袁世凯传简介.pdf
人物传记袁世凯传
人物传记袁世凯传《袁世凯传》本书为著名历史学者、《剑桥中华民国史》作者陈志让先生的经典力作。
它全面回顾了这位清廷重擘与民国“逆首”的人生历程，详细审察了袁世凯其人在朝鲜监国时期表现出来的治世之才、小站练兵时的干将之能、督抚鲁直时的权臣之范与辛亥革命前后的枭雄之奸，生动地呈现了袁世凯“治世之能臣，乱世之奸雄”的悍厉一生。
内容简介袁世凯，字慰庭，别号容庵，河南项城人，故人称其为袁项城。
生于清咸丰九年(1859年)八月二十日。
早年投靠淮军首领吴长庆，捐得同知衔，后任驻朝鲜通商大臣。
1895年在天津小站编练新建陆军。
1898年戊成变法期间，伪装赞成维新运动，却暗中向权臣荣禄告密，出卖维新派，取得了慈禧太后的宠信。
1899年升任山东巡抚，残酷镇压义和团。
1901年继李鸿章之后为直隶总督兼北洋大臣，成为北洋军阀的最高首领。
1911年辛亥革命时，他眼看清廷气数已尽，决定逼清帝逊位，骗得革命党人信任，攫取了中华民国总统之位。
1915年12月复辟帝制，半年后在举国人民的一片声讨中忧愤而终。
本书运用历史唯物主义观点，客观、公正、准确地描写了袁世凯从青年从军到称帝归西的主要人生经历。
其中包括袁世凯二赴朝鲜、小站练兵、组建北洋军、镇压义和团、逼清帝退位直至当上民国大总统、镇压革命、破坏民主、复辟帝制等一系列重大历史事件。
全书史料翔实，结构严谨，层次分明，语言朴实流畅，适宜各年龄层次的读者阅读。
作者简介陈志让(Jerome Ch’en)：著名历史学家，《剑桥中华民国史》作者，加拿大多伦多大学东亚系教授。
著有《军绅政治》《毛泽东与中国革命》等。
陈志让在海外华人世界是与前两位齐名的历史学者，他是享誉中外《剑桥中华民国史》作者之一; 其作品《军绅政治》由广西师范大学前两年出版，被业内专家捧为可永世流传的经典，在知识精英界有一点的人气基础。
名家推荐最干净的笔触，最清晰的叙事，最少的道德说教。
是我所接触到的几种中外作者书写的袁世凯传记中……最好的一种。
袁林(袁世凯墓)申报国保档案
第七批全国重点文物保护单位申报登记表文物名称袁林所在地址河南省安阳市洹水北岸太平庄申报单位（公章）申报日期日第七批全国重点文物保护单位申报登记表名称袁林时代民国初期类别古建筑所有权国家所有使用人所在地海拔高度78米经度纬度保护级别河南省重点文物保护单位管理机构河南省安阳市市区文物景点管理处简介袁林位于河南省安阳市洹水北岸太平庄。
建于1916年-1918年，为中华民国首任大总统袁世凯的墓地所在。
袁林占地138余亩，耗资150万两白银，仿明清帝而规制略低，中西合璧、古今并用，建筑特色鲜明。
主体建筑共分三个院落。
由南至北分别为我国现存最大的砖雕照壁，糙石桥，青白石桥，修筑的牌楼，彰显时代特征的望柱、石像生、碑亭、东西值房，跨三进门为东西配房、景仁堂，穿二侧月门为仿欧美风格的墓台区。
整个建筑群既彰显“皇家”气派又区别于帝王陵寝，充分显示了墓主人的特殊身份。
袁林在建筑材料、装饰图案、彩画等方面风格独创，特色鲜明，颇具时代特色，是我国陵墓建筑的一个创例，也是我省目前保存不多的官式建筑之一，代表了这一时期我国陵地建设的最高水平，具有较高的历史、科学和艺术价值。
申报对象文物构成清单文物名称文物类别保存现状照壁古建筑较好糙石桥古建筑好青白石桥古建筑较好牌楼古建筑较好东、西望柱古建筑较好石马2个古建筑较好石虎2个古建筑较好石狮2个古建筑较好武官2个古建筑较好文官2个古建筑较好碑亭古建筑好东值房、西值房古建筑好堂院大门古建筑好景仁堂古建筑较好东配殿古建筑较好西配殿古建筑较好墓台铁门古建筑较好青白石五供桌古建筑较好墓冢古建筑较好自然与人文环境1、自然环境袁林地处河南省安阳市洹水北岸之太平庄，它南临洹水，北望韩陵，东临胜利路。
属于暖温带大陆性季风气候，四季分明，平均气温13.6°C，全年无霜期188天，年平均降水606.1毫米。
袁林周围地势平坦，绿树成荫，泥质土壤，植被有侧柏、槐树、桐树、梓树、三角枫等。
野生动物主要有啄木鸟、喜鹊等。
袁世凯
袁世凯叶根发、王术静编撰，杨宏雨指导、修改一、袁世凯评传小引袁世凯，字慰庭，号容庵。
河南项城人。
生于1859年9月16日（清咸丰九年八月二十日）。
卒于1916年6月6日。
袁世凯病逝后，黄兴在《戏挽袁世凯联》写到：“算得个四十年来天下英雄，陡起野心，假筹安两字美名，一意进行，居然想学袁公路。
仅做了八旬三日屋里皇帝，伤哉短命，援快活一时谚语，两相比较，毕竟差胜郭彦威。
”应该说，这个结论还是比较公允的。
富家子弟袁世凯生前谋求帝制时，一班御用文人曾舞文弄墨，替袁世凯考证说，项城袁氏一族可远溯东汉末年袁术袁公路，近祖是明季宿将袁崇焕，并上书袁世凯要求将袁崇焕附祀关（羽）岳（飞）庙。
那时梁士诒撰文这样赞颂袁崇焕，“使崇焕以前而有崇焕其人者，则满洲军将不能越辽河一步；使崇焕以后而有崇焕其人者，则满洲军尤不能越榆关一步，崇焕一日不去则满洲一日不能得志于中国。
”面对这种为自己当皇帝而牵强附会制造的舆论，袁世凯倒表现得较清醒，没有答应。
项城袁家算不上“望族”，有案可稽的先祖要数袁世凯的曾祖父袁耀东。
他靠设馆收徒以养家糊口，因过度用功读书而“赉志而殁”，只活了40岁，留下了一群孤儿寡母难维生计。
袁耀东生前最大的名头——庠生。
好在袁耀东之妻郭氏治家育儿有方，据《项城袁氏家集》的《母德禄》介绍，郭氏白天井臼亲操，与众婢共苦；晚上篝灯课子，三鼓不辍。
在郭氏的悉心调教下，袁耀东的四个儿子树三、甲三、凤三和重三，都有出息。
长子袁树三是袁世凯的祖父，廪贡生，曾署任河南陈留县训导兼教谕；三子袁凤三是庠生，后担任禹城教谕20年之久；四子袁重三，为生员，虽未入任途，但在家乡长期主持团练；次子袁甲三，于道光十五年中进士，也就是他，奠定了日后袁氏家族的兴盛。
袁甲三历任礼部主事、军机处章京、郎中。
1850年被调任江南监察道御史、兵科给事中。
此时的袁甲三和时任礼部左侍郎的曾国藩、大理寺卿倭仁过往较密，经常“讲求宋儒之学”。
袁家的资产也随着袁甲三的仕途的成功膨胀起来，成为项城的大望族。
袁世凯传简介
袁世凯传简介袁世凯，字肃然，河南省开封府洛阳县人，清末民初政治家。
他是中国现代史上重要的政治人物之一，被誉为“北洋军阀”的首领。
他在政治和军事领域上的经验和才能都深受人们的赞誉，同时也因其在历史中的一些行为受到争议和批评。
袁世凯出生于1835年，他的家庭地位并不高，但是他的父亲是当地的一位知名官员，所以他的父亲对他的教育很重视。
后来，袁世凯进入了官场，成为了知名的官员和军事将领。
他开始进入政坛，成为清政府的一名将领，并在太平天国战争中立下了许多功勋。
1875年，袁世凯加入北洋船政局，并在那里接受了许多现代化的军事和技术训练。
同时，他也开始涉足政治领域，成为了一名很有影响力的议员。
在政治和军事的领域上，他都表现出了惊人的才能和经验，赢得了众多的忠实支持者和信徒。
1895年，袁世凯被任命为北洋海军的提督，并在甲午战争中指挥了中国海军的战斗。
然而，由于清政府在战争中的失败，对于袁世凯的威望和声誉造成了很大的打击。
随后，他被派往韩国大清派遣军，但是在那里他又得以证明自己的才能。
此后，袁世凯很快成为了清政府的重要军事和政治领导人之一。
他的领导才能和经验对于北洋政府来说是不可或缺的，他在许多重要的政治和军事决策上都发挥了重要作用。
值得一提的是，在1900年的义和团运动中，袁世凯在平定叛乱上表现出了重要的战略眼光和才能。
1901年，袁世凯被任命为北洋政府的总统，并开始推行新政，倡导改革和现代化的进程。
同时，他还面对着许多的内部问题和政治斗争，但他最终通过自己的才能和经验，成功地平息了这些问题，并在政治和军事领域上实现了重大的突破。
在1911年辛亥革命爆发后，袁世凯在中国历史上扮演了非常重要的角色。
他成为了大清国的临时大总统，但是在清朝的覆灭后，他成为了民国的第一任总统，并开始实行新的政治和经济改革。
然而，由于他在政治和军事领域上的专制行为，他也受到了很多人的批评和反对。
1915年，袁世凯开始为了自己的政治野心，试图复辟帝制，这引起了国内外的广泛反对。
袁世凯传：一个日本记者三十年中国、朝鲜生活札记-1650字高三作文叙事
袁世凯传：一个日本记者三十年中国、朝鲜生活札记-1650字《袁世凯传：一个日本记者三十年中国、朝鲜生活札记》这本被封杀了百年的孤本传记首度出版，讲述袁世凯从领兵朝鲜到慈禧之死这一时期的事迹。
作者佐藤铁治郎，这位在中国、朝鲜生活了三十年的日本记者，和袁世凯生活在同一时代的人，以不同寻常的眼光和超近的距离来观察袁世凯的一举一动，使得读此传记，更具有人性化，让袁世凯这个充满争议的人物更添一份传奇色彩。
这也是一本充满传奇的书籍，因为此书成书之时，袁世凯还在世，为了不影响自己声誉，此书当年遭到袁世凯长子、天津官员、日本领事馆的全面封杀。
尘封在日本外务省百年之久，直到现在，才得以出版。
由此，我带着好奇的心，走进书里，领略另一番不同的异域观点。
本书作者由于距离袁世凯生活时代过近，所以产生了一些不客观的论点。
对此读者应该有一份能辨别的心，感受另一种观点，从中找出客观真实的资料。
此书最为可贵是，收录了袁世凯各种书信、电稿、笔谈等，还收录了袁世凯在小站练兵时期和新政时期的政令措施。
这些资料现在已经很难找到，所以此书的价值非常高，作为全面了解袁世凯不得不读的一本传记。
在书的前面第一章：《在朝鲜的日子》，作者在很大程度上为自己祖国日本开脱，一味把问题都推卸到清朝身上，并且不惜曲解一些意义，使得内容不够客观公正，甚至觉得有些可笑。
如在书中第50页，关于日本侵略朝鲜时，作者居然写道：因为**本国认为朝鲜是个主权国家，而清朝认为朝鲜是其附属国。
作者强调，就是因为日本要保护朝鲜主权问题，所以出兵帮助朝鲜。
对此等存在着扭曲历史真相的行为，读者可查相关历史背景资料，作出正确的判断。
6。
大兴科学，重视科技发展。
从以上措施里面可以看出，袁世凯并不是一个只会投机取巧的人，前半生他的做法或许只是为了自保，但到了高位之后，他就开始施展他的理想。
不过可惜的是，这些政策后面因为清朝官场腐败至极，得不到完全的实施，最后都不了了之，弄个虎头蛇尾。
作者最后把责任推到袁世凯监督力不够和袁世凯身边的官僚腐败身上，这也是不正确的，因为当时中国大环境如此，根本原因牵涉甚广，不是一两个人就可以改变。
袁世凯
第 1 页 共 1 页人物简介袁世凯（1859年9月16日－1916年6月6日）,字慰亭（又.袁世凯作慰庭），号容庵，汉族，河南项城人，是中国近代史上著名的政治人物。
曾是北洋军阀的领导人，在辛亥革命后，与南方革命军有约，只要推翻清帝奉袁世凯为大总统，袁世凯履行承诺，逼宣统退位。
成为中华民国首任大总统，后复辟称帝被推翻。
他曾担任过满清王朝的军机大臣、驻朝鲜的代理总督。
生平经历袁世凯生于清文宗咸丰九年八月二十日（1859年9月16日）。
袁世凯六岁时养父袁保庆替他找个启蒙老师袁执中教四书五经。
光绪二年（1876年）秋，袁世凯与沈丘于姓女子结婚，时年17岁。
翌年初春，又回到北京。
1879年，其姑丈张向宸办理河南赈务，委托袁世凯分办陈州捐务，因他集款独巨，提拔袁世凯为“中书科中书”。
袁世凯先后于1876年和1879年两次参加科举考试，都没能在乡试中中举。
袁世凯科场失败以后，决定投奔淮系李鸿章。
袁世凯在北京读书时，李鸿章正在直隶总督任上。
对这位大人的显赫地位不胜钦羡。
