25 美国经典英文演讲100篇Civil Rights Address

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世界经典英文演讲100篇

世界经典英文演讲100篇

Martin Luther King, Jr.: "I Have a Dream"delivered 28 August 1963, at the Lincoln Memorial, Washington D.C.I am happy to join with you today in what will go down传下去被承受in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago一百年前, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree重要的发令came as a great beacon light 航标灯of hope to millions of Negro slaves, who had been seared 凋枯萎in the flames of withering injustice挖苦性的不公平. It came as a joyous 〔joy〕daybreak 黎明破晓to end the long night of their captivity囚禁.一百多年前,一位伟大的美国人签署了解放奴隶宣言。

对于在挖苦性的不公平中调谐枯萎的亿万黑奴来说,这条重要的法令犹如他们的航标灯。

它想令人预约的破晓,完毕了黑奴被囚禁的漫长黑夜。

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled使受残,使受伤,by the manacles 镣铐束缚of segregation种族隔离and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity物质繁荣. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in因受苦憔悴thecorners of American society and finds himself 意识到an e*ile放逐,流放in his own land. And so we've e here today to dramatize 将戏剧化a shameful condition.但是一百年后,黑人依旧并不自由。

民权运动英语演讲稿范文

民权运动英语演讲稿范文

Ladies and Gentlemen,Good morning/afternoon. It is with great honor and a profound sense of responsibility that I stand before you today to address the topic of the civil rights movement. The civil rights movement, a pivotal chapter in the history of the United States, serves as a testament to the indomitable spirit of humanity's quest for equality, justice, and freedom. As we reflect on its legacy, it is imperative that we also consider the road ahead and the ongoing struggle for civil rights in our society.I. IntroductionThe civil rights movement, which spanned from the mid-1950s to the early 1960s, was a mass protest movement aimed at ending racial segregation and discrimination against African Americans and other minority groupsin the United States. The movement was characterized by nonviolent protest, civil disobedience, and the use of grassroots organizing. It culminated in significant legislative achievements, including the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.II. The Historical ContextTo understand the civil rights movement, we must delve into thehistorical context that gave rise to it. For centuries, African Americans had been subjected to systemic racism, slavery, and segregation. Despite the abolition of slavery with the Thirteenth Amendment in 1865, the promise of equality remained unfulfilled. Jim Crow laws, enforced by both the state and private entities, perpetuated a system of racial oppression and segregation in the South, while discrimination persisted in the North as well.III. Key Figures and EventsThe civil rights movement was driven by a group of courageous leaders and activists who were determined to challenge the status quo. Among them were Martin Luther King Jr., Rosa Parks, Malcolm X, John Lewis, and Fannie Lou Hamer. These individuals, along with countless others, were instrumental in shaping the movement's strategy and direction.One of the most significant events in the civil rights movement was the Montgomery Bus Boycott of 1955-1956. When Rosa Parks was arrested for refusing to give up her seat to a white passenger, the Montgomery Improvement Association was formed, and a 381-day boycott of the city's bus system ensued. This boycott served as a catalyst for the civilrights movement and highlighted the power of nonviolent protest.Another pivotal event was the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedomin 1963, where Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. delivered his iconic "I Have a Dream" speech. This event brought national attention to the civil rights movement and set the stage for the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.IV. Legacy of the Civil Rights MovementThe civil rights movement has left an indelible mark on American history. Its legacy includes:1. The end of legal segregation: The passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 dismantled the legal frameworkthat had supported racial segregation and discrimination.2. The empowerment of African Americans: The civil rights movement empowered African Americans to fight for their rights and demand social justice. It paved the way for a new generation of leaders and activists who would continue the struggle for equality.3. The advancement of human rights: The civil rights movement inspired other movements around the world, including the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa and the fight for LGBTQ+ rights in the United States.V. The Road AheadWhile the civil rights movement achieved significant victories, the struggle for equality and justice is far from over. Today, we continueto face challenges such as racial profiling, disparities in the criminal justice system, and systemic racism. As we reflect on the legacy of the civil rights movement, we must also consider the road ahead:1. Education: We must continue to educate ourselves and others about the history of civil rights and the ongoing struggles faced by minority groups.2. Advocacy: We must advocate for policies that promote equality, justice, and freedom for all individuals, regardless of their race, ethnicity, gender, or sexual orientation.3. Solidarity: We must stand in solidarity with those who are marginalized and oppressed, recognizing that our collective liberationis intertwined.VI. ConclusionThe civil rights movement stands as a shining example of the power of collective action and the human spirit's unwavering determination to achieve justice. As we honor the legacy of those who fought tirelessly for equality, let us also commit ourselves to carrying forward their torch. Together, we can build a more just and inclusive society, where all individuals are treated with dignity and respect.Thank you.。

最伟大的100篇英文演讲排名 Top100 speeches

最伟大的100篇英文演讲排名 Top100 speeches

Top100 speeches 美国20世纪最伟大演讲100篇1Martin Luther King, Jr."I Have A Dream"2John Fitzgerald Kennedy Inaugural Address3Franklin Delano Roosevelt First Inaugural Address4Franklin Delano Roosevelt Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation5Barbara Charline Jordan1976 DNC Keynote Address6Richard Milhous Nixon"Checkers"7Malcolm X"The Ballot or the Bullet"8Ronald Wilson Reagan Shuttle ''Challenger'' Disaster Address9John Fitzgerald Kennedy Houston Ministerial Association Speech10Lyndon Baines Johnson"We Shall Overcome"11Mario Matthew Cuomo1984 DNC Keynote Address12Jesse Louis Jackson1984 DNC Address13Barbara Charline Jordan Statement on the Articles of Impeachment14(General) Douglas MacArthur Farewell Address to Congress15Martin Luther King, Jr."I've Been to the Mountaintop"16Theodore Roosevelt"The Man with the Muck-rake"17Robert Francis Kennedy Remarks on the Assassination of MLK18Dwight David Eisenhower Farewell Address19Thomas Woodrow Wilson War Message20(General) Douglas MacArthur"Duty, Honor, Country"21Richard Milhous Nixon"The Great Silent Majority"22John Fitzgerald Kennedy"Ich bin ein Berliner"23Clarence Seward Darrow"Mercy for Leopold and Loeb"24Russell H. Conwell"Acres of Diamonds"25Ronald Wilson Reagan"A Time for Choosing"26Huey Pierce Long"Every Man a King"27Anna Howard Shaw"The Fundamental Principle of a Republic"28Franklin Delano Roosevelt"The Arsenal of Democracy"29Ronald Wilson Reagan"The Evil Empire"30Ronald Wilson Reagan First Inaugural Address31Franklin Delano Roosevelt First Fireside Chat32Harry S. Truman"The Truman Doctrine"33William Cuthbert Faulkner Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech34Eugene Victor Debs1918 Statement to the Court35Hillary Diane Rodham Clinton"Women's Rights are Human Rights"mp336Dwight David Eisenhower"Atoms for Peace"37John Fitzgerald Kennedy American University Commencement Address mp3 38Dorothy Ann Willis Richards1988 DNC Keynote Address39Richard Milhous Nixon Resignation Speech mp3 40Thomas Woodrow Wilson"The Fourteen Points"41Margaret Chase Smith"Declaration of Conscience"42Franklin Delano Roosevelt"The Four Freedoms"mp3 43Martin Luther King, Jr."A Time to Break Silence"Off-Site.mp3 44William Jennings Bryan"Against Imperialism"45Barbara Pierce Bush1990 Wellesley College Commencement Address mp3 46John Fitzgerald Kennedy Civil Rights Address mp3 47John Fitzgerald Kennedy Cuban Missile Crisis Address mp3 48Spiro Theodore Agnew"Television News Coverage"mp3 49Jesse Louis Jackson1988 DNC Address50Mary Fisher"A Whisper of AIDS"mp351Lyndon Baines Johnson"The Great Society"52George Catlett Marshall"The Marshall Plan"mp3 53Edward Moore Kennedy"Truth and Tolerance in America"mp3 54Adlai Ewing Stevenson Presidential Nomination Acceptance Address mp3 55Anna Eleanor Roosevelt"The Struggle for Human Rights"56Geraldine Anne Ferraro Vice-Presidential Nomination Acceptance Speech mp3 57Robert Marion La Follette"Free Speech in Wartime"58Ronald Wilson Reagan40th Anniversary of D-Day Address59Mario Matthew Cuomo"Religious Belief and Public Morality"60Edward Moore Kennedy"Chappaquiddick"mp3 61John Llewellyn Lewis"The Rights of Labor"62Barry Morris Goldwater Presidential Nomination Acceptance Address mp3 63Stokely Carmichael"Black Power"Off-Site mp3 64Hubert Horatio Humphrey1948 DNC Address65Emma Goldman Address to the Jury66Carrie Chapman Catt"The Crisis"67Newton Norman Minow"Television and the Public Interest"68Edward Moore Kennedy Eulogy for Robert Francis Kennedy69Anita Faye Hill Statement to the Senate Judiciary Committee70Thomas Woodrow Wilson League of Nations Final Address71Henry Louis ("Lou") Gehrig Farewell to Baseball Address72Richard Milhous Nixon Cambodian Incursion Address mp3 73Carrie Chapman Catt Address to the U.S. Congress74Edward Moore Kennedy1980 DNC Address75Lyndon Baines Johnson On Vietnam and Not Seeking Re-Election mp376Franklin Delano Roosevelt Commonwealth Club Address77Thomas Woodrow Wilson First Inaugural Address78Mario Savio"Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech/An End to History"mp3 79Elizabeth Glaser1992 DNC Address80Eugene Victor Debs"The Issue"81Margaret Higgins Sanger"Children's Era"82Ursula Kroeber Le Guin"A Left-Handed Commencement Address"83Crystal Eastman"Now We Can Begin"84Huey Pierce Long"Share Our Wealth"85Gerald Rudolph Ford Address on Taking the Oath of Office mp3 86Cesar Estrada Chavez Speech on Ending His 25 Day Fast87Elizabeth Gurley Flynn Statement at the Smith Act Trial88Jimmy Earl Carter"A Crisis of Confidence"mp3 89Malcolm X"Message to the Grassroots"90William Jefferson Clinton Oklahoma Bombing Memorial Address91Shirley Anita St. Hill Chisholm"For the Equal Rights Amendment"92Ronald Wilson Reagan Brandenburg Gate Address93Eliezer ("Elie") Wiesel"The Perils of Indifference"mp3 94Gerald Rudolph Ford National Address Pardoning Richard M. Nixon mp3-Excerpt 95Thomas Woodrow Wilson"For the League of Nations"96Lyndon Baines Johnson"Let Us Continue"mp3 97Joseph N. Welch"Have You No Sense of Decency"mp3 98Anna Eleanor Roosevelt Adopting the Declaration of Human Rights99Robert Francis Kennedy"Day of Affirmation"100John Forbes Kerry"Vietnam Veterans Against the War"。

