美国历届总统就职演说
历届总统就职演说
历届总统就职演说篇一：美国历届总统就职演讲(中英文对照)第44任总统奥巴马发表就职演说myfellowcitizens:我的同胞们：istandheretodayhumbledbythetaskbeforeus,gratefulforthetrustyouhavebest owed,mindfulofthesacrificesbornebyourancestors.ithankPresidentBushfor hisservicetoournation,aswellasthegenerosityandcooperationhehasshownth roughoutthistransition.今天我站在这里，看到眼前面临的重大任务，深感卑微。
我感谢你们对我的信任，也知道先辈们为了这个国家所作的牺牲。
我要感谢布什总统为国家做出的贡献，以及感谢他在两届政府过渡期间给与的慷慨协作。
Forty-fouramericanshavenowtakenthepresidentialoath.Thewordshavebeen spokenduringrisingtidesofprosperityandthestillwatersofpeace.Yet,everyso oftentheoathistakenamidstgatheringcloudsandragingstorms.atthesemomen ts,americahascarriedonnotsimplybecauseoftheskillorvisionofthoseinhigho ffice,butbecausewethePeoplehaveremainedfaithfultotheidealsofourforbear ers,andtruetoourfoundingdocuments.迄今为止，已经有44个美国总统宣誓就职。
总统的宣誓有时面对的是国家的和平繁荣，但通常面临的是乌云密布的紧张形势。
历届美国总统就职演讲稿
历届美国总统就职演讲稿篇一：美国历届总统就职演说华盛顿：First Inaugural Address of George WashingtonTHE CITY OF NEW YORKTHURSDAY, APRIL 30, 1789Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylumof my declining years--a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by anaffectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States aGovernment instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and privategood, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow- citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand whichconducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of somany distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President “torecommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.” Thecircumstances under which I nowmeet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with thosecircumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of arecommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, onanother, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble unionbetween virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right whichHeaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is renderedexpedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in yourdiscernment and pursuit of the public good; for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effectivegovernment, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which Icontemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed; and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has beenpleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleledunanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.美国人民的实验乔治-华盛顿第一次就职演讲纽约星期四,1789年4月30日参议院和众议院的同胞们：在人生沉浮中，没有一件事能比本月14日收到根据你们的命令送达的通知更使我焦虑不安，一方面，国家召唤我出任此职，对于她的召唤，我永远只能肃然敬从；而隐退是我以挚爱心憎、满腔希望和坚定的决心选择的暮年归宿，由于爱好和习惯，且时光流逝，健康渐衰，时感体力不济，愈觉隐退之必要和可贵。
美国总统历史
美国总统历史目录1.1历届总统就职情况2.2美国总统年表3.历届总统就职情况1789年4月30日，乔治·华盛顿总统：在室外露天举行总统就职宣誓；他的誓言之一“上帝，请神协助我”，后来成为历届总统宣誓就职的惯例；宣誓完毕后亲吻《圣经》，也为后来的总统开创了先例；因为公共事务繁忙，就职舞会推迟到5月7日举行，总统夫人玛撒没有前往纽约参加。
1793年3月4日，乔治·华盛顿总统：发表了最简短的总统就职演说(135个字)。
1797年3月4日，约翰·亚当斯总统：第一位由总检察长带领宣誓的美国总统(总检察长名叫奥尼佛·埃斯沃斯)。
1801年3月4日，托马斯·杰斐逊总统：开创了向国会写信接受就职典礼并对典礼时间作出安排的先例；第一位可能也是最后一位走着去参加就职典礼的总统；第一位在华盛顿国会大厦举行就职典礼的美国总统；总统就职演说第一次在报纸特刊上刊载。
1809年3月4日，詹姆士·麦迪逊总统：第一次在就职典礼当日举行庆祝舞会；创立了由美国海军军乐队为就职舞会奏乐的惯例。
1817年3月4日，詹姆士·门罗总统：第一位在华盛顿户外举行露天宣誓的美国总统。
1824年3月4日，约翰·昆西·亚当斯总统：是第二任总统约翰·亚当斯之子。
1829年3月4日，安德鲁·杰克逊总统：第一位在国会大厦东门廊举行就职宣誓的美国总统。
1837年3月4日，马丁·范布伦总统：离任及接任总统(杰克逊与范布伦)第一次乘同一辆马车前往国会大厦参加就职庆典；庆典游行上第一次出现花车；第一次举行两场庆祝舞会。
1841年3月4日，威廉·亨利·哈里森总统：发表了美国历史上最长的就职演说(10000字)；打破了美国的惯例，哈里森先发表就职演说，然后宣誓，然后又接着发表就职演说；第一次由官方规划在国会大厦举行庆典游行，游行及就职庆典规划委员会由获胜政党在当地的政治组织组成。
历届美国总统就职演
历届美国总统就职演讲译文(部分)乔治·华盛顿第一次就职演讲纽约星期四,1789年4月30日美国人民的实验参议院和众议院的同胞们：在人生沉浮中，没有一件事能比本月14日收到根据你们的命令送达的通知更使我焦虑不安，一方面，国家召唤我出任此职，对于她的召唤，我永远只能肃然敬从；而隐退是我以挚爱心憎、满腔希望和坚定的决心选择的暮年归宿，由于爱好和习惯，且时光流逝，健康渐衰，时感体力不济，愈觉隐退之必要和可贵。
另一方面，国家召唤我担负的责任如此重大和艰巨，足以使国内最有才智和经验的人度德量力，而我天资愚饨，又无民政管理的实践，理应倍觉自己能力之不足，因而必然感到难以肩此重任。
怀着这种矛盾心情，我唯一敢断言的是，通过正确估计可能产生影响的各种情况来克尽厥职，乃是我忠贞不渝的努力目标。
我唯一敢祈望的是，如果我在执行这项任务时因陶醉于往事，或因由衷感激公民们对我的高度信赖，因而受到过多影响，以致在处理从未经历过的大事时，忽视了自己的无能和消极，我的错误将会由于使我误人歧途的各种动机而减轻，而大家在评判错误的后果时；也会适当包涵产生这些动机的偏见。
既然这就是我在遵奉公众召唤就任现职时的感想，那么，在此宣誓就职之际，如不热忱地祈求全能的上帝就极其失当，因为上帝统治着宇宙，主宰着各国政府，它的神助能弥补人类的任何不足，愿上帝赐福，侃佑一个为美国人民的自由和幸福而组成的政府，保佑它为这些基本目的而作出奉献，保佑政府的各项行政措施在我负责之下都能成功地发挥作用。
我相信，在向公众利益和私人利益的伟大缔造者献上这份崇敬时，这些活也同样表达了各位和广大公民的心意。
没有人能比美国人更坚定不移地承认和崇拜掌管人间事务的上帝。
他们在迈向独立国家的进程中，似乎每走一步都有某种天佑的迹象；他们在刚刚完成的联邦政府体制的重大改革中，如果不是因虔诚的感恩而得到某种回报，如果不是谦卑地期待着过去有所预示的赐福的到来，那么，通过众多截然不同的集团的平静思考和自愿赞同来完成改革，这种方式是不能与大多数政府的组建方式同日而语的。
美国历届总统就职演说词(Franklin Pierce)
Inaugural Address of Franklin PierceFRIDAY, MARCH 4, 1853My Countrymen:It a relief to feel that no heart but my own can know the personal regret and bitter sorrow over which I have been borne to a position so suitable for others rather than desirable for myself.The circumstances under which I have been called for a limited period to preside over the destinies of the Republic fill me with aprofound sense of responsibility, but with nothing like shrinking apprehension. I repair to the post assigned me not as to one sought, but in obedience to the unsolicited expression of your will, answerable only for a fearless, faithful, and diligent exercise of my best powers. I ought to be, and am, truly grateful for the rare manifestation of the nation's confidence; but this, so far from lightening my obligations, only adds to their weight. You have summoned me in my weakness; you must sustain me by your strength. When looking for the fulfillment of reasonable requirements, you will not be unmindful of the great changes which have occurred, even within the last quarter of a century, and the consequent augmentation and complexity of duties imposed in the administration both of your home and foreign affairs.Whether the elements of inherent force in the Republic have kept pace with its unparalleled progression in territory, population, and wealth has been the subject of earnest thought and discussion on both sides of the ocean. Less than sixty-four years ago the Father of his Country made "the" then "recent accession of the important State of North Carolina to the Constitution of the United States" one of the subjects of his special congratulation. At that moment, however, when the agitation consequent upon the Revolutionary struggle had hardly subsided, when we were just emerging from the weakness and embarrassments of the Confederation, there was an evident consciousness of vigor equal to the great mission so wisely and bravely fulfilled by our fathers. It was not a presumptuous assurance, but a calm faith, springing from a clear view of the sources of power in a government constituted like ours. It is no paradox to say that although comparatively weak the new-born nation was intrinsically strong. Inconsiderable in population and apparent resources, it was upheld by a broad and intelligent comprehension of rights and an all-pervading purpose to maintain them, stronger than armaments. It came from the furnace of the Revolution, tempered to the necessities of the times. The thoughts of the men of that day were as practical as their sentiments were patriotic. They wasted no portion of their energies upon idle and delusivespeculations, but with a firm and fearless step advanced beyond the governmental landmarks which had hitherto circumscribed the limits of human freedom and planted their standard, where it has stood against dangers which have threatened from abroad, and internal agitation, which has at times fearfully menaced at home. They proved themselves equal to the solution of the great problem, to understand which their minds had been illuminated by the dawning lights of the Revolution. The object sought was not a thing dreamed of; it was a thing realized. They had exhibited only the power to achieve, but, what all history affirms to be so much more unusual, the capacity to maintain. The oppressed throughout the world from that day to the present have turned their eyes hitherward, not to find those lights extinguished or to fear lest they should wane, but to be constantly cheered by their steady and increasing radiance.In this our country has, in my judgment, thus far fulfilled its highest duty to suffering humanity. It has spoken and will continue to speak, not only by its words, but by its acts, the language of sympathy, encouragement, and hope to those who earnestly listen to tones which pronounce for the largest rational liberty. But after all, the most animating encouragement and potent appeal for freedom will be its own history--its trials and its triumphs. Preeminently, the power of our advocacy reposes