在洋务派“练兵求强”思想的影响下，他“好读兵书”，“留心时事”，常作军事论说，侈谈练兵“安内攘外”。
1881年5月，带领“其家旧部数十人”往山东登州，投靠淮军统领吴长庆。
当袁世凯来到登州时，吴长庆不仅“肫然相信”，乐意收留，备加照抚，而且随后又加以提拔重用。
历史事件 创立新军《辛丑条约》签订后，清政府迫于内外形势，施行新政。
袁世凯表示极力拥护。
1901年袁世凯在山东创建山东大学堂（今山东大学）。
1902年，袁世凯兼任政务处参预政务大臣和练兵大臣，在保定编练北洋常备军（简称北洋军）。
次年，清政府在北京设立练兵处，庆亲王奕劻为总理大臣，袁世凯任会办大臣，掌握实权。
创办各种武备学堂，并聘请大批日本军官担任教习。
在此期间，他在发展北洋工矿企业、修筑铁路、创办巡警、整顿地方政权及开办新式学堂等方面，都颇有成效。
通过办理新政，他得以“内结亲贵，外树党援”，很快形成了一个以他为首的庞大的北洋军事政治集团。
袁世凯到底有什么“本事”袁世凯传简介
袁世凯到底有什么“本事”袁世凯传简介袁世凯是中国近代史上的人物，他26岁成为朝鲜交涉通商事务全权代表，是北洋军阀的鼻祖，中华民国第二任临时大总统。
后因称帝及卖国等行为身败名裂、遗臭万年。
2011年是辛亥革命100周年。
而袁世凯是这场革命紧挨伟人不过的一个人物。
抛开对他脸谱化的简单认识，他到底是一个什么样的人呢？厚黑袁世凯的厚黑是家传的。
他的叔父，也就是他的养父袁保庆，曾当过江宁盐巡道，纵横官场很有一套。
有一年，袁保庆过生日，家里唱堂会，请来苏州诸多名角献艺。
戏演到高潮，袁保庆触景生情，对只有十来岁的袁世凯说第二段了这样一段意味深长的话：“官场犹如戏场，你看台上演的这些忠孝节义、生死离别，何等生动逼真，使人闻之动心，观之泣涕，但这一切都是假的。
戏子之难，就难在把假做成真。
官场也是这样子，最大的本事就在于做工装假的做工技法。
若无此本事或本事不佳堪忧的话，不但被戏子取笑，被百姓看不起，在官场里也混不下去。
”该文对袁世凯影响很大，多年之后，他仍然记忆犹新。
袁世凯的“厚”集中体现在他的巴结儒生上。
他极力巴结慈禧太后。
慈禧太后的第一辆汽车就是老袁送的。
他巴结慈禧是很下工夫的。
八国联军撤退后，慈禧太后回到北京。
由于八国联军的毁坏，宫人的很多陈设都被抢走和毁坏了，过惯了奢侈过惯集体生活的慈禧太后命当时为直隶总督的袁世凯筹措资金。
这时直隶的很多地方的确没完全恢复秩序，就是立即向百姓顾不上代扣也来不及。
他为了迎合太后，除了已设法筹集了筹措一些款子外，还产品设计了一个生财计划，就是从那些肥缺官员身上刮油。
袁世凯派幕友立传京津的几家银号管事来署。
这些银号的管事者一听袁宫保有请，以为好事来了，便欣然而往。
见面之后，老袁假称有大批公款要存放生息，但要利息3分。
管事贪其存款数额巨大，但又以贷款利息太高为嫌，忙赔笑说道：“小号存款，月息向来最多8厘，3分数目实在太高，实在无力担承。
”老袁笑着说：“真的吗？那也好，公款就按8厘照算，但其中有我私人存款几十万，难道不肯特别优待吗？”管事们极力辩解，为了取信，他们说某藩台存款若干万，某道台存款若干万，都是个人存款。
《袁世凯称帝与军阀混战》辛亥革命与民族觉醒PPT课件2
三、军阀混战
从这张地 图上，你感 觉当时中国 处于怎样的 一种局面？
滇系
国家四分五裂
奉系 张作霖 直系冯国璋、 曹锟
皖系 段祺瑞
桂系
三、军阀混战
派系 代表人物 势力范围 依靠的帝国主 义国家
直系 冯国璋 直隶、江苏江
曹锟
西、湖北
美、英
皖系 段祺瑞 安徽、浙江山
日
东、福建
奉系 张作霖
东北
日
滇系 唐继尧 云南、贵州
可爱的同学，找资料眼 睛累了吧！长时间屏幕，眼 睛会干涩、酸痛、疲劳的。
不过现在教同学们一个 小办法，左边我为大家准备 了一张视力保健“远眺图” ，看看图就能缓解眼疲劳， 起到远眺解乏的作用。
远眺图是利用心理学 空间知觉原理，在一张二维 空间平面上，强烈显示出三 维空间的向远延伸的立体图 形，远视和视力良好的人在 长时间近距离用眼情况下引 起的视力疲劳，可以通过此 种方法获得一定的缓解。
原因： 宋教仁案
2.镇压二次革命： 过程： 孙中山号召反袁，发起“二次革命
结果： 敌〞我力量悬殊，二次革命失败。
复辟帝制
思考：袁世凯为复辟帝制做了哪些准备〔措施〕？
1.下令解散国民党，大肆捕杀国民党人 与民主人士。 2.查封报馆，禁止言论、集会、结社。 3.下令解散国会，撤销国务院，取消责 任内阁。 4.炮制?大总统选举法?总统可无限任期， 可将自己的职位传给子孙。 5.接受灭亡中国的“二十一条〞。
美、英பைடு நூலகம்
桂系 陆荣廷
两广
美、英
北洋军阀统治时期是中 农户 1914——1918 减少1500多万户 耕地 1914——1918 减少2600多万亩
国近代史上最黑暗的时期 荒地 1914——1918 增加4900多万亩 陆军 1914——1919 增加92万多人 军费 1916——1918 增加5000多万元
课件：袁世凯——简介和历史评价[优质ppt]
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袁世凯身世
取名为凯， 寓意将来能鹏 程万里，效乃 祖凯歌频奏， 博取功名，光 宗耀祖。而世 为其袁氏的辈 分。
袁家在陈州府为一个 官宦世家。叔祖官拜 总督，两个堂叔官至 刑部左侍郎、内阁中 书，叔父官至江宁盐 运道。生父虽为做官， 但捐过同知。
河南省陈州府项城县 人名袁世凯，字慰亭， 别号容庵。生于1859 年9月。
刺杀宋教仁开启了民国史上用武力干 预政治斗争的先例
宋教仁
简介：
宋教仁（1882－ 1913），字遁初，号渔 父，汉族，湖南桃源人。 1913年被暗杀于上海， 享年三十二岁。中国伟 大的民主革命先行者、 中华民国的缔造者，是 中华民国初期第一位倡 导内阁制的政治家，是 国民党三元首之一。
宋教仁的演讲尖锐的抨击 袁世凯的专政
唐绍仪
核心问题： 废除清政府 建立共和政体 清帝待遇
南北议和（1911.10.上海）
就任临时大总统
1912.3.10日袁世凯就任临时大总统
民国建设造端 百凡待治 世凯深思竭其能力 发扬共和之精神 涤荡专制之瑕秽 谨守宪法 依国民之愿望 靳达国家于安全强国之域 俾五大民族同臻乐利
袁世凯的统治
破坏《临时约法》，控制内阁
支持清末新政
慈禧死后清廷内斗：袁世凯被 摄政王吓得一夜白头
“军机大臣外务部尚书 袁世凯，夙承先朝屡加擢 用，朕御极后复予懋赏。 正以其才可用，俾效驰驱， 不意袁世凯现患足疾，步 履维艰，难胜职任。袁世 凯著即开缺，回籍养疴， 以示体恤。钦此。” （上 谕）
篡夺辛亥革命果实
南方首席代表
伍廷芳
北方首席代表
镇压义和团
1军899令年：，袁世凯颁布《严禁拳匪暂行章程》八条， 提出练拳“和凡赞义成和设场团的一，经杀拿无获赦，。据按袁照世土凯匪部下章估程计，， 山数东万不 咎全人省。分 ；被袁首 若当世从 匪场凯就至击自地不杀称正痛和山送东法击县省“，或拳如则解匪匪将省剿至领正办即以法殆放 下的尽团炮 即民， 正，必 法共不 。约汝 ”
袁世凯传读书笔记
《袁世凯传》读书笔记100多年前有这样一个人，他是近代中国历史上一个极其重要的代表人物，他是一个将自己伪装成维新派的封建专制主义者，也是一个将中国“厚黑学”演绎的淋漓尽致的人。
他的名字已经成为近代中国反动政治的同义语，每一部中国近代史书都不能不提到他。
关于他的历史，中外已有不少论著，然而对于他的生平，人们却有着不同的评价，或赞其城府、心机、手段，或恶其贪婪、残忍、绝情，这些复杂的性格特征糅合在一起最终成就了他在乱世之中崛起，也将他推入了万劫不复的深渊。
对于袁世凯，人们有过许多称呼：袁项城，是借用他的祖籍地；袁宫保，是用清廷所赐“太子少保”衔，当上民国大总统之前，这是他最喜欢的称呼；大总统，从他53岁叫到56岁，但长子袁克定即使在新中国成立后，提起父亲依旧称“先大总统”；洪宪帝，从1916年1月1日到3月22日，共83天；卖国贼、窃国大盗，从民国叫到新中国，出现在历史教科书里。
这个人的一生贯穿了中国近代的重要转折，成为了那个时代的独特标记。
袁世凯开始登上政治舞台的时刻，正值中国在封建制度的桎梏下将要走完其漫长的黑暗路程的年代，也正是给中华民族带来创巨痛深的甲午战争的前后。
战前，他是李鸿章淮系军阀集团的一名初露头角的走卒。
战后，趁淮系军阀衰落的时机，他在小站创练了一支新式陆军，并以此为资本，破坏了资产阶级改良派的维新运动，扑灭了反帝爱国的义和团起义，在中外反动派的一片喝彩声中，爬上了直隶总督兼北洋大臣的显赫职位。
不得不佩服袁世凯的政治洞察力，这个时候，他敏锐地觉察到：清王朝衰微，人民革命革命的浪潮一浪高过一浪，如不谋求新的对策，很难再继续维持其统治。
因此，在１９０１至１９０８年间，他戴着“急进改革者”的面具，以“中学为体，西学为用”的洋务派理论纲领为指导，以那支新式陆军为核心，通过办“新政”，组织起一个庞大的北洋军事政治集团。
这个新兴的集团是淮系军阀集团的延续和发展，是清政府推行“新政”的结果，是帝国主义侵华由“蚕食鲸吞”转到“保全清朝，以华治华”的产物。
2023年最新的袁世凯传简介
2023年最新的袁世凯传简介袁世凯传简介《袁世凯传》内容简介：袁世凯纵横捭阖两时代，既是清朝重臣，又是民国元首，是中国近代化变革的参与者和见证者。
袁世凯抵制侵略、力主维新、废科举、建铁路、推行立宪、发展经济《袁世凯传》评说袁世凯功过是非众说纷纭的一生，解读乱世枭雄袁世凯的激荡与沉浮，透视中国千年大变局的激变与冲突。
袁世凯传简介袁世凯是近代中国历史上一个极其重要的代表人物，一个伪装维新的封建专制主义者。
他的名字已经成为近代中国反动政治的同义语，每一部中国近代史书都不能不提到他。
本书在参阅了有关袁世凯的政府档案、私人函电及已出版的专著和史料的基础上，进一步探讨了袁世凯的一生。
本书主要目的在于揭露封建专制主义的野蛮、愚昧、虚伪和顽固，说明清末民初支配我国社会历史的一般的和特有的规律，以及违反这个规律的人物最终要失败的必然性。
袁世凯纵横捭阖两时代，既是清朝重臣，又是民国元首，是中国近代化变革的参与者和见证者。
袁世凯是个不折不扣的纨绔子弟，早年科考失败，弃文从武，投靠吴长庆，攀附李鸿章，巴结荣禄，取悦西太后，同时还不忘在维新派身上下赌注工于心计的他施展手腕，长袖善舞，终于位极人臣。
民国初始，又攘夺了民国大总统的职位，进而称帝建元。
本书资料翔实、语言凝练，作为一本严格意义上的历史作品，多角度阅读定会受益匪浅。
袁世凯传简介苏全有，河南师范大学教授、硕士生导师、图书馆馆长。
任辛亥革命史研究会副理事长、河南省史学会理事，荣获省级中青年骨干教师、省教育厅学术技术带头人等称号，主要从事中国近代史的教学与研究工作。
主要著作有：《清末邮传部研究》(中华书局2023年版)、《近代中国知识分子思想转型问题研究》(内蒙古大学出版社1997年版)、《黄兴与阳夏战役》(电子科技大学出版社1997年版)、《孙中山与三角联盟》(河北人民出版社1998年版)、《袁世凯与中国近代化》(青海人民出版社1999年版)、《张宗昌大传》(经济日报出版社2023年版)等。
袁世凯简介中英对照