美国经典英文演讲100篇1990_Wellesley_College_Commencement_Address

美国经典英文演讲100篇1990_Wellesley_College_Commencement_Address

美国经典英文演讲100篇:1990 Wellesley College Commencement Address Barbara Pierce BushThank you very, very much, President Keohane. Mrs. Gorbachev, Trustees, faculty, parents, and I should say, Julia Porter, class president, and certainly my new best friend, Christine Bicknell -- and, of course, the Class of 1990. I am really thrilled to be here today, and very excited, as I know all of you must be, that Mrs. Gorbachev could join us.These -- These are exciting times. They're exciting in Washington, and I have really looked forward to coming to Wellesley. I thought it was going to be fun. I never dreamt it would be this much fun. So, thank you for that.More than ten years ago, when I was invited here to talk about our experiences in the People's Republic of China, I was struck by both the natural beauty of your campus and the spirit of this place.Wellesley, you see, is not just a place but an idea -- an experiment in excellence in which diversity is not just tolerated, but is embraced. The essence of this spirit was captured in a moving speech about tolerance given last year by a student body president of one of your sister colleges. She related the story by Robert Fulghum about a young pastor, finding himself in charge of some very energetic children, hits upon the game called "Giants, Wizards, and Dwarfs." "You have to decide now," the pastor instructed the children, "which you are -- a giant, a wizard, or a dwarf?" At that, a small girl tugging at his pants leg, asked, "But where do the mermaids stand?" And the pastor tells her there are no mermaids. And she says, "Oh yes there are -- they are. I am a mermaid."Now this little girl knew what she was, and she was not about to give up on either her identity, or the game. She intended to take her place wherever mermaids fit into the scheme of things. "Where do the mermaids stand? All of those who are different, those who do not fit the boxes and the pigeonholes?" "Answer that question," wrote Fulghum, "And you can build a school, anation, or a whole world." As that very wise young woman said, "Diversity, like anything worth having, requires effort -- effort to learn about and respect difference, to be compassionate with one another, to cherish our own identity, and to accept unconditionally the same in others.You should all be very proud that this is the Wellesley spirit. Now I know your first choice today was Alice Walker -- guess how I know! -- known for The Color Purple. Instead you got me -- known for the color of my hair. Alice Walker's book has a special resonance here. At Wellesley, each class is known by a special color. For four years the Class of '90 has worn the color purple. Today you meet on Severance Green to say goodbye to all of that, to begin a new and a very personal journey, to search for your own true colors.In the world that awaits you, beyond the shores of Waban -- Lake Waban, no one can say what your true colors will be. But this I do know: You have a first class education from a first class school. And so you need not, probably cannot, live a"paint-by-numbers" life. Decisions are not irrevocable. Choices do come back. And as you set off from Wellesley, I hope that many of you will consider making three very special choices.The first is to believe in something larger than yourself, to get involved in some of the big ideas of our time. I chose literacy because I honestly believe that if more people could read, write, and comprehend, we would be that much closer to solving so many of the problems that plague our nation and our society.And early on I made another choice, which I hope you'll make as well. Whether you are talking about education, career, or service, you're talking about life -- and life really must have joy. It's supposed to be fun.One of the reasons I made the most important decision of my life, to marry George Bush, is because he made me laugh. It's true, sometimes we've laughed through our tears, but that shared laughter has been one of our strongest bonds. Find the joy in life, because as Ferris Bueller said on his day off, "Lifemoves pretty fast; and ya don't stop and look around once in a while, ya gonna miss it."(I'm not going to tell George ya clapped more for Ferris than ya clapped for George.)The third choice that must not be missed is to cherish your human connections: your relationships with family and friends. For several years, you've had impressed upon you the importance to your career of dedication and hard work. And, of course, that's true. But as important as your obligations as a doctor, a lawyer, a business leader will be, you are a human being first. And those human connections --- with spouses, with children, with friends -- are the most important investments you will ever make.At the end of your life, you will never regret not having passed one more test, winning one more verdict, or not closing one more deal. You will regret time not spent with a husband, a child, a friend, or a parent.We are in a transitional period right now -- We are in a transitional period right now, fascinating and exhilarating times, learning to adjust to changes and the choices we, men and women, are facing. As an example, I remember what a friend said, on hearing her husband complain to his buddies that he had to babysit. Quickly setting him straight, my friend told her husband that when it's your own kids, it's not called babysitting.Now maybe we should adjust faster; maybe we should adjust slower. But whatever the era twenty -- whatever the era, whatever the times, one thing will never change: fathers and mothers, if you have children, they must come first. You must read to your children, and you must hug your children, and you must love your children. Your success as a family, our success as a society, depends not on what happens in the White House, but on what happens inside your house.For over fifty years, it was said that the winner of Wellesley's annual hoop race would be the first to get married. Now they say,the winner will be the first to become a C.E.O. Both -- Both of those stereotypes show too little tolerance for those who want to know where the mermaids stand. So -- So I want to offer a new legend: the winner of the hoop race will be the first to realize her dream -- not society's dreams -- her own personal dream.And who -- Who knows? Somewhere out in this audience may even be someone who will one day follow in my footsteps, and preside over the White House as the President's spouse -- and I wish him well.Well, the controversy ends here. But our conversation is only beginning. And a worthwhile conversation it has been. So as you leave Wellesley today, take with you deep thanks for the courtesy and the honor you have shared with Mrs. Gorbachev and with me.Thank you. God bless you. And may your future be worthy of your dreams.。

英语演讲

英语演讲

CIVIL-RIGHTS MOVEMENT IN U.S.During the period leading up to the Civil War, black women all over the North comprised a stalwart but now largely forgotten abolitionist army. In myriad ways, theserace-conscious women worked to bring immediateemancipation to the South. Antislavery Northern black women felt the sting of oppression personally. Like the slaves, they too were victims of color prejudice; some had been born in Northern bondage; others had family members still enslaved; and many interacted daily with self-emancipated people who constantly feared being returned South.Antislavery women such as Sojourner Truth and Harriet Tubman were only the most famous of the abolitionists. Before either of these heroines came on the scene and before antislavery was an organized movement, black women in local Northern communities had quietly turned to activism through their church work, literary societies, and benevolent organizations. These women found time for political activism in between managing households, raising children, and working.In the late1820s, Zion's African Methodist Episcopal Church in New York City, Bethel Methodist Episcopal Church inPhiladelphia, and the African Meetinghouse in Boston were centers of female antislavery activity. Black womenproclaimed that their cause was "let the oppressed go free." They organized bazaars to promote the purchase of goods from free labor, met in sewing circles to make clothing for those fleeing bondage, and raised money for Freedom's Journal, the nation's first black newspaper.Throughout the 1830s, black women engaged heavily in activism. They vowed to, "heed the enslaved mothers' cry for children torn away," and designated their dwellings as "free homes" for those fleeing bondage. For example, Hester Lane of New York City, a successful black entrepreneur, used her home as an Underground Railroad station. Lane also traveled South to purchase enslaved children whom she freed and educated. Mary Marshall's Colored Sailors' Boarding Home was another busy sanctuary. Marshall kept a vigilant eye out for refugees from bondage, and was determined that "No one who had the courage to start should fail to reach the goal." Other black women organized petition drives, wrote antislavery poetry, hosted traveling abolitionists, and organized fairs.In 1854, twenty-eight-year-old Frances Ellen Watkins (Harper) joined Sojourner Truth on the Garrison lecture circuit. Born into a well-connected Baltimore family, Watkins was a poet and teacher. She was drawn into the abolitionist struggle by the Kansas-Nebraska Act, which rescinded the restrictions on slavery in the remaining territories acquired under the Louisiana Purchase. Watkins traveled throughout the Midwest, sometimes with Sojourner Truth, and spokeeloquently of the wrongs inflicted upon her people, selling her books of poetry at antislavery lectures and using the proceeds to support the Underground Railroad. In 1858, Watkins joined black male leaders in Detroit and led a large group of angry citizens in storming the jailhouse. The group attempted to remove from protective custody a black "traitor" to their cause, who had intended to expose the operations of the Underground Railroad.In 1858, Anna Murray Douglass, wife of black leader Frederick Douglass, hosted John Brown, the famous white abolitionist, for a month. Brown was in hiding after having been charged with murdering pro-slavery farmers in Missouri. In the Douglass home, Brown perfected his plans for the raid on Harpers Ferry. In an 1859 meeting with Brown in Maryland justbefore the assault on Harpers Ferry, Douglass gave him ten dollars from the wife of a Brooklyn couple, the J.N. Gloucester, who like Douglass himself were close to Brown. Along with the money, Mrs. Gloucester "sent her best wishes." When Brown was captured, tried, and sentenced to death, black women abolitionists sent money to his wife Mary, and wrote letters expressing their deep regard for her husband. Frances Ellen Watkins also sent gifts as well as one of her poems, "Bury Me in a Free Land," to Brown's condemned men.During the antebellum era, black women abolitionists moved, in keeping with the urgency of the times, from quiet activism to militancy. By 1858, even Sojourner Truth, the arch pacifist, recognized that war with the South was inevitable if black people were to obtain their freedom. Black women furthered the goal of emancipation during the Civil War by continuing their abolition work. Harriet Tubman offered her services to the Union Army. Sojourner Truth lectured throughout the Midwest, where she confronted threateningpro-slavery ( so-called "Copperhead") mobs. Black women organized petition campaigns to Congress and the president; they sent food and clothing to the Union front lines for destitute blacks; and they went into Union-occupied areas toprovide education for black refugees. After the Emancipation Proclamation was signed on January 1, 1863, black women abolitionists immediately began working on the next phase of their mission ——the task of uplifting their race as a free people.粉末冶金研究院1215班袁珺0705120519。