in our example; but no example, be it remembered, can be powerful for lasting good, whatever apparent advantages may be gained, which is not based upon eternal principles of right and justice. Our fathers decided for themselves, both upon the hour to declare and the hour to strike. They were their own judges of the circumstances under which it became them to pledge to each other "their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor" for the acquisition of the priceless inheritance transmitted to us. The energy with which that great conflict was opened and, under the guidance of a manifest and beneficent Providence the uncomplaining endurance with which it was prosecuted to its consummation were only surpassed by the wisdom and patriotic spirit of concession which characterized all the counsels of the early fathers.One of the most impressive evidences of that wisdom is to be found in the fact that the actual working of our system has dispelled a degree of solicitude which at the outset disturbed bold hearts and far-reaching intellects. The apprehension of dangers from extended territory, multiplied States, accumulated wealth, and augmented population has proved to be unfounded. The stars upon your banner have become nearly threefold their original number; your densely populated possessions skirt the shores of the two great oceans; and yet this vast increase of people and territory has not only shown itself compatible with the harmonious action of the States and Federal Government in their respectiveconstitutional spheres, but has afforded an additional guaranty of the strength and integrity of both.With an experience thus suggestive and cheering, the policy of my Administration will not be controlled by any timid forebodings of evil from expansion. Indeed, it is not to be disguised that our attitude as a nation and our position on the globe render the acquisition of certain possessions not within our jurisdiction eminently important for our protection, if not in the future essential for the preservation of the rights of commerce and the peace of the world. Should they be obtained, it will be through no grasping spirit, but with a view to obvious national interest and security, and in a manner entirely consistent with the strictest observance of national faith. We have nothing in our history or position to invite aggression; we have everything to beckon us to the cultivation of relations of peace and amity with all nations. Purposes, therefore, at once just and pacific will be significantly marked in the conduct of our foreign affairs. I intend that my Administration shall leave no blot upon our fair record, and trust I may safely give the assurance that no act within the legitimate scope of my constitutional control will be tolerated on the part of any portion of our citizens which can not challenge a ready justification before the tribunal of the civilized world. An Administration would be unworthy of confidence at home or respect abroad should it cease to be influenced by the conviction that no apparent advantage can be purchased at a price so dear as that of national wrong or dishonor. It is not your privilege as a nation to speak of a distant past. The striking incidents of your history, replete with instruction and furnishing abundant grounds for hopeful confidence, are comprised in a period comparatively brief. But if your past is limited, your future is boundless. Its obligations throng the unexplored pathway of advancement, and will be limitless as duration. Hence a sound and comprehensive policy should embrace not less the distant future than the urgent present.The great objects of our pursuit as a people are best to be attained by peace, and are entirely consistent with the tranquillity and interests of the rest of mankind. With the neighboring nations upon our continent we should cultivate kindly and fraternal relations. We can desire nothing in regard to them so much as to see them consolidate their strength and pursue the paths of prosperity and happiness. If in the course of their growth we should open new channels of trade and create additional facilities for friendly intercourse, the benefits realized will be equal and mutual. Of the complicated European systems of national polity we have heretofore been independent. From their wars, their tumults, and anxieties we have been, happily, almost entirely exempt. Whilst these areconfined to the nations which gave them existence, and within their legitimate jurisdiction, they can not affect us except as they appeal to our sympathies in the cause of human freedom and universal advancement. But the vast interests of commerce are common to all mankind, and the advantages of trade and international intercourse must always present a noble field for the moral influence of a great people.With these views firmly and honestly carried out, we have a right to expect, and shall under all circumstances require, prompt reciprocity. The rights which belong to us as a nation are not alone to be regarded, but those which pertain to every citizen in his individual capacity, at home and abroad, must be sacredly maintained. So long as he can discern every star in its place upon that ensign, without wealth to purchase for him preferment or title to secure for him place, it will be his privilege, and must be his acknowledged right, to stand unabashed even in the presence of princes, with a proud consciousness that he is himself one of a nation of sovereigns and that he can not in legitimate pursuit wander so far from home that the agent whom he shall leave behind in the place which I now occupy will not see that no rude hand of power or tyrannical passion is laid upon him with impunity. He must realize that upon every sea and on every soil where our enterprise may rightfully seek the protection of our flag American citizenship is an inviolable panoply for the security of American rights. And in this connection it can hardly be necessary to reaffirm a principle which should now be regarded as fundamental. The rights, security, and repose of this Confederacy reject the idea of interference or colonization on this side of the ocean by any foreign power beyond present jurisdiction as utterly inadmissible.The opportunities of observation furnished by my brief experience as a soldier confirmed in my own mind the opinion, entertained and acted upon by others from the formation of the Government, that the maintenance of large standing armies in our country would be not only dangerous, but unnecessary. They also illustrated the importance--I might well say the absolute necessity--of the military science and practical skill furnished in such an eminent degree by the institution which has made your Army what it is, under the discipline and instruction of officers not more distinguished for their solid attainments, gallantry, and devotion to the public service than for unobtrusive bearing and high moral tone. The Army as organized must be the nucleus around which in every time of need the strength of your military power, the sure bulwark of your defense--a national militia--may be readily formed into a well-disciplined and efficient organization. And the skill and self-devotion of the Navy assure you that you may take the performance of the past as a pledge for the future, and may confidently expect that the flag which has waved its untarnishedfolds over every sea will still float in undiminished honor. But these, like many other subjects, will be appropriately brought at afuture time to the attention of the coordinate branches of the Government, to which I shall always look with profound respect and with trustful confidence that they will accord to me the aid and support which I shall so much need and which their experience and wisdom will readily suggest.In the administration of domestic affairs you expect a devoted integrity in the public service and an observance of rigid economy in all departments, so marked as never justly to be questioned. If this reasonable expectation be not realized, I frankly confess that one of your leading hopes is doomed to disappointment, and that my efforts in a very important particular must result in a humiliating failure. Offices can be properly regarded only in the light of aids for the accomplishment of these objects, and as occupancy can confer no prerogative nor importunate desire for preferment any claim, the public interest imperatively