Yuan ShikaiYuan Shikai (Wade-Giles spelling: Yuan Shih-kai; simplified Chinese: 袁世凯; traditional Chinese: 袁世凱; pinyin: Yuán Shìkǎi; 16 September 1859 – 6 June 1916) was an important Chinese general and politician, famous for his influence during the late Qing Dynasty, his role in the events leading up to the abdication of the last Qing Emperor of China, his autocratic rule as the second President of the Republic of China (following Sun Y atsen), and his short-lived attempt to revive the Chinese monarchy, with himself as the "Great Emperor of China."Yuan Shikai was born in the village of Zhangying (張營村), Xiangcheng County, Chenzhou Prefecture, Henan, though the clan later moved 16 kilometers southeast of Xiangcheng to a hilly area that was easier to defend. There the Yuans had built a fortified village, Yuanzhaicun (Chinese: 袁寨村; literally "the fortified village of the Yuan family").Yuan‘s family was affluent enough to provide Yuan with a traditional Confucian education.[1] As a young man he enjoyed riding, boxing, and entertainment with friends. Though hoping to pursue a career in the civil service, he failed the Imperial examinations twice, leading him to decide on an entry into politics through the Huai Army, where many of his relatives served. His career began with the purchase of a minor official title in 1880, which was a common method of official promotion in the late Qing.[2] Using his father‘s connections, Yuan travelled to Tengzhou, Shandong, and sought a post in the Qing Brigade. Yuan‘s first marriage was in 1876 to a woman of the Yu family who bore him a first son, Keding, in 1878. Yuan Shikai married nine further concubines throughout the course of his life.[3]Years in Joseon Dynasty KoreaJoseon Dynasty Korea in the early 1870s was in the midst of a struggle between isolationists under the King Gojong‘s father (Heungseon Da ewongun), and progressives, led by the queen (Empress Myeongseong), who wanted to open trade. After the Meiji Restoration, Japan had adopted an aggressive foreign policy, contesting Chinese domination of the peninsula. Under the unequal Treaty of Ganghwa, which the Koreans signed with reluctance in 1876, Japan was allowed to send diplomatic missions to Hanseong, and opened trading posts in Incheon and Wonsan. Amidst an internal power struggle which resulted in the queen‘s exile, the Viceroy of Zhili, Li Hongzhang, sent the 3,000 strong Qing Brigade into Korea to impose Chinese will on the country. The regent, Heungseon Daewongun, was then escorted to Tianjin where he was effectively kept prisoner. Though effectively a Chinese puppet-state, Korea‘s weakness w as becoming increasingly apparent, and the Treaty of Jemulpo of 1882 gave the Japanese further right to station troops in Seoul in order to protect their legation. China could no longer shield Korea against a rapidly industrialising Japanese military, and it was obvious Korea‘s army could not deal with its internal crises without serious assistance. The Korean king proposed training 500 troops in the art of modern warfare, and Yuan Shikai was appointed to lead this task in Korea. Li Hongzhang also recommend ed Yuan‘s promotion, with Yuan given the rankof sub-prefect.In 1885, Yuan was appointed Imperial Resident of Seoul.[4] On the surface the position equalled that of ambassador but in practice, as head official from the suzerain, Yuan had become the supreme adviser on all Korean government policies. Seeing China‘s increasing control of the Korean government, Japan sought more influence through co-suzerainty with China. A series of documents were released to Yuan Shikai, claiming the Korean government had changed its stance towards Chinese protection and was interested in Russian protection. Yuan was outraged yet skeptical, and asked Li Hongzhang for advice.In a treaty signed between Japan and Qing, the two parties agreed only to send troops into Korea after notifying the other. Although the Korean government was now stable, it was still a protectorate of Qing. Koreans emerged advocating modernization. Another more radicalised group, the Donghak Society, promoting an early nationalist doctrine based partly upon Confucian principles, rose in rebellion against the government. Yuan and Li Hongzhang sent troops into Korea to protect Seoul and Qing‘s interests, and Japan did the same under the pretext of protecting Japanese trading posts. Tensions boiled over between Japan and China when Japan refused to withdraw its forces and placed a blockade at the 38th Parallel. Li Hongzhang wanted at all costs to avoid a war with Japan, and attempted this by asking for international pressure for a Japanese withdrawal. Japan refused, and war broke out. Yuan, having been put in an ineffective position, was recalled to Tianjin in July 1894, before the official outbreak of the First Sino-Japanese War (甲午戰爭).Late Qing DynastyYuan‘s rise to fame began with his nominal participation in the First Sino-Japanese War as commander of the Chinese garrison forces in Korea. Unlike other officers, however, he avoided the humiliation of Chinese defeat by having been recalled to Beijing several days before the outbreak of conflict.As an ally of Li Hongzhang, Yuan was appointed the commander of the first New army in 1895. As the officer most directly responsible for training China‘s first modernized army, Yuan gained significant political influence and the loyalty of a nucleus of young officers: by 1901, five of China‘s seven divisional commanders and most other senior military officers in China were his protégés.