英语演讲稿-美国20世纪最伟大的演讲48John F. Kennedy

英语演讲稿-美国20世纪最伟大的演讲48John F. Kennedy

英语演讲稿美国20世纪最伟大的演讲48John F.KennedyJohn F. Kennedy: Civil Rights AddressDelivered 11 June 1963Good evening, my fellow citizens:This afternoon, following a series of threats and defiant statements, the presence of Alabama National Guardsmen was required on the University of Alabama to carry out the final and unequivocal order of the United States District Court of the Northern District of Alabama. That order called for the admission of two clearly qualified young Alabama residents who happened to have been born Negro. That they were admitted peacefully on the campus is due in good measure to the conduct of the students of the University of Alabama, who met their responsibilities in a constructive way.I hope that every American, regardless of where he lives, will stop and examine hisconscience about this and other related incidents. ThisNation was founded by men of many nations and backgrounds. It was founded on the principle that all men are created equal, and that the rights of every man are diminished when the rights of one man are threatened.Today, we are committed to a worldwide struggle to promote and protect the rights of all who wish to be free. And when Americans are sent to Vietnam or West Berlin, we do not ask for whites only. It ought a be possible, therefore, for American students of any color to attend any public institution they select without having to be backed up by troops. It ought a to be possible for American consumers of any color to receive equal service in places of public accommodation, such as hotels and restaurants and theaters and retail stores, without being forced to resort to demonstrations in the street, and it ought a be possible for American citizens of any color to register and to vote in a free election without interference or fear of reprisal. It ought a to be possible, in short, for every American to enjoy the privileges of being American without regard to his race or his color.In short, every American ought to have the right to be treated as he would wish to be treated, as one would wish his children to be treated. But this is not the case.The Negro baby born in America today, regardless of the section of the State in which he is born, has about one half as much chance of completing a high school as a white baby born in the same place on the same day, one third as much chance of completing college, one third as much chance of becoming a professional man, twice as much chance of becoming unemployed, about one seventh as much chance of earning $10,000 a year, a life expectancy which is 7 years shorter, and the prospects of earning only half as much.This is not a sectional issue. Difficulties over segregation and discrimination exist in every city,in every State of the Union, producing in many cities a rising tide of discontent that threatens the public safety. Nor is this a partisan issue. In a time of domestic crisis men of good will and generosity should be able to unite regardless of party or politics. This is not even a legal or legislative issue alone. It is better to settle these matters in the courts than on the streets,and new laws are needed at every level, but law alone cannot make men see right. We are confronted primarily with a moral issue. It is as old as the Scriptures and is as clear as the American Constitution.The heart of the question is whether all Americans areto be afforded equal rights and equal opportunities, whether we are going to treat our fellow Americans as we want to be treated. If an American, because his skin is dark, cannot eat lunch in a restaurant open to the public, if he cannot send his children to the best public school available, if he cannot vote for the public officials who will represent him, if, in short, he cannot enjoy the full and free life which all of us want, then who among us would be content to have the color of his skin changed and stand in his place? Who among us would then be content with the counsels of patience and delay?One hundred years of delay have passed since President Lincoln freed the slaves, yet their heirs, their grandsons, are not fully free. They are not yet freed from the bonds of injustice. They are not yet freed from social and economic oppression. And this Nation, for all its hopes and all its boasts, will not be fully free until all its citizens are free.We preach freedom around the world, and we mean it, and we cherish our freedom here at home, but are we to say to the world, and much more importantly, to each other that this is the land of the free except for the Negroes? that we have no second class citizens except Negroes? that we have no class or caste system, no ghettoes, no master race except withrespect to Negroes?Now the time has come for this Nation to fulfill its promise. The events in Birmingham and elsewhere have so increased the cries for equality that no city or State or legislative body can prudently choose to ignore them. The fires of frustration and discord are burning in every city,North and South, where legal remedies are not at hand. Redress is sought in the streets, in demonstrations, parades, and protests which create tensions and threaten violence and threaten lives.We face, therefore, a moral crisis as a country and a people. It cannot be met by repressive police action. It cannot be left to increased demonstrations in the streets. It cannot be quieted by token moves or talk. It is a time to act in the Congress, in your State and local legislative body and, above all, in all of our daily lives. It is not enough to pin the blame on others, to say this a problem of one section of the country or another, or deplore the facts that we face.A great change is at hand, and our task, our obligation, is to make that revolution, that change, peaceful and constructive for all. Those who do nothing are inviting shame, as well as violence. Those who act boldly are recognizing right, as well as reality.Next week I shall ask the Congress of the United States to act, to make a commitment it has not fully made in this century to the proposition that race has no place in American life or law.The Federal judiciary has upheld that proposition in a series of forthright cases. The Executive Branch has adopted that proposition in the conduct of its affairs, including the employment of Federal personnel, the use of Federal facilities, and the sale of federally financed housing. But there are other necessary measures which only the Congress can provide, and they must be provided at this session. The old code of equity law under which we live commands for every wrong a remedy, but in too many communities, in too many parts of the country, wrongs are inflicted on Negro citizens and there are no remedies at law. Unless the Congress acts, their only remedy is the street.I am, therefore, asking the Congress to enact legislation giving all Americans the right to be served in facilities which are open to the public hotels, restaurants, theaters, retail stores, and similar establishments. This seems to me to be an elementary right. Its denial is an arbitrary indignity that no American in 1963 should have to endure, but many do.I have recently met with scores of business leaders urging them to take voluntary action to end this discrimination, and I have been encouraged by their response, and in the last two weeks over 75 cities have seen progress made in desegregating these kinds of facilities. But many are unwilling to act alone, and for this reason, nationwide legislation is needed if we are to move this problem from the streets to the courts.I’m also asking the Congress to authorize the Federal Government to participate more fully in lawsuits designed to end segregation in public education. We have succeeded in persuading many districts to desegregate voluntarily. Dozens have admitted Negroes without violence. Today, a Negro is attending a State supported institution in every one of our 50 States, but the pace is very slow.Too many Negro children entering segregated grade schools at the time of the SupremeCourt’s decision nine years ago will enter segregated high schools this fall, having suffered a loss which can never be restored. The lack of an adequate education denies the Negro a chance to get a decent job.The orderly implementation of the Supreme Court decision,therefore, cannot be left solely to those who may not have the economic resources to carry the legal action or who may be subject to harassment.Other features will be also requested, including greater protection for the right to vote. But legislation, I repeat, cannot solve this problem alone. It must be solved in the homes of every American in every community across our country. In this respect I wanna pay tribute to those citizens North and South who’ve been working in their communities to make life better for all.They are acting not out of sense of legal duty but out of a sense of human decency. Like our soldiers and sailors in all parts of the world they are meeting freedom’s challenge on the firing line, and I salute them for their honor and their courage.My fellow Americans, this is a problem which faces us all in every city of the North as well as the South. Today, there are Negroes unemployed, two or three times as many compared to whites, inadequate education, moving into the large cities, unable to find work, young people particularly out of work without hope, denied equal rights, denied the opportunity to eat at a restaurant or a lunch counter or go to a movie theater, denied the right to a decenteducation,denied almost today the right to attend a State university even though qualified. It seems tome that these are matters which concern us all, not merely Presidents or Congressmen or Governors, but every citizen of the United States.This is one country. It has become one country because all of us and all the people who came here had an equal chance to develop their talents. We cannot say to ten percent of the population that you can’t have that right? that your children cannot have the chance to develop whatever talents they have? that the only way that they are going to get their rights is to go in the street and demonstrate. I think we owe them and we owe ourselves a better country than that.Therefore, I’m asking for your help in making it easier for us to move ahead and to provide the kind of equality of treatment which we would want ourselves? to give a chance for every child to be educated to the limit of his talents.As I’ve said before, not every child has an equal talent or an equal ability or equal motivation, but they should have the equal right to develop their talent and their ability and their motivation, to make something of themselves.We have a right to expect that the Negro community willbe responsible, will uphold the law, but they have a right to expect that the law will be fair, that the Constitution will be color blind, as Justice Harlan said at the turn of the century.This is what we’re talking about and this is a matter which concerns this country and what it stands for, and in meeting it I ask the support of all our citizens.Thank you very much.音频资料下载地址:。

英语演讲稿-1992 Republication National Convention Address by 玛利费雪

英语演讲稿-1992 Republication National Convention Address by 玛利费雪

英语演讲稿1992 Republication National Convention Address by 玛利费雪美国名人100大演讲Less than three months ago at platform hearings in Salt Lake City, I asked the Republican Party to lift the shroud of silence which has been draped over the issue of HIV and AIDS.I have come tonight to bring our silence to an end. I bear a message of challenge, not self-congratulation. I want your attention, not your applause.I would never have asked to be HIV positive, but I believe that in all things there is a purpose; and I stand before you and before the nation gladly. The reality of AIDS is brutally clear. Two hundred thousand Americans are dead or dying. A million more are infected. Worldwide, forty million, sixty million, or a hundred million infections will be counted in the coming few years. But despite science and research, White House meetings, and congressional hearings, despite good intentions and bold initiatives, campaign slogans, and hopefulpromises, it is -- despite it all -- the epidemic which is winning tonight.In the context of an election year, I ask you, here in this great hall, or listening in the quiet of your home, to recognize that AIDS virus is not a political creature. It does not care whether you are Democrat or Republican; it does not ask whether you are black or white, male or female, gay or straight, young or old.Tonight, I represent an AIDS community whose members have been reluctantly drafted from every segment of American society. Though I am white and a mother, I am one with a black infant struggling with tubes in a Philadelphia hospital. Though I am female and contracted this disease in marriage and enjoy the warm support of my family, I am one with the lonely gay man sheltering a flickering candle from the cold wind of his family’s rejection.This is not a distant threat. It is a present danger. The rate of infection is increasing fastest among women and children. Largely unknown a decade ago, AIDS is the third leading killer of young adult Americans today. But it won’t be third for long, because unlike other diseases, this one travels. Adolescents don’t give each other cancer or heartdisease because they believe they are in love, but HIV is different; and we have helped it along. We have killed each other with our ignorance, our prejudice, and our silence.We may take refuge in our stereotypes, but we cannot hide there long, because HIV asks only one thing of those it attacks. Are you human? And this is the right question. Are you human? Because people with HIV have not entered some alien state of being. They are human. They have not earned cruelty, and they do not deserve meanness. They don’t benefit from being isolated or treated as outcasts. Each of them is exactly what God made: a person; not evil, deserving of our judgment; not victims, longing for our pity -- people, ready for support and worthy of compassion.My call to you, my Party, is to take a public stand, no less compassionate than that of the President and Mrs. Bush. They have embraced me and my family in memorable ways. In the place of judgment, they have shown affection. In difficult moments, they have raised our spirits. In the darkest hours, I have seen them reaching not only to me, but also to my parents, armed with that stunning grief and special grace that comes only to parents who have themselves leaned too long over the bedside of a dying child.With the President’s leadership, much good has been done. Much of the good has gone unheralded, and as the President has insisted, much remains to be done. But we do the President’s cause no good if we praise the American family but ignore a virus that destroys it.We must be consistent if we are to be believed. We cannot love justice and ignore prejudice, love our children and fear to teach them. Whatever our role as parent or policymaker, we must act as eloquently as we speak -- else we have no integrity. My call to the nation is a plea for awareness. If you believe you are safe, you are in danger. Because I was not hemophiliac, I was not at risk. Because I was not gay, I was not at risk. Because I did not inject drugs, I was not at risk.My father has devoted much of his lifetime guarding against another holocaust. He is part of the generation who heard Pastor Nemoellor come out of the Nazi death camps to say, “They came after the Jews, and I was not a Jew, so, I did not protest. They came after the trade unionists, and I was not a trade unionist, so, I did not protest. Then they came after the Roman Catholics, and I was not a Roman Catholic, so, I did not protest. Then they came after me, and there was no one left to protest.”The -- The lesson history teaches is this: If you believe you are safe, you are at risk. If you do not see this killer stalking your children, look again. There is no family or community, no race or religion, no place left in America that is safe. Until we genuinely embrace this message, we are a nation at risk.Tonight, HIV marches resolutely toward AIDS in more than a million American homes, littering its pathway with the bodies of the young -- young men, young women, young parents, and young children. One of the families is mine. If it is true that HIV inevitably turns to AIDS, then my children will inevitably turn to orphans. My family has been a rock of support.My 84-year-old father, who has pursued the healing of the nations, will not accept the premise that he cannot heal his daughter. My mother refuses to be broken. She still calls at midnight to tell wonderful jokes that make me laugh. Sisters and friends, and my brother Phillip, whose birthday is today, all have helped carry me over the hardest places. I am blessed, richly and deeply blessed, to have such a family.But not all of you -- But not all of you have been so blessed. You are HIV positive, but dare not say it. You have lost loved ones, but you dare not whisper the word AIDS. Youweep silently. You grieve alone. I have a message for you. It is not you who should feel shame. It is we -- we who tolerate ignorance and practice prejudice, we who have taught you to fear. We must lift our shroud of silence, making it safe for you to reach out for compassion. It is our task to seek safety for our children, not in quiet denial, but in effective action.Someday our children will be grown. My son Max, now four, will take the measure of his mother. My son Zachary, now two, will sort through his memories. I may not be here to hear their judgments, but I know already what I hope they are. I want my children to know that their mother was not a victim. She was a messenger. I do not want them to think, as I once did, that courage is the absence of fear. I want them to know that courage is the strength to act wisely when most we are afraid. I want them to have the courage to step forward when called by their nation or their Party and give leadership, no matter what the personal cost.I ask no more of you than I ask of myself or of my children. To the millions of you who are grieving, who are frightened, who have suffered the ravages of AIDS firsthand: Have courage, and you will find support. To the millions who are strong, I issue the plea: Set aside prejudice and politics to make roomfor compassion and sound policy.To my children, I make this pledge: I will not give in, Zachary, because I draw my courage from you. Your silly giggle gives me hope; your gentle prayers give me strength; and you, my child, give me the reason to say to America, “You are at risk.” And I will not rest, Max, until I have done all I can to make your world safe. I will seek a place where intimacy is not the prelude to suffering. I will not hurry to leave you, my children, but when I go, I pray that you will not suffer shame on my account.To all within the sound of my voice, I appeal: Learn with me the lessons of history and of grace, so my children will not be afraid to say the word “AIDS” when I am gone. Then, their children and yours may not need to whisper it at all.God bless the children, and God bless us all.Good night.delivered 19 August 1992, Houston, TX。

美国人民政府发言稿英文

美国人民政府发言稿英文

美国人民政府发言稿英文Ladies and gentlemen,It is a great honor for me to address you today as a representativeof the American people's government. As we gather here, we are reminded of the importance of our democratic institutions and the need to uphold the values of freedom, equality, and justice for all.The United States of America is a nation founded on the principles of democracy, and it is our responsibility as a government to ensure that these principles are upheld and protected. We believe that a government should be of the people, by the people, and for the people, and that it should operate in the best interests of its citizens.We understand that the people of America have entrusted us with the responsibility of governing their country, and it is with this in mind that we approach our work. We are committed to listening to the concerns of our citizens, and to working to address their needs and priorities. We recognize that the strength of our nation lies in the diversity of its people, and we are dedicated to fostering an inclusive society that values and respects each and every individual. One of our foremost priorities as a government is to ensure the safety and security of all Americans. We are committed to protecting our citizens from internal and external threats, and to defending our nation's freedoms and liberties. We understand that in order to achieve these goals, we must maintain strong and effective national defense, and we will continue to invest in our military and security infrastructure to ensure the safety of ourpeople.In addition to our commitment to national security, we are also dedicated to promoting the economic prosperity of our nation. We understand that a strong economy is essential in providing opportunities for our citizens, and we are committed to fostering an environment in which businesses can thrive and create jobs. We will continue to invest in infrastructure, education, and innovation to ensure that our country remains competitive in the global economy.Furthermore, we recognize the importance of providing access to high-quality healthcare for all Americans. We are committed to improving and expanding our healthcare system, and to ensuring that every citizen has the opportunity to receive the care they need. We will work to address the rising costs of healthcare and to improve the quality of care provided to all Americans.We also understand the importance of addressing the challenges of climate change and environmental protection. We are committed to taking meaningful action to combat climate change and to protect our environment for future generations. We will continue to invest in clean energy and sustainable practices, and to work with our global partners to address this critical issue.As we work to address these important priorities, we understand that there will be challenges and obstacles that we must overcome. However, we are dedicated to working with our citizens, our partners, and our allies to address these challenges and to build a better future for all Americans.In closing, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to the American people for their continued support and trust in our government. We are committed to upholding the values of democracy, and to working tirelessly to ensure the success and prosperity of our nation. Thank you for your attention, and may God bless the United States of America.。