demands that they be considered with sole reference to the duties to be performed. Good citizens may well claim the protection of good laws and the benign influence of good government, but a claim for office is what the people of a republic should never recognize. No reasonable man of any party will expect the Administration to be so regardless of its responsibility and of the obvious elements of success as to retain persons known to be under the influence of political hostility and partisan prejudice in positions which will require not only severe labor, but cordial cooperation. Having no implied engagements to ratify, no rewards to bestow, no resentments to remember, and no personal wishes to consult in selections for official station, I shall fulfill this difficult and delicate trust, admitting no motive as worthy either of my character or position which does not contemplate an efficient discharge of duty and the best interests of my country. I acknowledge my obligations to the masses of my countrymen, and to them alone. Higher objects than personal aggrandizement gave direction and energy to their exertions in the late canvass, and they shall not be disappointed. They require at my hands diligence, integrity, and capacity wherever there are duties to be performed. Without these qualities in their public servants, more stringent laws for the prevention or punishment of fraud, negligence, and peculation will be vain. With them they will be unnecessary.But these are not the only points to which you look for vigilant watchfulness. The dangers of a concentration of all power in the general government of a confederacy so vast as ours are too obvious to be disregarded. You have a right, therefore, to expect your agents in every department to regard strictly the limits imposed upon them by the Constitution of the United States. The great scheme of our constitutionalliberty rests upon a proper distribution of power between the State and Federal authorities, and experience has shown that the harmony and happiness of our people must depend upon a just discrimination between the separate rights and responsibilities of the States and your common rights and obligations under the General Government; and here, in my opinion, are the considerations which should form the true basis of future concord in regard to the questions which have most seriously disturbed public tranquillity. If the Federal Government will confine itself to the exercise of powers clearly granted by the Constitution, it can hardly happen that its action upon any question should endanger the institutions of the States or interfere with their right to manage matters strictly domestic according to the will of their own people.In expressing briefly my views upon an important subject rich has recently agitated the nation to almost a fearful degree, I am moved by no other impulse than a most earnest desire for the perpetuation of that Union which has made us what we are, showering upon us blessings and conferring a power and influence which our fathers could hardly have anticipated, even with their most sanguine hopes directed to a far-off future. The sentiments I now announce were not unknown before the expression of the voice which called me here. My own position upon this subject was clear and unequivocal, upon the record of my words and my acts, and it is only recurred to at this time because silence might perhaps be misconstrued. With the Union my best and dearest earthly hopes are entwined. Without it what are we individually or collectively? What becomes of the noblest field ever opened for the advancement of our race in religion, in government, in the arts, and in all that dignifies and adorns mankind? From that radiant constellation which both illumines our own way and points out to struggling nations their course, let but a single star be lost, and, if these be not utter darkness, the luster of the whole is dimmed. Do my countrymen need any assurance that such a catastrophe is not to overtake them while I possess the power to stay it? It is with me an earnest and vital belief that as the Union has been the source, under Providence, of our prosperity to this time, so it is the surest pledge of a continuance of the blessings we have enjoyed, and which we are sacredly bound to transmit undiminished to our children. The field of calm and free discussion in our country is open, and will always be so, but never has been and never can be traversed for good in a spirit of sectionalism and uncharitableness. The founders of the Republic dealt with things as they were presented to them, in a spirit of self-sacrificing patriotism, and, as time has proved, with a comprehensive wisdom which it will always be safe for us to consult. Every measure tending to strengthen the fraternal feelings of all the members of our Union has had my heartfelt approbation. To every theory of society or government, whether the offspring offeverish ambition or of morbid enthusiasm, calculated to dissolve the bonds of law and affection which unite us, I shall interpose a ready and stern resistance. I believe that involuntary servitude, as it exists in different States of this Confederacy, is recognized by the Constitution.I believe that it stands like any other admitted right, and that the States where it exists are entitled to efficient remedies to enforce the constitutional provisions. I hold that the laws of 1850, commonly called the "compromise measures," are strictly constitutional and to be unhesitatingly carried into effect. I believe that the constituted authorities of this Republic are bound to regard the rights of the South in this respect as they would view any other legal and constitutional right, and that the laws to enforce them should be respected and obeyed, not with a reluctance encouraged by abstract opinions as to their propriety in a different state of society, but cheerfully and according to the decisions of the tribunal to which their exposition belongs. Such have been, and are, my convictions, and upon them I shall act. I fervently hope that the question is at rest, and that no sectional or ambitious or fanatical excitement may again threaten the durability of our institutions or obscure the light of our prosperity.But let not the foundation of our hope rest upon man's wisdom. It will not be sufficient that sectional prejudices find no place in the public deliberations. It will not be sufficient that the rash counsels of human passion are rejected. It must be felt that there is no national security but in the nation's humble, acknowledged dependence upon God and His overruling providence.We have been carried in safety through a perilous crisis. Wise counsels, like those which gave us the Constitution, prevailed to uphold it. Let the period be remembered as an admonition, and not as an encouragement, in any section of the Union, to make experiments where experiments are fraught with such fearful hazard. Let it be impressed upon all hearts that, beautiful as our fabric is, no earthly power or wisdom could ever reunite its broken fragments. Standing, as I do, almost within view of the green slopes of Monticello, and, as it were, within reach of the tomb of Washington, with all the cherished memories of the past gathering around me like so many eloquent voices of exhortation from heaven, I can express no better hope for my country than that the kind Providence which smiled upon our fathers may enable their children to preserve the blessings they have inherited.。
美国历届总统就职演说词(Ulysses S. Grant)