[2] The Qing court relied heavily on his army due to the proximity of its garrison to the capital and their effectiveness. Of the new armies that were part of the Self-Strengthening Movement, Yuan‘s was the best trained and most effective.The Qing Court at the time was divided between progressives under the leadership of the Guangxu Emperor, and conservatives under the Empress Dowager Cixi, who had temporarily retreated to the Summer Palace as a place of "retirement". After the Guangxu Emperor‘s Hundred Days‘ Reform in 1898, however, Cixi dec ided that the reforms were too drastic, and plotted to restore her own regency through a coup d‘état. Plans of the coup spread early, and the Emperor was very aware of the plot. He asked reform advocates Kang Y ouwei, Tan Sitong and others to develop aplan to save him. Yuan‘s involvement in the coup continues to be a large topic of historical debate. TanSitong reportedly had a talk with Yuan several days before the coup, asking Yuan to assist the Emperor against Cixi. Yuan refused a direct answer, but insisted he was loyal to the Emperor. Meanwhile Manchu General Ronglu was planning manoeuvres for his army to stage the coup.According to sources, including the diary of Liang Qichao and contemporary Chinese news sources, Yuan Shikai arrived in Tianjin on 20 September 1898 by train. It was certain that by the evening, Yuan had talked to Ronglu, but what was revealed to him remains ambiguous. Most historians suggest that Yuan had told Ronglu of all details of the Reformers‘ plans, and asked him to take imme diate action. The plot being exposed, Ronglu‘s troops entered the Forbidden City at dawn on 21 September, forcing the Emperor into seclusion in a lake palace.Yuan Shikai as Governor of ShandongMaking a political alliance with the Empress Dowager, and becoming a lasting enemy of the Guangxu Emperor, Yuan left the capital in 1899 for his new appointment as Governor of Shandong. During his three-year tenure while the Boxer Rebellion erupted, he ensured the suppression of Boxers in the province, though his troops took no active part outside Shandong itself. Yuan took the side of the pro foreign faction in the Imperial Court, along with Prince Qing, Li Hongzhang and Ronglu, he refused to side with the Boxers and attack the Eight Nation Alliance forces, joining with other Chinese governors who commanded substantial modernized armies like Zhang Zhidong not participating in the Boxer Rebellion. He and Zhang ignored Empress Dowager Cixi‘s declaration of war against the foreign powers and continued to suppress the Boxers. In addition to taking not fighting the Eight Nation Alliance and suppressing the Boxers in Shandong, Yuan and his army (the Right Division) also helped the Eight Nation Alliance massacre tens of thousands of people in their anti Boxer campaign in Zhili after the Alliance captured Beijing.[5] Yuan operated out of Baoding during the campaign, which ended in 1902.[6]He also founded a provincial junior college (Shandong College, the forerunner of Shandong University) in Jinan, which adopted western ideas of education.In June 1902 he was promoted to Viceroy of Zhili, the lucrative Commissioner for North China Trade,[7] and Minister of Beiyang (北洋通商大臣), comprising the modern regions of Liaoning, Hebei, and Shandong. Having gained the regard of foreigners after helping crush the Boxer Rebellion, he successfully obtained numerous loans to expand his Beiyang Army into the most powerful army in China. He created a 1,000-strong police force to keep order in Tianjin, the first of its kind in Chinese history, as a result of the Boxer Protocol having forbidden troops to be staged close to Tianjin. Yuan was also involved in the transfer of railway control from Sheng Xuanhuai, leading railways and their construction to became a large source of his revenue. Yuan played an active role in late-Qing political reforms, including the creation of the Ministry of Education (學部) and Ministry of Police (巡警部). Hefurther advocated for ethnic equality between Manchus and Han Chinese.Retreat and returnThe Empress Dowager and the Guangxu Emperor died within a day of each other in November 1908.