美国总统在民权峰会上的主旨英语演讲稿:鼓励民众对抗偏见和歧视

美国总统在民权峰会上的主旨英语演讲稿:鼓励民众对抗偏见和歧视

美国总统在民权峰会上的主旨英语演讲稿:鼓励民众对抗偏见和歧视Ladies and gentlemen,I am honored to be here today at this civil rights summit. In the face of ongoing prejudice and discrimination, it is imperative that we remain vigilant in our efforts to promote equality and justice. As President of the United States, itis my responsibility to ensure that every citizen is provided equal opportunities without regard to their racial, ethnic or religious background.The struggle for civil rights has been a long anddifficult journey, yet significant progress has been made. However, we still have a long way to go to achieve true equality. Recent events in our country have shown that discrimination and prejudice still exist and are often embedded within our society. We must continue to take stepsto eradicate these elements from our communities and promote diversity and inclusion.Our nation's history is marked by a struggle for civil rights and social justice. From the Civil War to the CivilRights Movement, courageous individuals have stood up and fought to end discrimination and inequality. It is because of these brave men and women that we have made strides towards equality in our country.However, we must remain vigilant, as the fight for civil rights is far from over. We must stand together to combat any form of prejudice or discrimination. We must recognize that diversity is an integral part of our society and embrace it as a strength, not a weakness.Recently, our country has seen a rise in incidents of violence, hate speech, and bigotry. It is crucial that we condemn these actions and take action to prevent them. As President of the United States, I call on all Americans to stand united against any rhetoric or actions that seek to divide us.Our nation is one built on the principles of freedom and equality. We must never forget that these ideals are what make us great and continue to strive towards them every day. We must encourage our fellow citizens to confront their biases and embrace the diverse fabric of our society. Let uscontinue to work towards creating a world where everyone is accepted and valued for who they are.In conclusion, I urge all of us to join together and continue to fight for civil rights and social justice. Let us be guided by a sense of fairness, compassion, and respect for others. Let us never forget the sacrifices made by those who have fought for our freedoms and use their courage as a beacon of hope as we navigate the challenges ahead.Thank you.。

美国经典英文演讲100篇Oklahoma Bombing Memorial Address

美国经典英文演讲100篇Oklahoma Bombing Memorial Address

William Jefferson ClintonOklahoma Bombing Memorial Prayer Service Addressdelivered 23 April 1995 in Oklahoma City, OK[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio.(2)]Thank you very much, Governor Keating and Mrs. Keating, Reverend Graham, to the families of those who have been lost and wounded, to the people of Oklahoma City, who have endured so much, and the people of this wonderful state, to all of you who are here as our fellow Americans.I am honored to be here today to represent the American people. But I have to tell you that Hillary and I also come as parents, as husband and wife, as people who were your neighbors for some of the best years of our lives.Today our nation joins with you in grief. We mourn with you. We share your hope against hope that some may still survive. We thank all those who have worked so heroically to save lives and to solve this crime -- those here in Oklahoma and those who are all across this great land, and many who left their own lives to come here to work hand in hand with you. We pledge to do all we can to help you heal the injured, to rebuild this city, and to bring to justice those who did this evil.This terrible sin took the lives of our American family, innocent children in that building, only because their parents were trying to be good parents as well as good workers; citizens in the building going about their daily business; and many there who served the rest of us -- who worked to help the elderly and the disabled, who worked to support our farmers and our veterans, who worked toenforce our laws and to protect us. Let us say clearly, they served us well, and we are grateful.But for so many of you they were also neighbors and friends. You saw them at church or the PTA meetings, at the civic clubs, at the ball park. You know them in ways that all the rest of America could not. And to all the members of the families here present who have suffered loss, though we share your grief, your pain is unimaginable, and we know that. We cannot undo it. That is God's work.Our words seem small beside the loss you have endured. But I found a few I wanted to share today. I've received a lot of letters in these last terrible days. One stood out because it came from a young widow and a mother of three whose own husband was murdered with over 200 other Americans when Pan Am 103 was shot down. Here is what that woman said I should say to you today:The anger you feel is valid, but you must not allow yourselves to be consumed by it. The hurt you feel must not be allowed to turn into hate, but instead into the search for justice. The loss you feel must not paralyze your own lives. Instead, you must try to pay tribute to your loved ones by continuing to do all the things they left undone, thus ensuring they did not die in vain.Wise words from one who also knows.You have lost too much, but you have not lost everything. And you have certainly not lost America, for we will stand with you for as many tomorrows as it takes.If ever we needed evidence of that, I could only recall the words of Governor and Mrs. Keating: "If anybody thinks that Americans are mostly mean and selfish, they ought to come to Oklahoma. If anybody thinks Americans have lost the capacity for love and caring and courage, they ought to come to Oklahoma."To all my fellow Americans beyond this hall, I say, one thing we owe those who have sacrificed is the duty to purge ourselves of the dark forces which gave rise to this evil. They are forces that threaten our common peace, our freedom, our way of life. Let us teach our children that the God of comfort is also the God of righteousness: Those who trouble their own house will inherit the wind.¹ Justice will prevail.Let us let our own children know that we will stand against the forces of fear. When there is talk of hatred, let us stand up and talk against it. When there is talk of violence, let us stand up and talk against it. In the face of death, let us honor life. As St. Paul admonished us, Let us "not be overcome by evil, but overcome evil with good."²Yesterday, Hillary and I had the privilege of speaking with some children of other federal employees -- children like those who were lost here. And one little girl said something we will never forget. She said, "We should all plant a tree in memory of the children." So this morning before we got on the plane to come here, at the White House, we planted that tree in honor of the children of Oklahoma. It was a dogwood with its wonderful spring flower and its deep, enduring roots. It embodies the lesson of the Psalms -- that the life of a good person is like a tree whose leaf does not wither.³My fellow Americans, a tree takes a long time to grow, and wounds take a long time to heal. But we must begin. Those who are lost now belong to God. Some day we will be with them. But until that happens, their legacy must be our lives.Thank you all, and God bless you.。

经典英文演讲100篇文本02

经典英文演讲100篇文本02

John F. Kennedy: Inaugural Addressdelivered January 20, 1961Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens:We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying renewal as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century andthree-quarters ago.The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage -- and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge -- and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do, for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace -- before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war. So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens . . . [and] let the oppressed go free."And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join increating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation, a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.。