THURSDAY, MARCH 4, 1869Citizens of the United States:Your suffrages having elected me to the office of President of the United States, I have, in conformity to the Constitution of our country, taken the oath of office prescribed therein. I have taken this oath without mental reservation and with the determination to do to the best of my ability all that is required of me. The responsibilities of the position I feel, but accept them without fear. The office has come to me unsought;I commence its duties untrammeled. I bring to it a conscious desire and determination to fill it to the best of my ability to the satisfaction of the people.On all leading questions agitating the public mind I will always express my views to Congress and urge them according to my judgment, and when I think it advisable will exercise the constitutional privilege of interposing a veto to defeat measures which I oppose; but all laws will be faithfully executed, whether they meet my approval or not.I shall on all subjects have a policy to recommend, but none to enforce against the will of the people. Laws are to govern all alike--those opposed as well as those who favor them. I know no method to secure the repeal of bad or obnoxious laws so effective as their stringent execution.The country having just emerged from a great rebellion, many questions will come before it for settlement in the next four years which preceding Administrations have never had to deal with. In meeting these it is desirable that they should be approached calmly, without prejudice, hate, or sectional pride, remembering that the greatest good to the greatest number is the object to be attained.This requires security of person, property, and free religious and political opinion in every part of our common country, without regard to local prejudice. All laws to secure these ends will receive my best efforts for their enforcement.A great debt has been contracted in securing to us and our posterity the Union. The payment of this, principal and interest, as well as the return to a specie basis as soon as it can be accomplished without material detriment to the debtor class or to the country at large, must be provided for. To protect the national honor, every dollar of Government indebtedness should be paid in gold, unless otherwise expressly stipulated in the contract. Let it be understood that no repudiator of one farthing of our public debt will be trusted in public place, and itwill go far toward strengthening a credit which ought to be the best in the world, and will ultimately enable us to replace the debt with bonds bearing less interest than we now pay. To this should be added a faithful collection of the revenue, a strict accountability to the Treasury for every dollar collected, and the greatest practicable retrenchment in expenditure in every department of Government.When we compare the paying capacity of the country now, with the ten States in poverty from the effects of war, but soon to emerge, I trust, into greater prosperity than ever before, with its paying capacity twenty-five years ago, and calculate what it probably will be twenty-five years hence, who can doubt the feasibility of paying every dollar then with more ease than we now pay for useless luxuries? Why, it looks as though Providence had bestowed upon us a strong box in the precious metals locked up in the sterile mountains of the far West, and which we are now forging the key to unlock, to meet the very contingency that is now upon us.Ultimately it may be necessary to insure the facilities to reach these riches and it may be necessary also that the General Government should give its aid to secure this access; but that should only be when a dollar of obligation to pay secures precisely the same sort of dollar to use now, and not before. Whilst the question of specie payments is in abeyance the prudent business man is careful about contracting debts payable in the distant future. The nation should follow the same rule. A prostrate commerce is to be rebuilt and all industries encouraged.The young men of the country--those who from their age must be its rulers twenty-five years hence--have a peculiar interest in maintaining the national honor. A moment's reflection as to what will be our commanding influence among the nations of the earth in their day, if they are only true to themselves, should inspire them with national pride. All divisions--geographical, political, and religious--can join in this common sentiment. How the public debt is to be paid or specie payments resumed is not so important as that a plan should be adopted and acquiesced in. A united determination to do is worth more than divided counsels upon the method of doing. Legislation upon this subject may not be necessary now, or even advisable, but it will be when the civil law is more fully restored in all parts of the country and trade resumes its wonted channels.It will be my endeavor to execute all laws in good faith, to collect all revenues assessed, and to have them properly accounted for and economically disbursed. I will to the best of my ability appoint to office those only who will carry out this design.In regard to foreign policy, I would deal with nations as equitable law requires individuals to deal with each other, and I would protect the law-abiding citizen, whether of native or foreign birth, wherever his rights are jeopardized or the flag of our country floats. I would respect the rights of all nations, demanding equal respect for our own. If others depart from this rule in their dealings with us, we may be compelled to follow their precedent.The proper treatment of the original occupants of this land--the Indians one deserving of careful study. I will favor any course toward them which tends to their civilization and ultimate citizenship.The question of suffrage is one which is likely to agitate the public so long as a portion of the citizens of the nation are excluded from its privileges in any State. It seems to me very desirable that this question should be settled now, and I entertain the hope and express the desire that it may be by the ratification of the fifteenth article of amendment to the Constitution.In conclusion I ask patient forbearance one toward another throughout the land, and a determined effort on the part of every citizen to do his share toward cementing a happy union; and I ask the prayers of the nation to Almighty God in behalf of this consummation.Second Inaugural Address of Ulysses S. GrantTUESDAY, MARCH 4, 1873Fellow-Citizens:Under Providence I have been called a second time to act as Executive over this great nation. It has been my endeavor in the past to maintain all the laws, and, so far as lay in my power, to act for the best interests of the whole people. My best efforts will be given in the same direction in the future, aided, I trust, by my four years' experience in the office.When my first term of the office of Chief Executive began, the country had not recovered from the effects of a great internal revolution, and three of the former States of the Union had not been restored to their Federal relations.It seemed to me wise that no new questions should be raised so long as that condition of affairs existed. Therefore the past four years, so far as I could control events, have been consumed in the effort to restore harmony, public credit, commerce, and all the arts of peace and progress.It is my firm conviction that the civilized world is tending toward republicanism, or government by the people through their chosen representatives, and that our own great Republic is destined to be the guiding star to all others.Under our Republic we support an army less than that of any European power of any standing and a navy less than that of either of at least five of them. There could be no extension of territory on the continent which would call for an increase of this force, but rather might such extension enable us to diminish it.The theory of government changes with general progress. Now that the telegraph is made available for communicating thought, together with rapid transit by steam, all parts of a continent are made contiguous for all purposes of government, and communication between the extreme limits of the country made easier than it was throughout the old thirteen States at the beginning of our national existence.The effects of the late civil strife have been to free the slave and make him a citizen. Yet he is not possessed of the civil rights which citizenship should carry with it. This is wrong, and should be corrected. To this correction I stand committed, so far as Executive influence can avail.Social equality is not a subject to be legislated upon, nor shall I ask that anything be done to advance the social status of the colored man, except to give him a fair chance to develop what there is good in him, give him access to the schools, and when he travels let him feel assured that his conduct will regulate the treatment and fare he will receive.The States lately at war with the General Government are now happily rehabilitated, and no Executive control is exercised in any one of them that would not be exercised in any other State under like circumstances.In the first year of the past Administration the proposition came up for the admission of Santo