[4] and sources indicate that the will of the Emperor specifically ordered Yuan be executed. Nonetheless avoiding a death sentence, in January 1909 Yuan Shikai was relieved of all his posts by the regent, Prince Chun. The public reason for Yuan‘s resignation was that he was returning to his home in the village of Huanshang (洹上村), now the prefecture-level city of Anyang, due to a foot disease. During his three years of effective exile, Yuan kept contact with his close allies, including Duan Qirui, who reported to him regularly about army proceedings. The loyalty of the Beiyang Army was still undoubtedly behind him. Having this strategic military support, Yuan held the balance of power between various revolutionaries (like Sun Y at-sen) and the Qing Court. Both wanted Yuan on their side.The Wuchang Uprising and the republicThe Wuchang Uprising took place on 10 October 1911 in Hubei province. The southern provinces subsequently declared their independence from the Qing Court, but neither the northern provinces nor the Beiyang Army had a clear stance for or against the rebellion. Both the Qing court and Yuan were fully aware that the Beiyang Army was the only Qing force powerful enough to quell the revolutionaries. The court requested Yuan‘s return on 27 October, but he repeatedly declined offers from the Qing Court for his return, first as the Viceroy of Huguang, and then as Prime Minister of the Imperial Cabinet. Time was on Yuan‘s side, and Yuan waited, using his "foot ailment" as a pretext to his continual refusal.After further pleas by the Qing Court, Yuan agreed and eventually left his village for Beijing on 30 October, becoming Prime Minister on 1 November 1911. Immediately after that he asked Prince Chun, the Regent, to abstain from politics. Zaifeng, forced to resign his regency, made way for Yuan to compose a newly created, predominantly Han Chinese Cabinet of confidants, consisting of only one Manchu, who held the position of Minister of Suzerainty. To further reward Yuan‘s loyalty to the court, the Empress Dowager Longyu offered Yuan the noble title Marquis of the First Rank (一等侯), an honour only previously given to General Zeng Guofan. While ensuring temporary political stability in Beijing, his forces captured Hankou and Hanyang in November 1911 in preparation for attacking Wuchang, thus forcing the repub lican revolutionaries to negotiate.Abdication of the child emperorYuan Shikai sworn in as Provisional President of the Republic of China, in Beijing, 10 March 1912.The revolutionaries had elected Sun Yat-Sen as the first Provisional President of the Republic of China, but they were in a weak position militarily, so they negotiated with the Qing, using Yuan as an intermediary. Yuan arranged for the abdication of the childemperor Puyi (or Xuantong Emperor) in return for being granted the position of President.[4] Yuan would not be present when the Abdication edict was issued by Empress Dowager Longyu on 12 February 1912.Sun agreed to Yuan‘s presidency after some internal bickering, but asked that thecapital be situated in Nanjing. Yuan, however, wanted the geographic advantage of having the nation‘s capital close to his base of military power. Cao Kun, one of his trusted subordinate Beiyang military commanders, fabricated a coup d‘état in Beijing and Tianjin, apparently under Yuan‘s orders, to p rovide an excuse for Yuan not to leave his sphere of influence in Zhili (present-day Hebei province). The revolutionaries compromised again, and the capital of the new republic was established in Beijing. Yuan Shikai was elected Provisional President of the Republic of China by the Nanjing Provisional Senate on 14 February 1912, and sworn in on 10 March of that year.[8][9]Democratic electionsIn February 1913, democratic elections were held for the National Assembly in which the Chinese Nationalist Party or the Kuomintang (KMT) scored a significant victory. Song Jiaoren of the KMT zealously supported a cabinet system and was widely regarded as a candidate for Prime Minister.One of Song‘s main political goals was to ensure that the powers and independ ence of China‘s Parliament be properly protected from the influence of the office of the President. Song‘s goals in curtailing the office of the President conflicted with the interests of Yuan, who, by mid-1912, clearly dominated the provisional cabinet and was showing signs of a desire to hold overwhelming executive power. During Song‘s travels through China in 1912, he had openly and vehemently expressed the desire to limit the powers of the President in terms that often appeared openly critical of Yuan‘s ambitions. When the results of the 1913 elections indicated a clear victory for the KMT it appeared that Song would be in a position to exercise a dominant role in selecting the premier and cabinet, and the party could have proceeded to push for the election of a future president in a parliamentary setting.