制，准备建立相较于中国历代君主专制制度先进的君主立宪制，原定于1916年建立年号为洪宪的中华帝国，但未能成功。1916年6月6日，袁世凯因尿毒症不治而亡，时年57岁。同年8月24日袁世凯正式归葬于河南安阳市。
个人概况
中文名：
袁世凯
别名：
字慰亭，人称袁项城，袁宫保
国籍：
项城
出生日期：
1859年9月16日
逝世日期：
1916年6月6日
袁世凯简介资料
袁世凯简介资料袁世凯(1859年-1916年)，别名字慰亭、人称袁项城、袁宫保，出生于河南项城，是近代历史上有名的政治家、军事家，同时也是近代史上最具争议的人物之一。
下面就是店铺给大家整理的袁世凯简介，希望对你有用!袁世凯的简介袁世凯(1859年-1916年)，别名字慰亭、人称袁项城、袁宫保，出生于河南项城，是近代历史上有名的政治家、军事家，同时也是近代史上最具争议的人物之一。
袁世凯任职期间主要成就有：创建新式军队，培养大批军事人才，首创中国国内警察制度、设立春节，逼迫清帝和平退位、开创中华民国，督修铁路、办工厂、大力发展实业，废除科举制度，推广免费国民学校。
然而，1915年12月袁世凯宣布自称皇帝，改国号为中华帝国，建元洪宪;此举遭到各方反对，引发护国运动，袁世凯不得不在做了83天皇帝之后宣布取消帝制。
1916年6月6日因尿毒症不治而亡，归葬于河南安阳。
袁世凯的生平事迹少年时代袁世凯出身河南项城的一个大家族，他的叔祖袁甲三官至漕运总督，参与镇压太平军和捻军，是这个家族的顶梁柱;他的生父是袁保中，为项城县的地主豪绅，捐了个同知官位。
袁世凯系袁保中第四子，生母是袁保中之妾刘氏，他于1859年9月16日(清文宗咸丰九年八月二十日)出生于大清河南省陈州府项城县北之袁张营。
袁世凯出生的那天，袁甲三恰好寄书到家，言与捻军作战得胜。
袁世凯的父亲袁保中大喜过望，因此为这个新生的婴儿取名为“凯”，并按照家族“保世克家、企文绍武”的排行，给婴儿命名“世凯”。
袁世凯被其婶母牛氏(袁保庆之妻)抚养长大，他本人也在1864年过继给无子的袁保庆为后嗣。
袁世凯六岁时，养父袁保庆替他找个启蒙老师袁执中教四书五经，后又随袁保庆宦游济南、扬州、南京诸地。
在南京，袁世凯师从曲沼学习武艺，并“喜游览山水，复善骑射，课暇则策马登览清凉山、莫愁湖、太平湖诸胜迹”，袁世凯自小喜爱兵法，立志学“万人敌”。
尝自谓“三军不可夺帅，我手上如果能够掌握十万精兵，便可横行天下。
袁世凯简介——精选推荐
袁世凯简介袁世凯（1859年—1916年），字慰庭，号容庵，是中国近代史上赫赫有名的北洋军阀鼻祖、中华民国大总统，风云一时，叱咤中国政坛。
1859年9月16日，他出生在河南项城县一个世代官宦的大家族。
父祖多为清朝显贵，权重一方。
袁世凯早年科举不第，又逢清季兵燹，便弃文投军，依附淮军将领吴长庆门下。
1892年，大清藩属朝鲜内乱，求助于清庭，袁世凯即随军入朝平乱。
驻朝期间，袁世凯头脑灵活，办事机敏、干练，表现出较高的外交、军事才能，颇为清庭朝野瞩目。
1894年受李鸿章保举为驻朝总理大臣。
1895年受命以道员衔赴天津督练“新式陆军”。
他仿造欧洲军制训练军队，取得极大的收获。
同时在此基础上扶植自己的势力，形成了日后北洋军阀的班底。
1898年参与镇压维新派。
1899年任山东巡抚，逐步接近清廷的权力中枢。
1901年升任直隶总督兼北洋大臣。
1907年入主军机处、兼任外务部尚书。
1908年宣统帝继位，受清皇室排挤，袁世凯被迫下野，隐居彰德府（今安阳市）洹上村别墅——“养寿园”。
1911年辛亥革命爆发，受国内外形式所迫，清庭被迫重新起用袁世凯，由其出任总理内阁大臣，主持军政。
革命当前，袁世凯深知清庭气数已尽，无可挽回，便联络全国革命势力及其旧部，倒戈一击，逼迫清帝退位，实行共和。
1912年3月，袁世凯因促成共和有功，当选中华民国临时大总统。
随后不久，被推举为中华民国首任总统。
1915年12月宣布恢复帝制，建立中华帝国，并改元洪宪。
1916年3月22日，内外交困，被迫宣布撤消帝制，恢复民国。
1916年6月6日，因尿毒症不治，死于北京，时年57岁。
同年8月24日正式归葬于河南安阳。
出生：袁世凯(1859.9.16—1916.6.6)，字慰亭，亦作慰廷，尉亭，号容庵。
出生于河南项城县张营一个官宦大家族。
袁世凯过继给叔叔袁保庆，为嗣。
年方七岁的袁世凯随袁保庆至济南。
七年（1868年）冬，袁保庆以道员发往江苏差遣，袁世凯随往，侨寓扬州，复移南京。
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岁月长河中记忆的流逝——马车
马车是马拉的车子，或载人，或运货。
马车的历史极为久远，它几乎与人类的文明一样漫长。
一直到19世纪，马车仍然是城市交通的十分重要的交通工具。
人们喜欢马车的优雅和诗意，喜欢乘坐马车从容地穿过乡村大道或古旧的城区街巷去访问朋友。
此辆马车制造时间为民国十八年，曾是袁世凯六子袁克恒（1898—1956，又名袁心武，河南项城人。
近代实业家，毕业于南开大学、天津新学书院，1913年到英国留学，后辍学回国做实业，曾任启新洋灰公司的总经理，还参与创办了江南水泥厂、华新南辰溪水泥厂、北京琉璃水泥厂等企业。
）为家眷在天津时专门托人打制的代步工具，天津市一六一八餐饮有限公司董事长不惜花重金在博物馆购得此珍品，随着火车和汽车的出现，车轮转动的速度越来越快。
直至今日，马车的黄金时代宣告结束了！
此辆马车现如今仍可使用，曾在《辛亥革命》电视剧拍摄中做过道具！。