Domingo as a Territory of the Union. It was not a question of my seeking, but was a proposition from the people of Santo Domingo, and which I entertained. I believe now, as I did then, that it was for the best interest of this country, for the people of Santo Domingo, and all concerned that the proposition should be received favorably. It was, however, rejected constitutionally, and therefore the subject was never brought up again by me.In future, while I hold my present office, the subject of acquisition of territory must have the support of the people before I will recommend anyproposition looking to such acquisition. I say here, however, that I do not share in the apprehension held by many as to the danger of governments becoming weakened and destroyed by reason of their extension of territory. Commerce, education, and rapid transit of thought and matter by telegraph and steam have changed all this. Rather do I believe that our Great Maker is preparing the world, in His own good time, to become one nation, speaking one language, and when armies and navies will be no longer required.My efforts in the future will be directed to the restoration of good feeling between the different sections of our common country; to the restoration of our currency to a fixed value as compared with the world's standard of values--gold--and, if possible, to a par with it; to the construction of cheap routes of transit throughout the land, to the end that the products of all may find a market and leave a living remuneration to the producer; to the maintenance of friendly relations with all our neighbors and with distant nations; to the reestablishment of our commerce and share in the carrying trade upon the ocean; to the encouragement of such manufacturing industries as can be economically pursued in this country, to the end that the exports of home products and industries may pay for our imports--the only sure method of returning to and permanently maintaining a specie basis; to the elevation of labor; and, by a humane course, to bring the aborigines of the country under the benign influences of education and civilization. It is either this or war of extermination: Wars of extermination, engaged in by people pursuing commerce and all industrial pursuits, are expensive even against the weakest people, and are demoralizing and wicked. Our superiority of strength and advantages of civilization should make us lenient toward the Indian. The wrong inflicted upon him should be taken into account and the balance placed to his credit. The moral view of the question should be considered and the question asked, Can not the Indian be made a useful and productive member of society by proper teaching and treatment? If the effort is made in good faith, we will stand better before the civilized nations of the earth and in our own consciences for having made it.All these things are not to be accomplished by one individual, but they will receive my support and such recommendations to Congress as will in my judgment best serve to carry them into effect. I beg your support and encouragement.It has been, and is, my earnest desire to correct abuses that have grown up in the civil service of the country. To secure this reformation rules regulating methods of appointment and promotions were established and have been tried. My efforts for such reformation shall be continued tothe best of my judgment. The spirit of the rules adopted will be maintained.I acknowledge before this assemblage, representing, as it does, every section of our country, the obligation I am under to my countrymen for the great honor they have conferred on me by returning me to the highest office within their gift, and the further obligation resting on me to render to them the best services within my power. This I promise, looking forward with the greatest anxiety to the day when I shall be released from responsibilities that at times are almost overwhelming, and from which I have scarcely had a respite since the eventful firing upon Fort Sumter, in April, 1861, to the present day. My services were then tendered and accepted under the first call for troops growing out of that event.I did not ask for place or position, and was entirely without influence or the acquaintance of persons of influence, but was resolved to perform my part in a struggle threatening the very existence of the nation. I performed a conscientious duty, without asking promotion or command, and without a revengeful feeling toward any section or individual.Notwithstanding this, throughout the war, and from my candidacy for my present office in 1868 to the close of the last Presidential campaign, I have been the subject of abuse and slander scarcely ever equaled in political history, which to-day I feel that I can afford to disregard in view of your verdict, which I gratefully accept as my vindication.。
美国历任总统
美国历任总统简历1、华盛顿(1789.3.4—1797.3.3)：1789年3月4日，美国首任总统乔治·华盛顿在纽约发表就职演说。
华盛顿总统宣誓后亲吻《圣经》，并第一次引用了短语“上帝请帮助我!”此后美国历任总统在宣誓就职时都沿用这句话。
1793年3月4日，华盛顿在费城宣布再次就任总统（任时成了惟一一位由全体代表一致通过的总统）。
当时，他发表的就职演说是所有总统演讲中最短的，一共只有135个字。
在他的第2个任期内，美国由13个州变成了16个州。
后人称他是“战争中的第一人，和平中的第一人，美国同胞心中的第一人”。
2、约翰·亚当斯(1797.3.4—1801.3.3)：1797年3月4日，第二任总统约翰·亚当斯在费城宣誓就职。
他是第一个入主白宫的美国总统，1800年夏天，在亚当斯总统的任期还剩下约半年的时候，联邦政府从费城迁入新都华盛顿。
同年9月，亚当斯总统夫妇搬进白宫。
他也是最长寿的美国总统之一，他活了90年零247天。
他是《独立宣言》的起草人之一，被誉为“美国独立的巨人”。
3、托马斯·杰弗逊(1801.3.4—1809.3.3)：1801年3月4日，托马斯·杰弗逊是第一个在华盛顿特区宣誓就职的总统。
与约翰·亚当斯一样，他也曾是前任总统的副手。
他是第一个坚持华盛顿留下的每位总统任职最多不能超过两届传统的总统。
有三件事，后人永远记住了他，一是他死后的墓碑上写的是他的口述(要求女儿记下且不准改动)：“托马斯·杰弗逊，美国《独立宣言》和弗吉尼亚信仰自由法的执笔人，弗吉尼亚大学的创立者安葬于此。
”他竟然没把自己出任两届美国总统的历史写在上面，说明他认为担任美国总统所做出的贡献与成就，还不及一个大学的创始人。
二是他与第二任总统亚当斯的关系。
1790年的政见分歧、1800年的选举曾割断了他与亚当斯的友情。
但离开总统职位后，他又与亚当斯恢复了往日的亲密友谊。
美国历届总统就职演说词.(George W. Bush)
Inaugural Address of George W. BushJanuary 20, 2001President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens:The peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation; and I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.We have a place, all of us, in a long story. A story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer. It is the American story. A story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals. The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born. Americans are called upon to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws; and though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations. Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along; and even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth; and sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country. We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens inevery generation; and this is my solemn pledge, "I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity." I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than ourselves who creates us equal in His image and we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold them; and every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.Today, we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, compassion and character. America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness. Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small. But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led. If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most. We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos. This commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.America, at its best, is also courageous. Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good. Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives; we will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent; we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans; we will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge; and we will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake, America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power that favors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests;we will show purpose without arrogance; we will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength; and to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.America, at its best, is compassionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise. Whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love. The proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls. Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens, not problems, but priorities, and all of us are diminished when any are hopeless. Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools. Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government. Some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer. Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws. Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do. I can pledge our nation to a goal, "When we see that wounded traveler on the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side."America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected. Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. Though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment. We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments. We find that children and community are the commitments that set us free. Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom. Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love. The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone. I will live and lead by these principles, "to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well." In all of these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort; to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens. Citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, buildingcommunities of service and a nation of character.Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson, "We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?" Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The years and changes accumulate, but the themes of this day he would know, "our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity."We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with His purpose. Yet His purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another. Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today; to make our country more just and generous; to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.God bless you all, and God bless America.。
美国总统任职演讲稿
美国总统任职演讲稿
尊敬的各位美国国民，我站在这里，深感荣幸和责任重大，因为我将向您宣誓
成为美利坚合众国的第46任总统。
在这个历史性的时刻，我想向您保证，我将尽我所能，恪尽职守，为美国人民
谋福祉，为国家繁荣稳定而努力奋斗。
首先，我要感谢所有支持我的人民，是你们的信任和支持，让我有机会站在这里，为您们服务。
我深知，美国是一个多元文化的国家，每一个美国人都应该得到平等的机会和尊重。
我将努力推动包容性增长，促进社会公正，确保每个人都能享有公平的机会，实现自己的梦想。
其次，我要强调我们面临的挑战和机遇。
我们正处在一个充满变革和不确定性
的时代。
全球范围内的挑战，如气候变化、经济不平等、疫情防控等，需要我们团结一心，共同应对。
同时，技术和创新的发展为我们带来了前所未有的机遇，我们要抓住机遇，推动经济发展，提升国家实力。
最后，我要呼吁团结和合作。
美国是一个伟大的国家，我们的力量来自于团结。
我们要摒弃分裂和对立，共同努力，实现国家的长期繁荣和稳定。
我相信，只有团结一心，我们才能克服困难，迎接挑战，实现美国梦。
在我就职总统的这一刻起，我郑重承诺，将为美国人民的利益而努力，为保卫
国家的安全而努力，为推动国家的繁荣而努力。
我相信，只要我们齐心协力，团结奋斗，我们一定能够创造一个更加美好的未来。
谢谢大家！愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国！愿上帝保佑美国人民！。
历届总统演讲稿
历届总统演讲稿美国总统演讲一直以来都备受关注，他们的演讲内容不仅代表着个人观点，更是国家的方向和政策。
历届总统的演讲稿都留下了深刻的印记，让我们一起来回顾一下历届总统的演讲经典吧。
华盛顿总统（1789-1797）。
华盛顿总统在1789年就职演讲中提到，“我们将以自由和独立的名义团结起来，为了保卫我们的国家，我们将竭尽全力。
”这段演讲表达了当时美国国家的团结和自由独立的决心，激励了整个国家。
林肯总统（1861-1865）。
林肯总统在著名的《葛底斯堡演说》中提到，“我们的国家是为自由的政府而诞生，所有人都应该享有平等的权利。
”这段演讲成为了美国历史上最为著名的演讲之一，表达了对自由和平等的追求，激励了整个国家。
肯尼迪总统（1961-1963）。
肯尼迪总统在1961年的就职演说中提到，“不要问国家能为你做什么，而是问你能为国家做什么。
”这段演讲激发了美国人民的爱国热情，号召人们为国家的发展和繁荣做出贡献。
里根总统（1981-1989）。
里根总统在1987年的柏林墙演说中提到，“先生们，拆除这堵墙！”这段演讲成为了冷战时期的经典，表达了对自由和民主的坚定信念，激励了整个世界。
奥巴马总统（2009-2017）。
奥巴马总统在2008年的胜选演说中提到，“这不仅仅是我胜利的一天，而是美国的胜利的一天。
”这段演讲充满了希望和改变的力量，激励了整个国家，也影响了整个世界。
以上是历届美国总统的一些经典演讲，这些演讲不仅代表了当时的国家形势和政策，更是激励了整个国家和世界。
总统演讲的力量是巨大的，它可以激发人们的爱国热情，也可以改变整个世界的走向。
让我们铭记这些经典演讲，传承其中的力量，为美好的未来努力奋斗！。
历届美国总统就职演说 中英双语
历届美国总统就职演说中英双语
历届美国总统就职演说优习网> 英语听力> 听力教程> 历届美国总统就职演说
1933年罗斯福、1949年杜鲁门、1953年艾森豪威尔、1961年肯尼迪、1963年约翰逊、1969年尼克松、1974年福特、1977年卡特、1981年里根、1989年乔治·H·W·布什、1993年克林顿、2001年乔治·W·布什、2009年奥巴马就职演说！·2009年美国第44任总统奥巴马就职演说
·2001年美国总统布什就职演说
·1993年美国总统克林顿就职演说
·1989年美国总统老布什就职演说
·1981年美国总统里根就职演说
·1974年美国总统福特就职演说
·1969年美国总统尼克松就职演说
·1961年美国总统肯尼迪就职演说·1965年美国总统约翰逊就职演说·1953年美国总统艾森豪威尔就职演说·1949年美国总统杜鲁门就职演说·1933年美国总统罗斯福就职演说·1974年美国总统福特就职演说。
美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿中英文_就职演讲稿_
美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿中英文富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福(Franklin D.Roosevelt，1882年1月30日-1945年4月12日)，美国第32任总统，美国历史上唯一连任超过两届(连任四届，病逝于第四届任期中)的总统，美国迄今为止在任时间最长的总统。
罗斯福家族在美国大约有近320xx年的历史，美国第26任总统西奥多·罗斯福是富兰克林·罗斯福的堂叔。
以下是小编给大家分享了美国总统罗斯福就职中英文，希望大家有帮助。
美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿(中文版)胡佛总统，首席法官先生，朋友们：今天，对我们的国家来说，是一个神圣的日子。
我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。
现在正是坦白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻。
我们不必畏首畏尾，不老老实实面对我国今天的情况。
这个伟大的国家会一如既往地坚持下去，它会复兴和繁荣起来。
因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一种莫名其妙、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。
凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。
我相信，在目前危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持。
我和你们都要以这种精神，来面对我们共同的困难。
感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面的。
价值难以想象地贬缩了;课税增加了;我们的支付能力下降了;各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺;交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结;工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见;农场主的产品找不到销路;千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。
更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生存问题，还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。
只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。
但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。
我们没有遭到什么蝗虫的灾害。
我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。
历届美国总统就职演讲稿
历届美国总统就职演讲稿篇一：美国历届总统就职演说华盛顿：First Inaugural Address of George WashingtonTHE CITY OF NEW YORKTHURSDAY, APRIL 30, 1789Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylumof my declining years--a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by anaffectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States aGovernment instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and privategood, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow- citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand whichconducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of somany distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President “torecommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.” Thecircumstances under which I nowmeet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with thosecircumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of arecommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, onanother, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble unionbetween virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right whichHeaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is renderedexpedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in yourdiscernment and pursuit of the public good; for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effectivegovernment, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which Icontemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed; and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has beenpleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleledunanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.美国人民的实验乔治-华盛顿第一次就职演讲纽约星期四,1789年4月30日参议院和众议院的同胞们：在人生沉浮中，没有一件事能比本月14日收到根据你们的命令送达的通知更使我焦虑不安，一方面，国家召唤我出任此职，对于她的召唤，我永远只能肃然敬从；而隐退是我以挚爱心憎、满腔希望和坚定的决心选择的暮年归宿，由于爱好和习惯，且时光流逝，健康渐衰，时感体力不济，愈觉隐退之必要和可贵。
美国历代总统就职演说--杜鲁门总统,杰弗逊,林肯,罗斯福(中英对照)