[10]On 20 March 1913, while travelling with a group of friends to Peking, Song Jiaoren was shot twice at close range by a lone gunman, Ying Kuicheng, at a Shanghai railway station. He died two days later in hospital. The trail of evidence led to the secretary of the cabinet and the provisional premier of Yuan Shikai‘s government. Although Yuan was considered by contemporary Chinese media sources as the man most likely behind the assassination, the main conspirators investigated by authorities were either themselves assassinated or disappeared mysteriously. Because of the lack of evidence, Yuan was never officially implicated.[10]Becoming emperorTensions between the Kuomintang and Yuan continued to intensify. After arriving in Peking, the elected Parliament attempted to gain control over Yuan, to develop a permanent constitution, and to hold a legitimate, open presidential election. Becausehe had authorized $100 million of "reorganization loans" from a variety of foreign banks, the KMT in particular were highly critical of Yuan‘s handling of the national budget.[11]Yuan‘s crackdown on the Kuomintang began in 1913, with the suppression and bribery of KMT members in the two legislative chambers. Anti-Yuan revolutionariesalso claimed Yuan orchestrated the collapse of the KMT internally and dismissed governors interpreted as being pro-Kuomintang.Second RevolutionSeeing the situation for his party worsen, Sun Y at-sen fled to Japan in November 1913, and called for a Second Revolution, this time against Yuan Shikai. Subsequently, Yuan gradually took over the government, using the military as the base of his power. He dissolved the national and provincial assemblies, and the House of Representatives and Senate were replaced by the newly formed "Council of State", with Duan Qirui, his trusted Beiyang lieutenant, as Prime Minister. Finally, Yuan had himself elected president to a five-year term, publicly labelled the Kuomintang a seditious organization, ordered the Kuomintang‘s dissolution, and evicted all members from Parliament.The Kuomintang‘s "Second Revolution" ended in failure as Yuan‘s troops achieved complete victory over revolutionary uprisings. Provincial governors with KMT loyalties who remained willingly submitted to Yuan. Because those commanders not loyal to Yuan were effectively removed from power, the Second Revolution cemented Yuan‘s power.[14]In January 1914, China‘s Parliament was formally dissolved. To give his government a semblance of legitimacy, Yuan convened a body of 66 men from his cabinet who, on 1 May 1914, produced a "constitutional compact" that effectively replaced China‘s provisional constitution. The new legal status quo gave Yuan, as president, practically unlimited powers over China‘s military, finances, foreign policy, and the rights of China‘s citizens. Yuan justified these reforms by stating that representative democracy had been proven inefficient by political infighting.[15]After his victory, Yuan reorganized the provincial governments. Each province was now supported by a Military Governor (都督) as well as a civil authority, giving each governor control of their own army. Although granting Yuan and provincial authorities a decentralised administration, it helped lay the foundations for the warlordism that crippled China over the next two decades.Japan‘s Twenty-one DemandsIn January 1915, having captured the German colony at Qingdao, Japan sent a secret ultimatum, known as the Twenty-one Demands, to Beijing. In these demands, Japan demanded an extension of extraterritoriality, the sale of businesses in debt to Japan, and the turning over of Qingdao to Japan as a concession. When these demands were made public, hostility within China was expressed in nationwide anti-Japanesedemonstrations and an effective national boycott of Japanese goods. Yuan‘s eventual decision to agree to nearly all of the demands led to a decline in the popularity of Yuan‘s government among con temporary Chinese, although many of the requests were mere extensions of Qing treaties.[16] Western pressure later forced Japan to water down some of its demands.Revival of the monarchyTo build up his own authority, Yuan began to re-institute elements of state Confucianism. As the main proponent of reviving Qing state religious observances, Yuan effectively participated as emperor in rituals held at the Qing Temple of Heaven. In late 1915, rumors were floated of a popular consensus that the monarchy should be revived. With his power secure, many of Yuan‘s supporters, notably monarchist Y ang Du, advocated for a revival of the monarchy, asking Yuan to take on the title of Emperor. Y ang reasoned that the Chinese masses had long been used to autocratic rule, and that the Republic had only been effective as a transitional phase to end Manchu rule. He reasoned that China‘s political situation demanded the stability that only a monarchy could ensure. The American political scientist Frank Johnson Goodnow suggested a similar idea. Negotiators representing the government of Japan had also offered to support Yuan‘s ambitions as one of the rewards for Yuan‘s support of the Twenty-One Demands.