美国经典英文演讲100篇

美国经典英文演讲100篇

美国经典英文演讲100篇篇一:最伟大的100篇英文演讲排名 Top100 speechesTop100 speeches 美国20世纪最伟大演讲100篇Rank 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25SpeakerMartin Luther King, Jr. John Fitzgerald Kennedy Franklin Delano Roosevelt Franklin Delano Roosevelt Barbara Charline Jordan Richard Milhous Nixon Malcolm X Ronald Wilson Reagan John Fitzgerald Kennedy Lyndon Baines Johnson Mario Matthew Cuomo Jesse Louis Jackson Barbara Charline Jordan (General) Douglas MacArthur Martin Luther King, Jr. Theodore Roosevelt Robert Francis Kennedy Dwight David Eisenhower Thomas Woodrow Wilson (General) Douglas MacArthur Richard Milhous Nixon John Fitzgerald Kennedy Clarence Seward Darrow Russell H. Conwell Ronald Wilson ReaganTitle/Text/MultiMediaI Have A Dream Inaugural Address First Inaugural Address Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation 1976 DNC Keynote Address CheckersThe Ballot or the BulletShuttle Challenger Disaster Address Houston Ministerial Association Speech We Shall Overcome 1984 DNC Keynote Address 1984 DNC AddressStatement on the Articles of Impeachment Farewell Address to Congress Ive Been to the Mountaintop The Man with the Muck-rake Remarks on the Assassination of MLK Farewell Address War Message Duty, Honor, Country The Great Silent Majority Ich bin ein Berliner Mercy for Leopold and Loeb Acres of Diamonds A Time for ChoosingAudiomp3 mp3 mp3.1 mp3.2 mp3 mp3 mp3 TranscriptPDF FLASHPDF FLASHPDF FLASHPDF FLASHPDF FLASHPDF FLASH PDF FLASHPDF FLASHmp3mp3mp3-Excerpt26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35Huey Pierce Long Anna Howard Shaw Franklin Delano Roosevelt Ronald Wilson Reagan Ronald Wilson Reagan Franklin Delano Roosevelt Harry S. Truman William Cuthbert Faulkner Eugene Victor Debs Hillary Diane Rodham ClintonEvery Man a KingThe Fundamental Principle of a Republic The Arsenal of Democracy The Evil Empire First Inaugural Address First Fireside Chat The Truman Doctrine Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech 1918 Statement to the Court Womens Rights are Human Rightsmp3mp3PDF FLASHPDF FLASH PDF FLASHPDF FLASH36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50Dwight David Eisenhower John Fitzgerald Kennedy Dorothy Ann Willis Richards Richard Milhous Nixon Thomas Woodrow Wilson Margaret Chase Smith Franklin Delano Roosevelt Martin Luther King, Jr. William Jennings Bryan Barbara Pierce Bush John Fitzgerald Kennedy John Fitzgerald Kennedy Spiro Theodore Agnew Jesse Louis Jackson Mary FisherAtoms for PeaceAmerican University Commencement Address 1988 DNC Keynote Address Resignation Speech The Fourteen Points Declaration of Conscience The Four Freedoms A Time to Break Silence Against Imperialism1990 Wellesley College Commencement Address Civil Rights AddressCuban Missile Crisis Address Television News Coverage 1988 DNC Address A Whisper of AIDSmp3PDF FLASHOff-Site.mp3 mp3 mp3.1 mp3.2PDF FLASH51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74Lyndon Baines Johnson George Catlett Marshall Edward Moore Kennedy Adlai Ewing Stevenson Anna Eleanor Roosevelt Geraldine Anne Ferraro Robert Marion La Follette Ronald Wilson Reagan Mario Matthew Cuomo Edward Moore Kennedy John Llewellyn Lewis Barry Morris Goldwater Stokely Carmichael Hubert Horatio Humphrey Emma Goldman Carrie Chapman Catt Newton Norman Minow Edward Moore Kennedy Anita Faye Hill Thomas Woodrow Wilson Hey Louis (Lou) Gehrig Richard Milhous Nixon Carrie Chapman Catt Edward Moore KennedyThe Great Society The Marshall PlanTruth and Tolerance in America Presidential Nomination Acceptance Address The Struggle for Human RightsVice-Presidential Nomination Acceptance Speech Free Speech in Wartime 40th Anniversary of D-Day Address Religious Belief and Public Morality Chappaquiddick The Rights of LaborPresidential Nomination Acceptance Address Black Power 1948 DNC Address Address to the Jury The CrisisTelevision and the Public Interest Eulogy for Robert Francis Kennedy Statement to the Senate Judiciary Committee League of Nations Final Address Farewell to Baseball Address Cambodian Incursion Address Address to the U.S. Congress 1980 DNC Addressmp3 mp3PDF FLASHPDF FLASHPDF FLASHPDF FLASHmp3mp3Off-Site mp3PDF FLASHPDF FLASHPDF FLASHmp3mp3mp3PDF FLASHPDF FLASH75 Lyndon Baines Johnson On Vietnam and Not Seeking Re-Election76 Franklin Delano Roosevelt Commonwealth Club Address 77 Thomas Woodrow Wilson First Inaugural Address78 Mario Savio Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech/An End to History 79 Elizabeth Glaser 1992 DNC Address 80 Eugene Victor Debs The Issue 81 Margaret Higgins Sanger Childrens Era82 Ursula Kroeber Le Guin A Left-Handed Commencement Address 83 Crystal Eastman Now We Can Begin 84 Huey Pierce Long Share Our Wealth 85 Gerald Rudolph Ford Address on Taking the Oath of Office 86 Cesar Estrada Chavez Speech on Ending His 25 Day Fast 87 Elizabeth Gurley Flynn Statement at the Smith Act Trial 88 Jimmy Earl Carter A Crisis of Confidence 89 Malcolm X Message to the Grassroots 90 William Jefferson Clinton Oklahoma Bombing Memorial Address 91 Shirley Anita St. Hill Chisholm For the Equal Rights Amendment 92 Ronald Wilson Reagan Brandenburg Gate Address 93 Eliezer (Elie) Wiesel The Perils of Indifference94 Gerald Rudolph Ford National Address Pardoning Richard M. Nixon95 Thomas Woodrow Wilson For the League of Nations 96 Lyndon Baines Johnson Let Us Continue97 Joseph N. Welch Have You No Sense of Decency 98 Anna Eleanor Roosevelt Adopting the Declaration of Human Rights 99 Robert FrancisKennedy Day of Affirmation100John Forbes KerryVietnam Veterans Against the WarPDF FLASHmp3mp3PDF FLASHPDF FLASH mp3PDF FLASHPDF FLASHmp3mp3PDF FLASH篇二:美国20世纪100个经典英文演讲MP3RankSpeakerTitle/TextAudio1Martin Luther King, Jr. I Have A Dreammp3 Stream2John Fitzgerald KennedyInaugural Addressmp3 Stream3Franklin Delano RooseveltFirst Inaugural Addressmp3 Stream4Franklin Delano RooseveltPearl Harbor Address to the Nationmp3Stream5Barbara Charline Jordan1976 DNC Keynote Addressmp3 Stream6Richard MilhousNixonCheckersmp3 Stream7Malcolm XThe Ballot or the Bulletmp3.1 mp3.28Ronald Wilson ReaganShuttle Challenger Disaster Addressmp3 Stream9John Fitzgerald KennedyHouston Ministerial Association Speechmp3 Stream10Lyndon Baines JohnsonWe Shall Overcomemp3 Stream11Mario Mathew Cuomo1984 DNC Keynote Addressmp3 Stream12Jesse Louis Jackson1984 DNC Addressmp3.1 mp3.2 mp3.313Barbara Charline JordanStatement on the Articles ofImpeachmentmp3 Stream14(General) Douglas MacArthurFarewell Addressto Congressmp3 Stream15Martin Luther King, Jr. Ive Been to the Mountaintopmp3 Stream16TheodoreRooseveltThe Man with the Muck-rake17Robert Francis KennedyRemarks on the Assassination of MLKingmp3 Stream18Dwight David EisenhowerFarewell Addressmp3 Stream19Woodrow Thomas WilsonWar Message20(General) Douglas MacArthurDuty, Honor, Countrymp3 Stream21Richard Milhous NixonThe Great Silent Majoritymp3 Stream22John Fitzgerald KennedyIch bin ein Berlinermp3 Stream23Clarence Seward DarrowMercy for Leopold and Loeb24Russell H. ConwellAcres of Diamondsmp3 Stream25Ronald Wilson ReaganA Time for Choosingmp3Streamw26Huey Pierce LongEvery Man a King27Anna Howard ShawThe Fundamental Principle of a Republic28Franklin Delano RooseveltThe Arsenal of Democracymp3 Stream29Ronald Wilson ReaganThe Evil Empiremp3 Stream30Ronald Wilson ReaganFirst Inaugural Addressmp3Stream31Franklin Delano RooseveltFirst Fireside Chatmp3 Stream32Harry S. TrumanThe Truman Doctrinemp3 Stream33William Cuthbert FaulknerNobel Prize Acceptance Speechmp3Stream34Eugene Victor Debs1918 Statement to the Court35Hillary Rodham ClintonWomens Rights are Human Rights36Dwight David EisenhowerAtoms for Peacemp3 Stream37John FitzgeraldKennedyAmerican University Commencement Addressmp338Dorothy Ann Willis Richards1988 DNC Keynote Addressmp339Richard Milhous NixonResignation Speechmp340Woodrow ThomasWilsonThe Fourteen Points41Margaret Chase SmithDeclaration of Conscience42Franklin Delano RooseveltThe Four Freedomsmp343Martin Luther King, Jr.A Time to Break Silencemp344Mary Church TerrellWhat it Means to be Colored in the...U.S.45William Jennings BryanAgainstImperialismReal Audio Stream46Margaret Higgins SangerThe Morality of Birth Control47Barbara Pierce Bush1990 Wellesley College CommencementAddressmp348John Fitzgerald KennedyCivil Rights Addressmp349John Fitzgerald KennedyCuban Missile Crisis Addressmp350Spiro Theodore AgnewTelevision News Coveragemp3 w51Jesse Louis Jackson1988 DNC Addressmp3.1mp3.252Mary FisherA Whisper of AIDSmp353Lyndon Baines JohnsonThe Great Societymp3 Stream54George Catlett MarshallThe Marshall Planmp355Edward Moore KennedyTruth and Tolerance in Americamp356Adlai Ewing StevensonPresidential Nomination AcceptanceAddress57Anna Eleanor RooseveltThe Struggle for Human Rights58Geraldine AnneFerraroVice-Presidential Nomination Acceptance Speechmp359Robert Marion La FolletteFreeSpeech in Wartime60Ronald Wilson Reagan40th Anniversary of D-Day Addressmp361Mario Mathew CuomoReligious Belief and Public Morality62Edward MooreKennedyChappaquiddickmp363John Llewellyn LewisThe Rights of Labor64Barry Morris GoldwaterPresidential Nomination Acceptance Addressmp365Stokely CarmichaelBlackPower66Hubert Horatio Humphrey1948 DNC Address67Emma GoldmanAddress to the Jury68Carrie Chapman CattThe Crisis69Newton Norman MinowTelevision and the Public InterestReal Audio Stream70Edward Moore KennedyEulogy for Robert Francis Kennedymp3 Stream71Anita Faye HillStatement to the Senate Judiciary Committeemp372Woodrow Thomas WilsonLeague of Nations Final Address73Hey Louis (Lou) GehrigFarewell to Baseball Addressmp374Richard Milhous NixonCambodian Incursion Addressmp375CarrieChapman CattAddress to the U.S.Congresssw76Edward Moore Kennedy1980 DNC Addressmp377Lyndon Baines JohnsonOn Vietnam and Not Seeking Re-Electionmp378Franklin Delano RooseveltCommonwealth ClubAddress79Woodrow Thomas WilsonFirst Inaugural Address80Mario SavioAn End toHistory81Elizabeth Glaser1992 DNC Addressmp382Eugene Victor DebsThe Issue83Margaret Higgins SangerThe Childrens Era84Ursula Le GuinA Left-Handed CommencementAddress85Crystal EastmanNow We Can Begin86Huey Pierce LongShare Our Wealth87Gerald Rudolph FordAddress on Taking the Oath of Officemp388Cesar Estrada ChavezSpeech on Ending His 25 Day Fast 89Elizabeth Gurley FlynnStatement at the Smith Act Trial90Jimmy Earl CarterA Crisis of Confidencemp391Malcolm XMessage to the Grassrootsmp392William Jefferson ClintonOklahoma Bombing Memorial Addressmp393Shirley Anita St. Hill ChisholmFor the Equal RightsAmendment94Ronald Wilson ReaganBrandenburg Gate Addressmp395Eliezer (Elie) WieselThe Perils of Indifferencemp396Gerald Rudolph FordNational Address Pardoning Richard M.Nixonmp397Woodrow Thomas WilsonFor the League of Nations98Lyndon Baines JohnsonLet Us Continuemp399Joseph N. WelchHave You No Sense of Decencymp3100Anna EleanorRooseveltAdopting the Declaration of Human Rightsmp3From:/wzylc/ /df888/ /slpylc/ /wlxe/ /yfgj/篇三:经典英文演讲100篇13Barbara Jordan: Statement on the Articles of ImpeachmentIf the impeachment provision in the Constitution of the United States will not reach the offenses charged here, then perhaps that 18th century Constitution should be abandoned to a 20th century paper shredder. Mr. Chairman, I join my colleague Mr. Rangel in thanking you for giving the junior members of this committee the glorious opportunity of sharing the pain of this inquiry. Mr. Chairman, you are a strong man, and it has notbeen easy but we have tried as best we can to give you as much assistance as possible.Earlier today, we heard the beginning of the Preamble to the Constitution of the United States, We, the people. Its a veryeloquent beginning. But when that document was completed, on the seventeenth of September in 1787, I was not included in that We, the people.I felt somehow for many years that George Washington and Alexander Hamilton just left me out by mistake. But through the process of amendment, interpretation, and court decision, I have finally been included in We, the people.Today I am an inquisitor. An hyperbole would not be fictional and would not overstate the solemnness that I feel right now. My faith in the Constitution is whole; it is complete; it is total. And I am not going to sit here and be an idle spectator to the diminution, the subversion, the destruction, of the Constitution.Who can so properly be the inquisitors for the nation as therepresentatives of the nation themselves? (Federalist, no. 65). The subject of its jurisdiction are those offenses which proceed from the misconduct of public men. That is what we are talking about. In other words, the jurisdiction comes from the abuse of violation of some public trust. It is wrong, I suggest, it is a misreading of theConstitution for any member here to assert that for a member to vote for an article of impeachment means that that member must be convinced that the president should be removed from office. The Constitution doesnt say that. The powers relating to impeachment are an essential check in the hands of the body of the legislature against and upon the encroachments of the executive. The division between the two branches of the legislature, the House and theSenate, assigning to the one the right to accuse and to the other theright to judge, the framers of this Constitution were very astute. They did not make the accusers and the judges the same person.We know the nature of impeachment. We have been talking about it awhile now. It is chiefly designed for the president and his high ministers to somehow be called into account. It is designed tobridle the executive if he engages in excesses. It is designed as a method of national inquest into the public men. The framers confined in the congress the power if need be, to remove the president in order to strike a delicate balance between a president swollen with power and grown tyrannical, and preservation of the independence of the executive. The nature of impeachment is a narrowly channeledexception to the separation-of-powers maxim; the federal convention of 1787 said that.The framers limited impeachment to high crimes and misdemeanors and discounted and opposed the term maladministration. It is to be used only for great misdemeanors, so it was said in the North Carolina ratification convention. And in the Virginia ratificationconvention: We do not trust our liberty to a particular branch. We need one branch to check the others.The North Carolina ratification convention: No one need be afraid that officers who commit oppression will pass with immunity.Prosecutions of impeachments will seldom fail to agitate the passions of the whole community, said Hamilton in the Federalist Papers, no. 65. And to divide it into parties more or less friendly or inimical to the accused. I do not mean political parties in that sense.The drawing of political lines goes to the motivation behindimpeachment; but impeachment must proceed within the confines of the constitutional term high crimes and misdemeanors. Of theimpeachment process, it was Woodrow Wilson who said that nothing shortof the grossest offenses against the plain law of the land will suffice to give them speed and effectiveness. Indignation so great as to overgrow party interest may secure a conviction; but nothing else can.Common sense would be revolted if we engaged upon this process for petty reasons. Congress has a lot to do: Appropriation, Tax Reform, Health Insurance, Campaign Finance Reform, Housing,Environmental Protection, Energy Sufficiency, Mass Transportation. Pettiness cannot be allowed to stand in the face of such overwhelming problems. So today we are not being petty. We are trying to be big because the task we have before us is a big one.This morning, in a discussion of the evidence, we were told that the evidence which purports to support the allegations of misuse of the CIA by the President is thin. We are told that that evidence isinsufficient. What that recital of the evidence this morning did not include is what the President did know on June the 23rd, 1972. The President did know that it was Republican money, that it was money from the Committee for the Re-Election of the President, which was found in the possession of one of the burglars arrested on June the 17th. What the President did know on the 23rd of June was the prior activities of E. Howard Hunt, which included his participation in the break-in of Daniel Ellsbergs psychiatrist, which included Howard Hunts participation in the Dita Beard ITT affair, which includedHoward Hunts fabrication of cables designed to discredit the Kennedy administration.We were further cautioned today that perhaps these proceedings ought to be delayed because certainly there would be new evidence forthcoming from the president of the United States. There has not even been an obfuscated indication that this committee would receive any additional materials from the President. The committee subpoena is outstanding, andif the president wants to supply that material, the committee sits here. The fact is that on yesterday, the Americanpeople waited with great anxiety for eight hours, not knowing whether their president would obey an order of the Supreme Court of the United States.At this point, I would like to juxtapose a few of the impeachment criteria with some of actions the President has engaged in.Impeachment criteria: James Madison, from the Virginia ratification convention. If the president be connected in any suspicious manner with any person and there be grounds to believe that he will shelter him, he may be impeached.We have heard time and time again that the evidence reflects the payment to defendants of money. The president had knowledge that these funds were being paid and these were funds collected for the 1972 presidential campaign. We know that the president met with Mr. Hey Petersen twenty-seven times to discuss matters related to Watergate and immediately thereafter met with the very persons who were implicated in the information Mr. Petersen was receiving and transmitting to the president. The words are if the president be connected in any suspicious manner with any person and there be grounds to believe that he will shelter that person, he may be impeached.Justice Story: Impeachment is intended for occasional andextraordinary cases where a superior power acting for the whole people is put into operation to protect their rights and rescue their liberties from violations.We know about the Huston plan. We know about the break-in of the psychiatrists office. We know that there was absolute completedirection in August 1971 when the president instructed Ehrlichman to do whatever is necessary. This instruction led to a surreptitious entryinto Dr. Fieldings office.Protect their rights. Rescue their liberties from violation.The South Carolina ratification convention impeachment criteria: those are impeachable who behave amiss or betray their public trust. Beginning shortly after the Watergate break-in and continuing to the present time, the president has engaged in a series of publicstatements and actions designed to thwart the lawful investigation by government prosecutors. Moreover, the president has made public announcements and assertions bearing on the Watergate case which the evidence will show he knew to be false. These assertions, false assertions, impeachable, those who misbehave. Those who behave amiss or betray their public trust.James Madison again at the Constitutional Convention: A president is impeachable if he attempts to subvert the Constitution.The Constitution charges the president with the task of taking care that the laws be faithfully executed, and yet the president has counseled his aides to commit perjury, willfully disregarded the secrecy of grand jury proceedings, concealed surreptitious entry, attempted to compromise a federal judge while publicly displaying his cooperation with the processes of criminal justice.A president is impeachable if he attempts to subvert theConstitution.If the impeachment provision in the Constitution of the United States will not reach the offenses charged here, then perhaps that 18th century Constitution should be abandoned to a 20th century paper shredder.Has the president committed offenses, and planned, and directed, and acquiesced in a course of conduct which the Constitution will not tolerate? Thats the question. We know that. We know the question. We should now forthwith proceed to answer the question. It is reason, and not passion,which must guide our deliberations, guide our debate, and guide our decision.。