Inaugural Address of Harry S. TrumanTHURSDAY, JANUARY 20, 1949Mr. Vice President, Mr. Chief Justice, and fellow citizens, I acceptwith humility the honor which the American people have conferred uponme. I accept it with a deep resolve to do all that I can for thewelfare of this Nation and for the peace of the world.In performing the duties of my office, I need the help and prayers ofevery one of you. I ask for your encouragement and your support. Thetasks we face are difficult, and we can accomplish them only if we worktogether.Each period of our national history has had its special challenges.Those that confront us now are as momentous as any in the past. Todaymarks the beginning not only of a new administration, but of a periodthat will be eventful, perhaps decisive, for us and for the world.It may be our lot to experience, and in large measure to bring about,a major turning point in the long history of the human race. The firsthalf of this century has been marked by unprecedented and brutalattacks on the rights of man, and by the two most frightful wars inhistory. The supreme need of our time is for men to learn to livetogether in peace and harmony.The peoples of the earth face the future with grave uncertainty,composed almost equally of great hopes and great fears. In this time ofdoubt, they look to the United States as never before for good will,strength, and wise leadership.It is fitting, therefore, that we take this occasion to proclaim tothe world the essential principles of the faith by which we live, andto declare our aims to all peoples.The American people stand firm in the faith which has inspired thisNation from the beginning. We believe that all men have a right toequal justice under law and equal opportunity to share in the commongood. We believe that all men have the right to freedom of thought andexpression. We believe that all men are created equal because they arecreated in the image of God.From this faith we will not be moved.The American people desire, and are determined to work for, a worldin which all nations and all peoples are free to govern themselves asthey see fit, and to achieve a decent and satisfying life. Above allelse, our people desire, and are determined to work for, peace onearth--a just and lasting peace--based on genuine agreement freelyarrived at by equals.In the pursuit of these aims, the United States and other like-minded nations findthemselves directly opposed by a regime withcontrary aims and a totally different concept of life.That regime adheres to a false philosophy which purports to offerfreedom, security, and greater opportunity to mankind. Misled by thisphilosophy, many peoples have sacrificed their liberties only to learnto their sorrow that deceit and mockery, poverty and tyranny, are theirreward.That false philosophy is communism.Communism is based on the belief that man is so weak and inadequatethat he is unable to govern himself, and therefore requires the rule ofstrong masters.Democracy is based on the conviction that man has the moral andintellectual capacity, as well as the inalienable right, to governhimself with reason and justice.Communism subjects the individual to arrest without lawful cause,punishment without trial, and forced labor as the chattel of the state.It decrees what information he shall receive, what art he shallproduce, what leaders he shall follow, and what thoughts he shall think.Democracy maintains that government is established for the benefit ofthe individual, and is charged with the responsibility of protectingthe rights of the individual and his freedom in the exercise of hisabilities.Communism maintains that social wrongs can be corrected only by violence.Democracy has proved that social justice can be achieved through peaceful change.Communism holds that the world is so deeply divided into opposing classes that war is inevitable.Democracy holds that free nations can settle differences justly and maintain lasting peace.These differences between communism and democracy do not concern theUnited States alone. People everywhere are coming to realize that whatis involved is material well-being, human dignity, and the right tobelieve in and worship God.I state these differences, not to draw issues of belief as such, butbecause the actions resulting from the Communist philosophy are athreat to the efforts of free nations to bring about world recovery andlasting peace.Since the end of hostilities, the United States has invested itssubstance and its energy in a great constructive effort to restorepeace, stability, and freedom to the world.We have sought no territory and we have imposed our will on none. Wehave asked for no privileges we would not extend to others.We have constantly and vigorously supported the United Nations andrelated agencies as a means of applying democratic principles tointernational relations. We have consistently advocated and relied uponpeaceful settlement of disputes among nations.We have made every effort to secure agreement on effectiveinternational control of our most powerful weapon, and we have workedsteadily for the limitation and control of all armaments.We have encouraged, by precept and example, the expansion of world trade on a sound and fair basis.Almost a year ago, in company with 16 free nations of Europe, welaunched the greatest cooperative economic program in history. Thepurpose of that unprecedented effort is to invigorate and strengthendemocracy in Europe, so that the free people of that continent canresume their rightful place in the forefront of civilization and cancontribute once more to the security and welfare of the world.Our efforts have brought new hope to all mankind. We have beaten backdespair and defeatism. We have saved a number of countries from losingtheir liberty. Hundreds of millions of people all over the world nowagree with us, that we need not have war--that we can have peace.The initiative is ours.We are moving on with other nations to build an even strongerstructure of international order and justice. We shall have as ourpartners countries which, no longer solely concerned with the problemof national survival, are now working to improve the standards ofliving of all their people. We are ready to undertake new projects tostrengthen the free world.In the coming years, our program for peace and freedom will emphasize four major courses of action.First, we will continue to give unfaltering support to the UnitedNations and related agencies, and we will continue to search for waysto strengthen their authority and increase their effectiveness. Webelieve that the United Nations will be strengthened by the new nationswhich are being formed in lands now advancing toward self-governmentunder democratic principles.Second, we will continue our programs for world economic recovery.This means, first of all, that we must keep our full weight behindthe European recoveryprogram. We are confident of the success of thismajor venture in world recovery. We believe that our partners in thiseffort will achieve the status of self-supporting nations once again.In addition, we must carry out our plans for reducing the barriers toworld trade and increasing its volume. Economic recovery and peaceitself depend on increased world trade.Third, we will strengthen freedom-loving nations against the dangers of aggression.We are now working out with a number of countries a joint agreementdesigned to strengthen the security of the North Atlantic area. Such anagreement would take the form of a collective defense arrangementwithin the terms of the United Nations Charter.We have already established such a defense pact for the Western Hemisphere by the treaty of Rio de Janeiro.The primary purpose of these agreements is to provide unmistakableproof of the joint determination of the free countries to resist armedattack from any quarter. Each country participating in thesearrangements must contribute all it can to the common defense.If we can make it sufficiently clear, in advance, that any armedattack affecting our national security would be met with overwhelmingforce, the armed attack might never occur.I hope soon to send to the Senate a treaty respecting the North Atlantic security plan.In addition, we will provide military advice and equipment to freenations which will cooperate with us in the maintenance of peace andsecurity.Fourth, we must embark on a bold new program for making the benefitsof our scientific advances and industrial progress available for theimprovement and growth of underdeveloped areas.More than half the people of the world are living in conditionsapproaching misery. Their food is inadequate. They are victims ofdisease. Their economic life is primitive and stagnant. Their povertyis a handicap and a threat both to them and to more prosperous areas.For the first time in history, humanity possesses the knowledge and the skill to relieve the suffering of these people.The United States is pre-eminent among nations in the development ofindustrial and scientific techniques. The material resources which wecan afford to use for the assistance of other peoples are limited. Butour imponderable resources in technical knowledge are constantlygrowing and are inexhaustible.I believe that we should make available to peace-loving peoples thebenefits of our store oftechnical knowledge in order to help themrealize their aspirations for a better life. And, in cooperation withother nations, we should foster capital investment in areas needingdevelopment.Our aim should be to help the free peoples of the world, throughtheir own efforts, to produce more food, more clothing, more materialsfor housing, and more mechanical power to lighten their burdens.We invite other