[17]In 20 November 1915, Yuan held a specially convened "Represe ntative Assembly" which voted unanimously in favor of having Yuan become emperor. On 12 December 1915, Yuan agreed to become the next emperor and proclaimed himself Emperor of the Chinese Empire (中華帝國大皇帝) under the era name of Hongxian (洪憲; i.e. Constitutional Abundance) beginning 1 January 1916. Soon after becoming emperor, Yuan placed an order with the former imperial potters for a 40,000-piece porcelain set costing 1.4 million yuan, a large jade seal, and two imperial robes costing 400,000 yuan each.Public and international reactions to the monarchy‘s revivalBy expecting widespread domestic and international support for his reign, Yuan Shikai and his supporters had miscalculated. Many of Yuan‘s closest supporters abandoned him, and the solidar ity of Yuan‘s Beiyang clique of military protégés dissolved. There were open protests throughout China denouncing Yuan. International governments, including Japan, proved suddenly indifferent or openly hostile to him, not giving him the recognition anticipated.[18] Sun Y at-sen, who had fled to Tokyo and set up a base there, actively organized efforts to overthrow Yuan. Yuan‘s sons publicly fought over the title of "Crown Prince", and his former loyal subordinates like Duan Qirui and Xu Shichang left him one by one to create their own factions.Abandonment of the monarchy and deathFaced with widespread opposition, Yuan repeatedly delayed the accession rites in order to appease his foes, but his prestige was irreparably damaged and province afterprovince continued to voice disapproval. On 25 December 1915, Yunnan‘s military governor, Cai E, rebelled, launching the National Protection War. The governor of Guizhou followed in January 1916, and Guangxi declared independence in March. Funding for Yuan‘s accession ceremony was cut on 1 March, and he formally abandoned monarchism on 22 March. This was not enough for his enemies, who called for his resignation as president. More provinces rebelled until Yuan died from uremia on 5 June 1916, at the age of fifty-six. His death was announced the following day.[8][18] His remains were moved to his home province and placed in a largemausoleum. In 1928, the tomb was looted by Feng Yuxiang‘s Guominjun soldiers during the Northern Expedition. He had three sons: Prince Yuan Keding, who was handicapped and deemed an "idiot" by his father; Prince Yuan Kewen, who was said by his father to be a ‗fake scholar‘, and Prince Yuan Keliang, whom Yuan Shikai called a "bandit".Evaluation and legacyThe major effects of Yuan‘s rule on China are mostly considered negative. Although he trained and organized one of China‘s first modern armies and introduced far-ranging modernisations in law and social areas, the loyalty Yuan had fostered among his armed forces split into warlords after his death, undermining the authority of the central government. Yuan did little to improve civilian economic or technological development, and financed his regime through large foreign loans. He is criticized for weakening Chinese morale and international prestige, and for allowing the Japanese to gain broad concessions over his government.[19]After Yuan‘s death, there was an effort by Li Yuanhong to revive the Republic by recalling the legislators who had been ejected in 1913, but this effort was confused and ineffective in asserting central control. Li lacked any support from the military. There was a short-lived effort in 1917 to revive the Qing dynasty led by the loyalist general Zhang Xun, but his forces were defeated by rival warlords later that year. After the collapse of Zhang‘s movement, all pretense of strength from the central government collapsed, and China descended into a period of warlordism. Over the next several decades, the offices of both the president and Parliament became the tools of militarists, and the politicians in Peking became dependent on regional governors for their support and political survival.