美国总统在民权峰会上的主旨英语演讲稿

美国总统在民权峰会上的主旨英语演讲稿

美国总统在民权峰会上的主旨英语演讲稿Thank you. Thank you very much. (Applause.) Thank you so much. Please,please, have aseat. Thank you.What a singular honor it is forme to be here today. I want to thank,first and foremost, theJohnson family for giving us this opportunity and thegraciousness with which Michelle and Ihave been received.We came down a little bit latebecause we were upstairs looking at some of the exhibits andsome of theprivate offices that were used by President Johnson and Mrs. Johnson. And Michellewas in particular interested to-- of a recording in which Lady Bird is critiquing PresidentJohnson’sperformance. (Laughter.) And she said, come, come, you need to listento this. (Laughter.) And she pressed the button and nodded herhead. Some things do not change --(laughter) -- even 50 years later.To all the members of Congress,the warriors for justice, the elected officials andcommunity leaders who arehere today -- I want to thank you.Four days into his suddenpresidency -- and the night before he would address a jointsession of theCongress in which he once served -- Lyndon Johnson sat around a table withhisclosest advisors, preparing his remarks to a shattered and grieving nation.He wanted to call on senators andrepresentatives to pass a civil rights bill -- the mostsweeping sinceReconstruction. And most of his staffcounseled him against it. They said itwashopeless; that it would anger powerful Southern Democrats and committeechairmen; that itrisked derailing the rest of his domestic agenda. And one particularly bold aide said he didnotbelieve a President should spend his time and power on lost causes, howeverworthy they mightbe. To which, it issaid, President Johnson replied, “Well, what the hell’s the presidencyfor?〞 (Laughterand applause.) What the hell’s the presidency for if not tofight for causes youbelieve in?Today, as we commemorate the 50thanniversary of the Civil Rights Act, we honor the menand women who made itpossible. Some of them are heretoday. We celebrate giants like JohnLewisand Andrew Young and Julian Bond. Werecall the countless unheralded Americans, blackand white, students andscholars, preachers and housekeepers -- whose names are etched notonmonuments, but in the hearts of their loved ones, and in the fabric of thecountry theyhelped to change.But we also gather here, deep inthe heart of the state that shaped him, to recall one giantman’s remarkableefforts to make real the promise of our founding: “We hold these truths to beself-evident,that all men are created equal.〞Those of us who have had thesingular privilege to hold the office of the Presidency knowwell that progressin this country can be hard and it can be slow, frustrating andsometimesyou’re stymied. The office humblesyou. You’re reminded daily that in thisgreatdemocracy, you are but a relay swimmer in the currents of history, boundby decisions madeby those who came before, reliant on the efforts of those whowill follow to fully vindicate yourvision.But the presidency also affords aunique opportunity to bend those currents -- by shapingour laws and by shapingour debates; by working within the confines of the world as it is, butalso byreimagining the world as it should be.This was President Johnson’sgenius. As a master of politics and thelegislative process, hegrasped like few others the power of government tobring about change.LBJ was nothing if not arealist. He was well aware that the lawalone isn’t enough to changehearts and minds. A full century after Lincoln’s time, he said, “Until justice is blind tocolor, untileducation is unaware of race, until opportunity is unconcernedwith the color of men’s skins,emancipation will be a proclamation but not afact.〞He understood laws couldn’taccomplish everything. But he also knewthat only the law couldanchor change, and set hearts and minds on a differentcourse. And a lot of Americansneededthe law’s most basic protections at that time. As Dr. King said at the time, “It may betrue that the law can’t make a manlove me but it can keep him from lynching me, and I thinkthat’s pretty important.〞 (Applause.)And passing laws was what LBJknew how to do. No one knew politics andno one lovedlegislating more than President Johnson. He was charming when he needed to be,ruthlesswhen required. (Laughter.) He could wear you down with logic andargument. He could horsetrade, and hecould flatter. “You come with me on thisbill,〞 he would reportedly tell a keyRepublican leader from my home stateduring the fight for the Civil Rights Bill, “and 200 yearsfrom now,schoolchildren will know only two names: Abraham Lincoln and Everett Dirksen!〞 (Laughter.) And he knew thatsenators would believe things like that. (Laughter and applause.)President Johnson likedpower. He liked the feel of it, thewielding of it. But that hunger washarnessedand redeemed by a deeper understanding of the human condition; by a sympathyforthe underdog, for the downtrodden, for the outcast. And it was a sympathy rooted in hisownexperience.As a young boy growing up in theTexas Hill Country, Johnson knew what being poor feltlike. “Poverty was so common,〞 he would later say,“we didn’t even know it had a name.〞 (Laughter.) The family homedidn’t have electricity or indoor plumbing. Everybody workedhard, including the children. President Johnson had known the metallictaste of hunger; the feelof a mother’s calloused hands, rubbed raw fromwashing and cleaning and holding a householdtogether. His cousin Ava remembered swelteringdaysspent on her hands and knees in thecotton fields, with Lyndon whisperingbeside her, “Boy, there’s got to be a better way to make aliving thanthis. There’s got to be a better way.〞It wasn’t until years later whenhe was teaching at a so-called Mexican school in a tiny townin Texas that hecame to understand how much worse the persistent pain of poverty could beforother races in a Jim Crow South. Oftentimes his students would show up to class hungry.And when he’d visit their homes, he’d meetfathers who were paid slave wages by the farmersthey worked for. Those children were taught, he would latersay, “that the end of life is in a beetrow, a spinach field, or a cottonpatch.〞Deprivation and discrimination --these were not abstractions to Lyndon Baines Johnson.He knew that poverty and injustice are asinseparable as opportunity and justice are joined.So that was in him from an early age.Now, like any of us, he was not aperfect man. His experiences in ruralTexas may havestretched his moral imagination, but he was ambitious, veryambitious, a young man in a hurryto plot his own escape from poverty and tochart his own political career. And inthe Jim CrowSouth, that meant not challenging convention. During his first 20 years inCongress,heopposed every civil rights bill that came up for a vote, once calling the pushfor federallegislation “a farce and a sham.〞 He was chosen as a vice presidential nominee in part becauseof hisaffinity with, and ability to deliver, that Southern white vote. And at the beginning of theKennedy administration,he shared with President Kennedy a caution towards racialcontroversy.But marchers kept marching. Four little girls were killed in achurch. Bloody Sundayhappened. The winds of change blew. And when the time came, when LBJ stood in theOvalOffice -- I picture him standing there, taking up the entire doorframe,looking out over theSouth Lawn in a quiet moment-- and asked himself what thetrue purpose of his office was for,what was the endpoint of his ambitions, hewould reach back in his own memory and he’dremember his own experience withwant.And he knew that he had a uniquecapacity, as the most powerful white politician from theSouth, to not merelychallenge the convention that had crushed the dreams of so many, buttoultimately dismantle for good the structures of legal segregation. He’s the only guy whocould do it -- and heknew there would be a cost, famously saying the Democratic Party may “have lostthe South for a generation.〞That’s what his presidency wasfor. That’s where he meets hismoment. And possessed withan iron will,possessed with those skills that he had honed so many years in Congress,pushedand supported by a movement of those willing to sacrifice everything for theirownliberation, President Johnson fought for and argued and horse traded andbullied and persuadeduntil ultimately he signed the Civil Rights Act into law.And he didn’t stop there -- eventhough his advisors again told him to wait, again told himlet the dust settle,let the country absorb this momentous decision. He shook them off. “Themeat inthe coconut,〞 as President Johnson would put it, was the Voting Rights Act, sohe foughtfor and passed that as well. Immigration reform came shortly after. And then, a Fair HousingAct. Andthen, a health care law that opponents described as “socialized medicine〞 thatwouldcurtail America’s freedom, but ultimately freed millions of seniors fromthe fear that illnesscould rob them of dignity and security in their goldenyears, which we now know today asMedicare. (Applause.)What President Johnson understoodwas that equality required more than the absence ofoppression. It required the presence of economicopportunity. He wouldn’t be as eloquentasDr. King would be in describing that linkage, as Dr. King moved intomobilizingsanitationworkers and a poor people’s movement, but he understoodthat connection because he hadlived it. A decent job, decent wages, health care -- those, too, were civil rightsworth fightingfor. An economy wherehard work is rewarded and success is shared, that was his goal. And heknew, as someone who had seen the NewDeal transform the landscape of his Texas childhood,who had seen thedifference electricity had made because of the Tennessee Valley Authority,thetransformation concretely day in and day out in the life of his own family, heunderstood thatgovernment had a role to play in broadening prosperity to allthose who would strive for it. “We want to open the gates toopportunity,〞 President Johnson said, “But we are also goingto give all ourpeople, black and white, the help they need to walk through those gates.〞Now, if some of this soundsfamiliar, it’s because today we remain locked in this same greatdebate aboutequality and opportunity, and the role of government in ensuring each. As wastrue 50 years ago, there are those whodismiss the Great Society as a failed experiment and anencroachment onliberty; who argue that government has become the true source of all thatailsus, and that poverty is due to the moral failings of those who suffer fromit. There are alsothose who argue,John, that nothing has changed; that racism is so embedded in our DNAthatthere is no use trying politics -- the game is rigged.But such theories ignore history. Yes, it’s true that, despite laws like theCivil Rights Act,and the Voting Rights Act and Medicare, our society is stillracked with division and poverty.Yes,race still colors our political debates, and there have been governmentprograms that havefallen short. In atime when cynicism is too often passed off as wisdom, it’s perhaps easytoconclude that there are limits to change; that we are trapped by our ownhistory; and politicsis a fool’s errand, and we’d be better off if we rollback big chunks of LBJ’s legacy, or at least ifwedon’t put too much of ourhope, invest too much of our hope in our government.I reject such thinking. (Applause.) Not just because Medicare and Medicaid have liftedmillions fromsuffering; not just because the poverty rate in this nation would be farworsewithout food stamps and Head Start and all the Great Society programs thatsurvive tothis day. I reject suchcynicism because I have lived out the promise of LBJ’s efforts. BecauseMichelle has lived out the legacy ofthose efforts. Because my daughters havelived out thelegacy of those efforts. Because I and millions of my generation were in a position to takethebaton that he handed to us. (Applause.)Because of the Civil Rightsmovement, because of the laws President Johnson signed, newdoors ofopportunity and education swung open for everybody -- not all at once, but theyswungopen. Not just blacks and whites,but also women and Latinos; and Asians and NativeAmericans; and gay Americansand Americans with a disability. Theyswung open for you, andthey swung open for me. And that’s why I’m standing here today -- because of thoseefforts,because of that legacy. (Applause.) And that means we’ve got a debtto pay. That means we can’t afford to becynical. Half acentury later, the lawsLBJ passed are now as fundamental to our conception of ourselves andourdemocracy as the Constitution and the Bill of Rights. They are foundational; an essentialpiece ofthe American character.But we are here today because weknow we cannot be complacent. Forhistory travels notonly forwards; history can travel backwards, history cantravel sideways. And securing thegainsthis country has made requires the vigilance of its citizens. Our rights, our freedoms --they are notgiven. They must be won. They must be nurtured through struggle anddiscipline,and persistence and faith.And one concern I have sometimesduring these moments, the celebration of the signing ofthe Civil Rights Act,the March on Washington -- from a distance, sometimes thesecommemorations seeminevitable, they seem easy. All the painand difficulty and struggle anddoubt -- all that is rubbed away. And we look at ourselves and we say, oh,things are just toodifferent now; wecouldn’t possibly do what was done then -- these giants, whattheyaccomplished. And yet, they were men andwomen, too. It wasn’t easy then. It wasn’tcertain then.Still, the story of America is astory of progress. However slow, howeverincomplete, howeverharshly challenged at each point on our journey, howeverflawed our leaders, however manytimes we have to take a quarter of a loaf orhalf a loaf -- the story of America is a story ofprogress. And that’s true because of men like PresidentLyndon Baines Johnson. (Applause.In so many ways, he embodiedAmerica, with all our gifts and all our flaws, in all ourrestlessness and allour big dreams. This man -- born intopoverty, weaned in a world full ofracial hatred -- somehow found within himselfthe ability to connect his experience with thebrown child in a small Texastown; the white child in Appalachia; the black child in Watts. Aspowerful as he became in that Oval Office,he understood them. He understood whatit meant tobe on the outside. And hebelieved that their plight was his plight too; that his freedomultimately waswrapped up in theirs; and that making their lives better was what the hellthepresidency was for. (Applause.)And those children were on hismind when he strode to the podium that night in the HouseChamber, when hecalled for the vote on the Civil Rights law. “It never occurred to me,〞 he said, “in my fondest dreams that I mighthave the chance to help the sons and daughters of thosestudents〞that he hadtaught so many years ago, “and to help people like them alloverthiscountry. But now I do have thatchance. And I’ll let you in on a secret-- I mean to use it.And I hope that youwill use it with me.〞(Applause.)That was LBJ’s greatness. That’s why we remember him. And if there is one thing that heand thisyear’s anniversary should teach us, if there’s one lesson I hope that Malia andSasha andyoung people everywhere learn from this day, it’s that with enougheffort, and enoughempathy, and enough perseverance, and enough courage, peoplewho love their country canchange it.In his final year, PresidentJohnson stood on this stage, racked with pain, battered by thecontroversies ofVietnam, looking far older than his 64 years, and he delivered what would behisfinal public speech.“We have proved that greatprogress is possible,〞 he said. “We knowhow much still remainsto be done. Andif our efforts continue, and if our will is strong, and if our hearts areright, and ifcourage remains our constant companion, then, my fellowAmericans, I am confident, weshall overcome.〞(Applause.)We shall overcome. We, the citizens of the United States. Like Dr. King, like AbrahamLincoln, likecountless citizens who have driven this country inexorably forward, PresidentJohnsonknew that ours in the end is a story of optimism, a story ofachievement and constant strivingthat is unique upon this Earth. He knew because he had lived that story. He believed thattogether we can build anAmerica that is more fair, more equal, and more free than the oneweinherited. He believed we make our owndestiny. And in part because of him, wemust believeit as well.Thank you. God bless you. God bless the United States of America. (Applause.)。