countries to pool their technological resources inthis undertaking. Their contributions will be warmly welcomed. Thisshould be a cooperative enterprise in which all nations work togetherthrough the United Nations and its specialized agencies whereverpracticable. It must be a worldwide effort for the achievement ofpeace, plenty, and freedom.With the cooperation of business, private capital, agriculture, andlabor in this country, this program can greatly increase the industrialactivity in other nations and can raise substantially their standardsof living.Such new economic developments must be devised and controlled tobenefit the peoples of the areas in which they are established.Guarantees to the investor must be balanced by guarantees in theinterest of the people whose resources and whose labor go into thesedevelopments.The old imperialism--exploitation for foreign profit--has no place inour plans. What we envisage is a program of development based on theconcepts of democratic fair-dealing.All countries, including our own, will greatly benefit from aconstructive program for the better use of the world's human andnatural resources. Experience shows that our commerce with othercountries expands as they progress industrially and economically.Greater production is the key to prosperity and peace. And the key togreater production is a wider and more vigorous application of modernscientific and technical knowledge.Only by helping the least fortunate of its members to help themselvescan the human family achieve the decent, satisfying life that is theright of all people.Democracy alone can supply the vitalizing force to stir the peoplesof the world into triumphant action, not only against their humanoppressors, but also against their ancient enemies-- hunger, misery,and despair.On the basis of these four major courses of action we hope to helpcreate the conditions that will lead eventually to personal freedom andhappiness for all mankind.If we are to be successful in carrying out these policies, it isclear that we must havecontinued prosperity in this country and wemust keep ourselves strong.Slowly but surely we are weaving a world fabric of international security and growing prosperity.We are aided by all who wish to live in freedom from fear--even by those who live today in fear under their own governments.We are aided by all who want relief from the lies of propaganda-- who desire truth and sincerity.We are aided by all who desire self-government and a voice in deciding their own affairs.We are aided by all who long for economic security--for the security and abundance that men in free societies can enjoy.We are aided by all who desire freedom of speech, freedom of religion, and freedom to live their own lives for useful ends.Our allies are the millions who hunger and thirst after righteousness.In due time, as our stability becomes manifest, as more and morenations come to know the benefits of democracy and to participate ingrowing abundance, I believe that those countries which now oppose uswill abandon their delusions and join with the free nations of theworld in a just settlement of international differences.Events have brought our American democracy to new influence and newresponsibilities. They will test our courage, our devotion to duty, andour concept of liberty.But I say to all men, what we have achieved in liberty, we will surpass in greater liberty.Steadfast in our faith in the Almighty, we will advance toward a world where man's freedom is secure.To that end we will devote our strength, our resources, and ourfirmness of resolve. With God's help, the future of mankind will beassured in a world of justice, harmony, and peace.【中文译文】：四项主要的行动方针哈里-杜鲁门就职演讲星期四,1949年1月20日我国历史上的各个时期都面临过特殊的挑战。
美国历届总统就职演讲
奥巴马2009年就职演说同胞们：我今天站在这里，因为面前的任务而感到谦卑，因为你们的信任而心存感激，同时铭记先辈们做所出的巨大牺牲。
感谢布什总统为这个国家做出的贡献，同时也谢谢他在整个政权交接期间表现出的慷慨与合作。
迄今已经有44名美国人宣誓就任总统。
这些誓词曾出现在繁荣的上升趋势和如水般平静的和平中，当然，也经常会出现在乌云密布和狂风暴雨之时。
在这各种时刻，美国一直在继续前行，这不仅仅是因为执政的技巧或者有先见之明，而是因为我们的人民一直在坚守先辈们的理想，忠实履行我们的建国宣言。
过去是这样，这一代的美国人仍将会坚持这样做。
众所周知，我们目前正处在危机之中。
我们的国家正在对暴力和仇恨宣战。
我们的经济也被严重削弱，这是一些人贪婪和不负责任的后果，但在做出艰难选择和准备迎接新时代方面，我们出现了集体性的失误。
房屋失去了；工作丢掉了；商业萧条了；我们的卫生保健耗资巨大；我们太多的学校不合格；每天都能找到更多的证据表明我们利用能源的方式使得对手更加强大，并且威胁到了我们整个星球。
这些数据和统计都是危机的表现特征。
虽然无法具备测量，但产生的深远影响是我们的信心受到了侵蚀--担心美国的衰退不可避免，担心下一代会降低他们的期待。
今天我要向你们说的是，我们面临的挑战是真实存在的。
这些挑战很多，而且非常严重，它们不会轻易地或者在短时间内就能得以解决。
但大家也必须认识到，美国，终将会解决这些困难。
今天，我们聚集在这里，是因为我选择用希望来战胜恐惧，用团结来战胜冲突与分歧。
今天，我们来到这里将结束悲戚和错误的承诺，抛弃指责和教条主义这些扼杀我们政治的东西。
我们仍然是一个年轻的国家，但现在应该摒弃充满孩子气的行为，重申我们不朽的精神；选择我们更好的历史；宏扬那些珍贵而且高尚的理念，并将这一代一代地传递下去。
上帝认为天下众生皆平等，众生皆自由，而且都应该拥有追求幸福的机会。
在重申我们国家的伟大时，我们必须明白，伟大绝对不会是一种馈赠，而是要靠我们去努力争取。
美国历届总统就职演讲稿
美国历届总统就职演讲稿美国历届总统就职演讲稿美国是世界上最强大的国家之一，每当一个新总统上任时，他都需要在国会大厦的就职典礼上发表演讲，宣誓就职并介绍他的政治愿景。
这些就职演讲稿是美国历史上一些最重要的政治讲话之一，它们描绘了该国的未来方向，同时向全世界展示该国的价值和道德标准。
现在，让我们回顾一下一些重要而难忘的美国历届总统就职演讲稿。
华盛顿的就职演讲(1789)乔治·华盛顿成为美国第一任总统时，他在1789年4月30日在联邦大厦前宣誓就职。
在他的演讲中，华盛顿强调了联邦政府的重要性，并试图消除各个州之间的分歧，奠定了美国政府的基础。
林肯第二次就职演讲(1865)林肯第二次就职演讲是美国历史上最有名的就职演讲之一。
在恢复国家的艰难时期，林肯在典礼上提出了“和平、团结、正义”的口号，他的讲话也被认为是对奴隶制度废除的胜利在道义上的肯定。
罗斯福第一次就职演讲(1933)富兰克林·罗斯福在他的第一次就职演讲中，承诺通过“新政”政策扭转大萧条的局面。
他提出了“唯有恐惧本身才是我们所应害怕的”这一名言，鼓舞了美国人的信心，促进了国家的复苏。
肯尼迪就职演讲(1961)约翰·肯尼迪的就职演讲被誉为美国历史上最具启发性和激情澎湃的演讲之一。
他在演讲中提出了“不要问国家为你们能做些什么，而要问你们可以为国家做些什么”的名言，这真正地激励了所有的美国人为自己的国家做出贡献。
尼克松第一次就职演讲(1969)理查德·尼克松在他的第一次就职演讲中，承诺结束越南战争，并带领美国人民消除一切分裂。
他表示，他的首要任务是在极其分裂的美国社会中建立和谐。
这一演讲推动了美国的社会改革，缩小了美国社会的分裂。
奥巴马第一次就职演讲(2009)巴拉克·奥巴马成为第一个非白人美国总统，并在他的第一次就职典礼典礼上表达了自己对2008年大选的胜利兴奋以及对美国人民的期望。
他的演讲中，奥巴马渲染了美国困境，特别是经济上的困境，并谈到了一个更加团结的美国。
历届美国总统就职典礼
1789年美国第一任总统华盛顿宣誓就职
1841年哈里森总统就职大典
1861年林肯就职大典
1933年富兰克林罗斯福当选美国总统就职大典
1937年富兰克林·罗斯福连任就职宣誓
1941年富兰克林·罗斯福第三次连任美国总统1945年富兰克林·罗斯福第四次连任典礼1949年杜鲁门总统就职大典
1953年奥森豪威尔宣誓就职
1957奥森豪威尔连任就职大典
1961年肯尼迪就职大典
1965年约翰逊就职大典
1969年尼克松就职大典
1974年福特就任总统宣誓
1977年卡特总统就职大典
1981年里根当选总统就职演说
1985年里根连任就职大典
1989年老布什就职大典宣誓
1993年克林顿首次当选就职宣誓
1997年克林顿就职典礼演说
布什2001年首次当选就职大典
布什就职典礼上克林顿握手祝贺
布什2005年连任就职大典。
【精编范文】美国总统就职演讲稿-精选word文档 (15页)
本文部分内容来自网络整理，本司不为其真实性负责，如有异议或侵权请及时联系，本司将立即删除！== 本文为word格式，下载后可方便编辑和修改！ ==美国总统就职演讲稿篇一：美国历届总统就职演讲(中英文对照)第44任总统奥巴马发表就职演说My fellow citizens:我的同胞们：I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.今天我站在这里，看到眼前面临的重大任务，深感卑微。
我感谢你们对我的信任，也知道先辈们为了这个国家所作的牺牲。
我要感谢布什总统为国家做出的贡献，以及感谢他在两届政府过渡期间给与的慷慨协作。
Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to theideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents.迄今为止，已经有44个美国总统宣誓就职。
约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿中文
约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿中文
亲爱的美国同胞们，
我对今天这个庄严的时刻感到非常荣幸，站在这里，成为美国第35任总统。
我在此向前任总统艾森豪威尔表示最诚挚的谢意，感谢他为国家做出的杰出贡献。
在我们面临的众多挑战和机遇之中，我坚信美国将继续引领世界，成为一个更强大和更富裕的国家。
然而，实现这一目标并不容易，我们必须团结一致，紧密合作。
我们所面临的第一个挑战是经济问题。
经济繁荣是我们国家持续发展的基石。
我们需要采取有力的措施来促进经济增长，提供更多的就业机会。
我将致力于减税、鼓励企业投资和促进贸易，以推动我们的经济发展。
我们必须也将面对外交挑战。
作为一个全球超级大国，我们有着重要的国际责任。
我们将坚定地捍卫人权，支持民主和自由。
与此同时，我们将寻求与其他国家建立合作关系，以促进和平与繁荣。
在我们国内，我们还需要关注教育、医疗和社会福利等议题。
我们必须致力于提高教育的质量，并确保每个家庭都能获得良好的医疗服务。
我们要建立一个公正和包容的社会，每个人都应享有平等的机会。
最重要的是，我们必须坚定信念，相信一个更美好的未来。
我们需要克服种族和宗教之间的分歧，团结一致，建立一个更加和谐的社会。
我衷心相信，只要我们齐心协力，努力实现我们的目标，我们将会取得巨大的成功。
我相信每个美国人都有无限的潜力，只要敢于追求梦想，就能够创造奇迹。
最后，让我们共同祈祷，祈求上帝保佑我们这个伟大的国家。
我们将坚定不移地为了自由和正义而奋斗，在我们的行动中彰显美国的伟大。
感谢大家！。
美国历届总统就职演说全集
美国历届总统就职演说全集篇一：美国历届总统就职演讲(中英文对照)第44任总统奥巴马发表就职演说myfellowcitizens:我的同胞们：istandheretodayhumbledbythetaskbeforeus,gratefulforthetrustyouhavebest owed,mindfulofthesacrificesbornebyourancestors.ithankPresidentBushfor hisservicetoournation,aswellasthegenerosityandcooperationhehasshownth roughoutthistransition.今天我站在这里，看到眼前面临的重大任务，深感卑微。
我感谢你们对我的信任，也知道先辈们为了这个国家所作的牺牲。
我要感谢布什总统为国家做出的贡献，以及感谢他在两届政府过渡期间给与的慷慨协作。
Forty-fouramericanshavenowtakenthepresidentialoath.Thewordshavebeen spokenduringrisingtidesofprosperityandthestillwatersofpeace.Yet,everyso oftentheoathistakenamidstgatheringcloudsandragingstorms.atthesemomen ts,americahascarriedonnotsimplybecauseoftheskillorvisionofthoseinhigho ffice,butbecausewethePeoplehaveremainedfaithfultotheidealsofourforbear ers,andtruetoourfoundingdocuments.迄今为止，已经有44个美国总统宣誓就职。
总统的宣誓有时面对的是国家的和平繁荣，但通常面临的是乌云密布的紧张形势。
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矿产资源开发利用方案编写内容要求及审查大纲
矿产资源开发利用方案编写内容要求及《矿产资源开发利用方案》审查大纲一、概述
㈠矿区位置、隶属关系和企业性质。
如为改扩建矿山, 应说明矿山现状、
特点及存在的主要问题。
㈡编制依据
(1简述项目前期工作进展情况及与有关方面对项目的意向性协议情况。
(2 列出开发利用方案编制所依据的主要基础性资料的名称。
如经储量管理部门认定的矿区地质勘探报告、选矿试验报告、加工利用试验报告、工程地质初评资料、矿区水文资料和供水资料等。
对改、扩建矿山应有生产实际资料, 如矿山总平面现状图、矿床开拓系统图、采场现状图和主要采选设备清单等。
二、矿产品需求现状和预测
㈠该矿产在国内需求情况和市场供应情况
1、矿产品现状及加工利用趋向。
2、国内近、远期的需求量及主要销向预测。
㈡产品价格分析
1、国内矿产品价格现状。
2、矿产品价格稳定性及变化趋势。
三、矿产资源概况
㈠矿区总体概况
1、矿区总体规划情况。
2、矿区矿产资源概况。
3、该设计与矿区总体开发的关系。
㈡该设计项目的资源概况
1、矿床地质及构造特征。
2、矿床开采技术条件及水文地质条件。