[20]After Yuan‘s death, China was left without any generally recognized central authority, and the nation‘s army quickly fragmented into forces of competing warlords. For this reason he is sometimes called "the Father of the Warlords". However, it is not accurate to attribute China‘s subsequent age of warlordism as a personal preference, since in his career as a military reformer he had attempted to forge a modern army based on the Japanese model. Throughout his lifetime, he demonstrated an understanding of staffing, military education, and regular transfers of officer personnel, combining the se skills to create China‘s first modern military organisation. After his return to power in 1911, however, he seemed willing to sacrifice his legacy of military reform for imperial ambitions, and instead ruled by acombination of violence and bribery that destroyed the idealism of the early Republican movement. In the CCTV Production Towards the Republic, Yuan is portrayed through most of his early years as an able administrator, although a very skilled manipulator of political situations. His self-proclamation as Emperor is largely depicted as being influenced by external forces, especially that of his son, prince Yuan Keding.A bixi (stone tortoise) with a stele in honor of Yuan Shikai, which was installed in Anyang‘s Huanyuan Park soon after his death, was (partly) restored in 1993.袁世凯（威氏注音法：Yuan Shih-kai；简体中文：袁世凯；中国传统：袁世凱；拼音：Y uán Shìkǎi；1859年9月16日—1916年6月6日）是中国的一个重要的将军和政治家，晚清时期以他的影响力而闻名，在事件中他使晚清皇帝退位，他的独裁统治作为中华民国第二任总统（在第一任孙中山之后），作为―中国伟大的皇帝‖，他曾短暂的尝试去恢复中国君主政体。
近代史演讲之袁世凯
第三次会议：解决国体问题，并讨论清帝退位后 的待遇问题以及满、藏、蒙、回各民族待遇问题
此时，孙中山回国，袁世凯坐不住了，他任命汪 精卫为北方议和参赞，汪精卫同时又被革命军政 府任命为首席南方议和参赞。期间，他散播北洋 军将大举进攻的消息，给孙中山施加压力，阻止 他去南京任职。 袁世凯发一纸电报，称北方议和代表越权，不予 承认南北议和所讨论取得的结果，将其全部作废
1913年7月，前任江 西都督李烈钧在孙中山 的授意下宣告江西独立， 通电讨袁，随后江苏, 安徽,上海,湖南,福建, 四川,广州相继宣布独 立，揭竿而起. 二次革命
任正式大总统
革命军
二次革命 失败
民 意 金 钱 武 器
人和
地利 天时
袁克定此时便开 始鼓吹帝制，希望能 因此出任皇储。他派 人每日伪造顺天日报 送呈袁世凯，只收录 赞成帝制的文章，并 发起组织筹安会，使 其误认为民心可用。
天时
这里的“地利” 指的是帝国的 “帝”而其中 日本更是趁机 递交了“面交 条款五种”， 又称二十一条。
地利
人和
筹安会六君子
选派国民代表进京相约一起去参政院请愿 改变国体，而其中包含了脚夫代表团，花 界代表团，丐帮代表团等。并且其中许多 请愿书都是筹安会代写的。这就是在袁世 凯称帝过程中刻意制造出来的人和了。
辛亥革命之风起云涌袁氏出山南北议和大总统复辟帝位推翻袁氏出山18951905袁世凯1901年任直隶总督兼北洋大臣操练的北洋新军实力超群从此北洋军中只知袁项城不知有朝廷1909袁世凯被迫隐退在洹上村蛰居三年1911武昌兵变载沣邀袁世凯出山袁提向朝廷提出六项要求六项要求保障充实的粮饷供给受立宪派欢迎受革命党欢迎为自己抢人抢粮抢银子南北议和的序幕忍隐三年一朝出山袁丐凯这时候早就丌甘心只做鹰犬了清廷方面的障碍马上就可以扫除了是时候该从革命党方面捞些好处了1911年11月9日革命党主要领导人黄兴一边指挥不清军对抗一边秘密给袁丐凯写信信中劝袁丐凯何丌趁此机会反戈一击一丼摧毁清廷帝国主义国家英国等出二贸易金融外债和在华利益等考虑需要中国有一个稳定的局面故希望能促成南北和谈英国驻华特命全权公使朱尔典认为在中国只有袁丐凯能够稳定秩序在朱尔典的影响下袁丐凯策划了南北议和南北议和的背景袁世凯的目的
袁世凯简介资料（2）
袁世凯简介资料(2)1911年10月10日武昌起义，1911年11月1日清廷任命袁世凯为内阁大臣。
11月13日袁世凯抵达京师，16日组织新内阁。
其成员是：外务大臣梁敦彦，民政大臣赵秉钧、度支大臣严修、学务大臣唐景崇、陆军大臣王士珍、海军大臣萨镇冰、司法大臣沈家本、农工商大臣张謇、邮传部大臣杨士琦、理藩大臣达寿。
并以胡惟德、乌珍、陈锦涛、杨度、田文烈、谭学衡、梁启超、熙彦、梁如浩、荣勋分任各部副臣。
创建民国1911年10月10日清政府新军陆军第八镇兵变，引爆武昌起义，并成立以黎元洪为都督的中华民国军政府鄂军都督府，为取得交战的合法地位，各方反清势力主张组建中央临时政府。
北洋军是清政府唯一可以抵抗起义的力量，令陆军大臣荫昌率军南下镇压起义，但荫昌没有驾驭北洋军的能力。
奕劻及内阁协理大臣那桐、徐世昌等人深感局势严重，一致主张起用袁世凯，英美等国公使也建议起用袁世凯，载沣见中外一致认为“非袁不能收拾局面”，只得于10月14日任袁世凯为湖广总督，派其南下压制起义，袁世凯一面奏请清政府停止进攻，一面表达善意，让刘承恩给黎元洪写信议和。
革命党人也认为袁世凯是能领导中国的政治领袖。
在南方独立各省为组建中央临时政府召开的联合会中，1911年12月2日《汉口会议》确定“虚临时总统之席以待袁君反正来归”。
12月4日的《上海会议》根据《汉口会议》的精神，决定暂缓选举临时大总统，以虚位待袁，同时决定大总统职权暂由大元帅行使，选举黄兴为大元帅，遭到黎元洪等人反对。
《南京会议》改选黎元洪为大元帅，因其在武昌，不方便到南京工作，所以让黄兴代职。
而黄兴力辞不就，组建中央临时政府陷入僵局。
12月18日，袁世凯和黎元洪派代表在上海就政体、清皇室善后、大总统的确立等问题展开讨论，南北达成共识，召开国民会议表决相关议题，根据当时的形势，袁世凯无疑将当选民国首任总统。
这样的结果是同盟会不愿接受的，12月29日，同盟会连夜赴南京召集代表开会，提出成立政府，并选出孙中山为中华民国第一任临时大总统。
袁世凯简介资料
袁世凯简介资料袁世凯(1859年-1916年)，别名字慰亭、人称袁项城、袁宫保，出生于河南项城，是近代历史上有名的政治家、军事家，同时也是近代史上最具争议的人物之一。
下面就是店铺给大家整理的袁世凯简介，希望对你有用!袁世凯的简介袁世凯(1859年-1916年)，别名字慰亭、人称袁项城、袁宫保，出生于河南项城，是近代历史上有名的政治家、军事家，同时也是近代史上最具争议的人物之一。
袁世凯任职期间主要成就有：创建新式军队，培养大批军事人才，首创中国国内警察制度、设立春节，逼迫清帝和平退位、开创中华民国，督修铁路、办工厂、大力发展实业，废除科举制度，推广免费国民学校。
然而，1915年12月袁世凯宣布自称皇帝，改国号为中华帝国，建元洪宪;此举遭到各方反对，引发护国运动，袁世凯不得不在做了83天皇帝之后宣布取消帝制。
1916年6月6日因尿毒症不治而亡，归葬于河南安阳。
袁世凯的生平事迹少年时代袁世凯出身河南项城的一个大家族，他的叔祖袁甲三官至漕运总督，参与镇压太平军和捻军，是这个家族的顶梁柱;他的生父是袁保中，为项城县的地主豪绅，捐了个同知官位。
袁世凯系袁保中第四子，生母是袁保中之妾刘氏，他于1859年9月16日(清文宗咸丰九年八月二十日)出生于大清河南省陈州府项城县北之袁张营。
袁世凯出生的那天，袁甲三恰好寄书到家，言与捻军作战得胜。
袁世凯的父亲袁保中大喜过望，因此为这个新生的婴儿取名为“凯”，并按照家族“保世克家、企文绍武”的排行，给婴儿命名“世凯”。
袁世凯被其婶母牛氏(袁保庆之妻)抚养长大，他本人也在1864年过继给无子的袁保庆为后嗣。
袁世凯六岁时，养父袁保庆替他找个启蒙老师袁执中教四书五经，后又随袁保庆宦游济南、扬州、南京诸地。
在南京，袁世凯师从曲沼学习武艺，并“喜游览山水，复善骑射，课暇则策马登览清凉山、莫愁湖、太平湖诸胜迹”，袁世凯自小喜爱兵法，立志学“万人敌”。
尝自谓“三军不可夺帅，我手上如果能够掌握十万精兵，便可横行天下。
《袁世凯传》读后感
《袁世凯传》读后感在读完《袁世凯传》后给我较深映像的情节有两个，一个是袁世凯的韬略，他的官场之道让他最后成为铁腕人物，可称之为奸雄。
另一个就是对军权掌握的重要性，在乱世中可谓得军权者得天下。
袁世凯的官场之道袁世凯虽出身显赫，但自幼不喜读书，且生性放荡不羁。
年轻时两次乡试未中，遂决计弃文从武，这样一个“草包”最后却可以“大盗窃国”，在我看来一个很重要的因素是袁世凯善于玩弄权术，投机钻营。
通过本书我们可以了解到在很多袁世凯人生的重要转折点中，袁世凯投机取巧，拉拢权势，奔走钻营的政治手段让袁世凯取得了不少晋升的机会和领导的信任。
书中提到：“在吴长庆及其幕僚面请，总是“谦抑自下”，极表恭顺。
又时常伪装忧国忧时，“作慷慨激昂之谈”。
很快取得吴长庆等人的好感。
”从这段话就可以看出，袁世凯之后受到李鸿章，奕劻乃至慈禧太后的赏识和与英国人交好的原因。
在这里我不得不感叹，一个没有什么学识一介匹夫能在乱世中凭借权术和社交手段走到高位，实属不易，也不得不佩服袁世凯。
袁世凯的韬略让自己最终成为一代奸雄，无论人民褒贬与否，袁世凯对近代中国的走向起到了举足轻重的作用是我们不能忽视的。
袁世凯的官场之道可以用三个例子来很好的阐释：朝鲜时期和甲午战争中自我吹嘘、投机钻营，推脱责任；戊戌变法中两面派、血腥叛卖手段；还有为了获得主动权不惜发动动乱以此在北京就职的做法。
袁世凯在朝鲜时对日本的挑衅行为的预估错误是导致甲午战争的一个因素之一，当时朝鲜正在受民间团体东学道的起义的威胁，袁世凯想通过清朝廷出兵朝鲜镇压东学道借机提高自己的地位，但当时日本方面已蓄谋已久想要吞并朝鲜侵略中国，袁世凯对此毫无思想准备。
之后日本拒绝撤兵时，袁世凯深感孤立无援，胆怯怕死，便托词患病，更不惜以死相挟易装逃走了事。
之后袁世凯回到中国后失败主义情绪更重，在李鸿章的消极应战下最终签署了丧权辱国的《马关条约》。
多年追随李鸿章的袁世凯，也被人们指斥为诱发战争的“最贵祸首”。