美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988DNCAddress(下)

美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988DNCAddress(下)

美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988DNCAddress(下)How do I document that case? Seven years later, the richest 1 percent of our society pays 20 percent less in taxes. The poorest 10 percent pay 20 percent more: Reaganomics.Reagan gave the rich and the powerful a multibillion-dollar party. Now the party is over. He expects the people to pay for the damage. I take this principal position, convention, let us not raise taxes on the poor and the middle-class, but those who had the party, the rich and the powerful, must pay for the party.I just want to take common sense to high places. We're spending one hundred and fifty billion dollars a year defending Europe and Japan 43 years after the war is over. We have more troops in Europe tonight than we had seven years ago. Yet the threat of war is ever more remote.Germany and Japan are now creditor nations; that means they've got a surplus. We are a debtor nation -- means we are in debt. Let them share more of the burden of their own defense. Use some of that money to build decent housing. Use some of that money to educate our children. Use some of that money for long-term health care. Use some of that money to wipe out these slums and put America back to work!I just want to take common sense to high places. If we can bail out Europe and Japan; if we can bail out Continental Bank and Chrysler -- and Mr. Iacocca, make [sic] 8,000 dollars an hour -- we can bail out the family farmer.I just want to make common sense. It does not make sense to close down six hundred and fifty thousand family farms in this country while importing food from abroad subsidized by the U.S. Government. Let's make sense.It does not make sense to be escorting all our tankers up and down the Persian Gulf paying $2.50 for every one dollar worth of oil we bring out, while oil wells are capped in Texas, Oklahoma, and Louisiana. I just want to make sense.Leadership must meet the moral challenge of its day. What's the moral challenge of our day? We have public accommodations. We have the right to vote. We have open housing. What's the fundamental challenge of our day? It is to end economic violence. Plant closings without notice -- economic violence. Even the greedy do not profit long from greed -- economic violence.Most poor people are not lazy. They are not black. They are not brown. They are mostly White and female and young. But whether White, Black or Brown, a hungry baby's belly turned inside out is the same color -- color it pain; color it hurt; color it agony.Most poor people are not on welfare. Some of them are illiterate and can't read the want-ad sections. And when they can, they can't find a job that matches the address. They work hard everyday.I know. I live amongst them. I'm one of them. I know they work. I'm a witness. They catch the early bus. They work every day.They raise other people's children. They work everyday.They clean the streets. They work everyday. They drive dangerous cabs. They work everyday. They change the beds you slept in in these hotels last night and can't get a union contract. They work everyday.No, no, they are not lazy! Someone must defend them because it's right, and they cannot speak for themselves. They work in hospitals. I know they do. They wipe the bodies of thosewho are sick with fever and pain. They empty their bedpans. They clean out their commodes. No job is beneath them, and yet when they get sick they cannot lie in the bed they made up every day. America, that is not right. We are a better Nation than that. We are a better Nation than that.We need a real war on drugs. You can't "just say no." It's deeper than that. You can't just get a palm reader or an astrologer. It's more profound than that.We are spending a hundred and fifty billion dollars on drugs a year. We've gone from ignoring it to focusing on the children. Children cannot buy a hundred and fifty billion dollars worth of drugs a year; a few high-profile athletes -- athletes are not laundering a hundred and fifty billion dollars a year -- bankers are.I met the children in Watts, who, unfortunately, in their despair, their grapes of hope have become raisins of despair, and they're turning on each other and they're self-destructing. But I stayed with them all night long. I wanted to hear their case.They said, "Jesse Jackson, as you challenge us to say no to drugs, you're right; and to not sell them, you're right; and not use these guns, you're right." (And by the way, the promise of CETA [Comprehensive Employment and Training Act]; they displaced CETA -- they did not replace CETA.)"We have neither jobs nor houses nor services nor training -- no way out. Some of us take drugs as anesthesia for our pain. Some take drugs as a way of pleasure, good short-term pleasure and long-term pain. Some sell drugs to make money. It's wrong, we know, but you need to know that we know. We can go and buy the drugs by the boxes at the port. If we can buy the drugs at the port, don't you believe the Federal government can stop itif they want to?"They say, "We don't have Saturday night specials anymore." They say, "We buy AK47's and Uzi's, the latest make of weapons. We buy them across the along these boulevards."You cannot fight a war on drugs unless and until you're going to challenge the bankers and the gun sellers and those who grow them. Don't just focus on the children; let's stop drugs at the level of supply and demand. We must end the scourge on the American Culture.Leadership. What difference will we make? Leadership. Cannot just go along to get along. We must do more than change Presidents. We must change direction.Leadership must face the moral challenge of our day. The nuclear war build-up is irrational. Strong leadership cannot desire to look tough and let that stand in the way of the pursuit of peace. Leadership must reverse the arms race. At least we should pledge no first use. Why? Because first use begets first retaliation. And that's mutual annihilation. That's not a rational way out.No use at all. Let's think it out and not fight it our because it's an unwinnable fight. Why hold a card that you can never drop? Let's give peace a chance.Leadership. We now have this marvelous opportunity to have a breakthrough with the Soviets. Last year 200,000 Americans visited the Soviet Union. There's a chance for joint ventures into space -- not Star Wars and war arms escalation but a space defense initiative. Let's build in the space together and demilitarize the heavens. There's a way out.America, let us expand. When Mr. Reagan and Mr. Gorbachev met there was a big meeting. They represented together one-eighth of the human race. Seven-eighths of the human race waslocked out of that room. Most people in the world tonight -- half are Asian, one-half of them are Chinese. There are 22 nations in the Middle East. There's Europe; 40 million Latin Americans next door to us; the Caribbean; Africa -- a half-billion people.Most people in the world today are Yellow or Brown or Black, non-Christian, poor, female, young and don't speak English in the real world.This generation must offer leadership to the real world. We're losing ground in Latin America, Middle East, South Africa because we're not focusing on the real world. That's the real world. We must use basic principles -- support international law. We stand the most to gain from it. Support human rights -- we believe in that. Support self-determination -- we're built on that. Support economic development -- you know it's right. Be consistent and gain our moral authority in the world. I challenge you tonight, my friends, let's be bigger and better as a Nation and as a Party.We have basic challenges -- freedom in South Africa. We've already agreed as Democrats to declare South Africa to be a terrorist state. But don't just stop there. Get South Africa out of Angola; free Namibia; support the front line states. We must have a new humane human rights consistent policy in Africa.I'm often asked, "Jesse, why do you take on these tough issues? They're not very political. We can't win that way."If an issue is morally right, it will eventually be political. It may be political and never be right. Fannie Lou Hamer didn't have the most votes in Atlantic City, but her principles have outlasted every delegate who voted to lock her out. Rosa Parks did not have the most votes, but she was morally right. Dr. King didn't have the most votes about the Vietnam War, but he was morallyright. If we are principled first, our politics will fall in place."Jesse, why do you take these big bold initiatives?" A poem by an unknown author went something like this: "We mastered the air, we conquered the sea, annihilated distance and prolonged life, but we're not wise enough to live on this earth without war and without hate."As for Jesse Jackson: "I'm tired of sailing my little boat, far inside the harbor bar. I want to go out where the big ships float, out on the deep where the great ones are. And should my frail craft prove too slight for waves that sweep those billows o'er, I'd rather go down in the stirring fight than drowse to death at the sheltered shore."We've got to go out, my friends, where the big boats are.And then for our children. Young America, hold your head high now. We can win. We must not lose you to drugs and violence, premature pregnancy, suicide, cynicism, pessimism and despair. We can win. Wherever you are tonight, I challenge you to hope and to dream. Don't submerge your dreams. Exercise above all else, even on drugs, dream of the day you are drug free. Even in the gutter, dream of the day that you will be up on your feet again.You must never stop dreaming. Face reality, yes, but don't stop with the way things are. Dream of things as they ought to be. Dream. Face pain, but love, hope, faith and dreams will help you rise above the pain. Use hope and imagination as weapons of survival and progress, but you keep on dreaming, young America. Dream of peace. Peace is rational and reasonable. War is irrationable [sic] in this age, and unwinnable.Dream of teachers who teach for life and not for a living. Dream of doctors who are concerned more about public healththan private wealth. Dream of lawyers more concerned about justice than a judgeship. Dream of preachers who are concerned more about prophecy than profiteering. Dream on the high road with sound values.And then America, as we go forth to September, October, November and then beyond, America must never surrender to a high moral challenge.Do not surrender to drugs. The best drug policy is a "no first use." Don't surrender with needles and cynicism. Let's have "no first use" on the one hand, or clinics on the other. Never surrender, young America. Go forward.America must never surrender to malnutrition. We can feed the hungry and clothe the naked. We must never surrender. We must go forward.We must never surrender to illiteracy. Invest in our children. Never surrender; and go forward. We must never surrender to inequality. Women cannot compromise ERA or comparable worth. Women are making 60 cents on the dollar to what a man makes. Women cannot buy meat cheaper. Women cannot buy bread cheaper. Women cannot buy milk cheaper. Women deserve to get paid for the work that you do. It's right! And it's fair.Don't surrender, my friends. Those who have AIDS tonight, you deserve our compassion. Even with AIDS you must not surrender.In your wheelchairs. I see you sitting here tonight in those wheelchairs. I've stayed with you. I've reached out to you across our Nation. And don't you give up. I know it's tough sometimes. People look down on you. It took you a little more effort to get here tonight. And no one should look down on you, butsometimes mean people do. The only justification we have for looking down on someone is that we're going to stop and pick them up.But even in your wheelchairs, don't you give up. We cannot forget 50 years ago when our backs were against the wall, Roosevelt was in a wheelchair. I would rather have Roosevelt in a wheelchair than Reagan and Bush on a horse. Don't you surrender and don't you give up. Don't surrender and don't give up!Why I cannot challenge you this way? "Jesse Jackson, you don't understand my situation. You be on television. You don't understand. I see you with the big people. You don't understand my situation."I understand. You see me on TV, but you don't know the me that makes me, me. They wonder, "Why does Jesse run?" because they see me running for the White House. They don't see the house I'm running from.I have a story. I wasn't always on television. Writers were not always outside my door. When I was born late one afternoon, October 8th, in Greenville, South Carolina, no writers asked my mother her name. Nobody chose to write down our address. My mama was not supposed to make it, and I was not supposed to make it. You see, I was born of a teen-age mother, who was born of a teen-age mother.I understand. I know abandonment, and people being mean to you, and saying you're nothing and nobody and can never be anything.I understand. Jesse Jackson is my third name. I'm adopted. When I had no name, my grandmother gave me her name. My name was Jesse Burns 'til I was 12. So I wouldn't have a blankspace, she gave me a name to hold me over. I understand when nobody knows your name. I understand when you have no name.I understand. I wasn't born in the hospital. Mama didn't have insurance. I was born in the bed at [the] house. I really do understand. Born in a three-room house, bathroom in the backyard, slop jar by the bed, no hot and cold running water. I understand. Wallpaper used for decoration? No. For a windbreaker. I understand. I'm a working person's person. That's why I understand you whether you're Black or White. I understand work. I was not born with a silver spoon in my mouth.I had a shovel programmed for my hand.My mother, a working woman. So many of the days she went to work early, with runs in her stockings. She knew better, but she wore runs in her stockings so that my brother and I could have matching socks and not be laughed at at school. I understand.At 3 o'clock on Thanksgiving Day, we couldn't eat turkey because momma was preparing somebody else's turkey at 3 o'clock. We had to play football to entertain ourselves. And then around 6 o'clock she would get off the Alta Vista bus and we would bring up the leftovers and eat our turkey -- leftovers, the carcass, the cranberries -- around 8 o'clock at night. I really do understand.Every one of these funny labels they put on you, those of you who are watching this broadcast tonight in the projects, on the corners, I understand. Call you outcast, low down, you can't make it, you're nothing, you're from nobody, subclass, underclass; when you see Jesse Jackson, when my name goes in nomination, your name goes in nomination.I was born in the slum, but the slum was not born in me. And it wasn't born in you, and you can make it.Wherever you are tonight, you can make it. Hold your head high; stick your chest out. You can make it. It gets dark sometimes, but the morning comes. Don't you surrender!Suffering breeds character, character breeds faith. In the end faith will not disappoint.You must not surrender! You may or may not get there but just know that you're qualified! And you hold on, and hold out! We must never surrender!! America will get better and better.Keep hope alive. Keep hope alive! Keep hope alive! On tomorrow night and beyond, keep hope alive!I love you very much. I love you very much.。

美国经典英文演讲100篇1992_DNC_Address

美国经典英文演讲100篇1992_DNC_Address

美国经典英文演讲100篇:1992 DNC Address1992 Democratic National Convention Address[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio. (2)]I'm Elizabeth Glaser. Eleven years ago, while giving birth to my first child, I hemorrhaged and was transfused with seven pints of blood. Four years later, I found out that I had been infected with the AIDS virus and had unknowingly passed it to my daughter, Ariel, through my breast milk, and my son, Jake, in utero.Twenty years ago I wanted to be at the Democratic Convention because it was a way to participate in my country. Today, I am here because it's a matter of life and death. Exactly -- Exactly four years ago my daughter died of AIDS. She did not survive the Reagan Administration. I am here because my son and I may not survive four more years of leaders who say they care, but do nothing. I -- I am in a race with the clock. This is not about being a Republican or an Independent or a Democrat. It's about the future -- for each and every one of us.I started out just a mom -- fighting for the life of her child. But along the way I learned how unfair America can be today, not just for people who have HIV, but for many, many people -- poor people, gay people, people of color, children. A strange spokesperson for such a group: a well-to-do white woman. But I have learned my lesson the hard way, and I know that America has lost her path and is at risk of losing her soul. America wake up: We are all in a struggle between life and death.I understand -- I understand the sense of frustration and despair in our country, because I know firsthand about shouting for help and getting no answer. I went to Washington to tell Presidents Reagan and Bush that much, much more had to be done for AIDS research and care, and that children couldn't be forgotten. The first time, when nothing happened, I thought, "They just didn't hear me." The second time, when nothing happened, I thought, "Maybe I didn't shout loud enough." But now I realize they don't hear because they don't want to listen.When you cry for help and no one listens, you start to lose your hope.I began to lose faith in America. I felt my country was letting me down -- and it was. This is not the America I was raised to be proud of. I wasraised to believe that other's problems were my problems as well. But when I tell most people about HIV, in hopes that they will help and care, I see the look in their eyes: "It's not my problem," they're thinking. Well, it's everyone's problem and we need a leader who will tell us that. We need a visionary to guide us -- to say it wasn't all right for Ryan White to be banned from school because he had AIDS, to say it wasn't alright for a man or a woman to be denied a job because they're infected with this virus. We need a leader who is truly committed to educating us.I believe in America, but not with a leadership of selfishness and greed -- where the wealthy get health care and insurance and the poor don't. Do you know -- Do you know how much my AIDS care costs? Over 40,000 dollars a year. Someone without insurance can't afford this. Even the drugs that I hope will keep me alive are out of reach for others. Is their life any less valuable? Of course not. This is not the America I was raised to be proud of -- where rich people get care and drugs that poor people can't. We need health care for all. We need a leader who will say this and do something about it.I believe in America, but not a leadership that talks about problems but is incapable of solving them -- two HIV commission reports with recommendations about what to do to solve this crisis sitting on shelves, gathering dust. We need a leader who will not only listen to these recommendations, but implement them.I believe in America, but not with a leadership that doesn't hold government accountable. I go to Washington to the National Institutes of Health and say, "Show me what you're doing on HIV." They hate it when I come because I try to tell them how to do it better. But that's why I love being a taxpayer, because it's my money and they must feel accountable.I believe in an America where our leaders talk straight. When anyone tells President Bush that the battle against AIDS is seriouslyunder-funded, he juggles the numbers to mislead the public into thinking we're spending twice as much as we really are. While they play games with numbers, people are dying.I believe in America, but an America where there is a light in every home. A thousand points of light just wasn't enough: My house has been dark for too long.Once every generation, history brings us to an important crossroads. Sometimes in life there is that moment when it's possible to make a change for the better. This is one of those moments.For me, this is not politics. This is a crisis of caring.In this hall is the future -- women, men of all colors saying, "Take America back." We are -- We are just real people wanting a more hopeful life. But words and ideas are not enough. Good thoughts won't save my family. What's the point of caring if we don't do something about it? A President and a Congress that can work together so we can get out of this gridlock and move ahead, because I don't win my war if the President cares and the Congress, or if the Congress cares and the President doesn't support the ideas.The people in this hall this week, the Democratic Party, all of us can begin to deliver that partnership, and in November we can all bring it home.My daughter lived seven years, and in her last year, when she couldn't walk or talk, her wisdom shone through. She taught me to love, when all I wanted to do was hate. She taught me to help others, when all I wanted to do was help myself. She taught me to be brave, when all I felt was fear. My daughter and I loved each other with simplicity. America, we can do the same.This was the country that offered hope. This was the place where dreams could come true, not just economic dreams, but dreams of freedom, justice, and equality. We all need to hope that our dreams can come true. I challenge you to make it happen, because all our lives, not just mine, depend on it.Thank you.。

CivilRightsMovementinUS美国民权运动讲稿

CivilRightsMovementinUS美国民权运动讲稿

Civil Rights Movement in the United States, political, legal, and social struggle by black Americans to gain full citizenship rights and to achieve racial equality. The civil rights movement has also been called the Black Freedom Movement, the Negro Revolution, and the Second Reconstruction. The civil rights movement was first and foremost a challenge to segregation, the system of laws and customs separating blacks and whites that whites used to control blacks after slavery was abolished in the 1860s. During the civil rights movement, individuals and civil rights organizations challenged segregation and discrimination with a variety of activities, including protest marches, boycotts, and refusal to abide by segregation laws.Segregation was an attempt by white Southerners to separate the races in every aspects of life and to achieve supremacy over blacks. Segregation was often called the Jim Crow system. Segregation became common in Southern states following the end of Reconstruction in 1877. During Reconstruction, which followed the Civil War (1861-1865), Republican governments in the Southern states were run by blacks, Northerners, and some sympathetic Southerners. The Reconstruction governments had passed laws opening up economic and political opportunities for blacks. By 1877 the Democratic Party had gained control of government in the Southern states, and these Southern Democrats wanted to reverse black advances made during Reconstruction. To that end, they began to pass local and state laws that specified certain places “For Whites Only” and others for “Colored.” Blacks had separate schools, transportation, restaurants, and parks, many of which were poorly funded and inferior to those of whites. Over the next 75 years, Jim Crow signs went up to separate the races in every possible place.Throughout the South, segregation had the support of the legal system and the police. Beyond the law, however, there was always the threat of terrorist violence against blacks who attempted to challenge or even question the established order. During Reconstruction, the Ku Klux Klan (KKK), the Knights of the White Camellia, and other terrorist organizations murdered thousands of blacks and some whites in order to prevent them from voting and participating in public life.The civil rights movement was the struggle for equal rights for blacks in the 1950s. it started with an event called the Montgomery bus boycott.Before 1955, buses in Montgomery, Alabama were segregated. Whites sat in the front of the bus; blacks had to sit in the back. One day Rosa Parks, a black seamstress, was on her way home from work. The bus became crowded, and she was told to give herseat to a white man because this was the law. Rosa Parks refused to give up her seat. She was arrested and fined.Thi s incident angered Montgomery’s black community. It was time to change the law, community leaders decided. And they boycotted the buses. The boycott which was led by Martin Luther King, lasted for over a year. In November 1956 the Supreme Court upheld a federal court decision that ruled the bus segregation unconstitutional. The decision went into effect December 20, 1956, and the black community of Montgomery ended its boycott the next day.In 1957 nine black students desegregated Little Rock, Arkansas’s Ce ntral High School, despite strong resistance by many white members of the community. President Dwight Eisenhower called out federal troops to enforce the desegregation and to ensure the safety of the students. Shown here are six of the “Little Rock Nine.” With them, in the center of the picture, are Thurgood Marshall, then a lawyer for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and Daisy Bates, president of the Little Rock NAACP.Civil Rights Movement in the United StatesCivil Rights Movement in the United States, political, legal, and social struggle by black Americans to gain full citizenship rights and to achieve racial equality. The civil rights movement was first and foremost a challenge to segregation, the system of laws and customs separating blacks and whites that whites used to control blacks after slavery was abolished in the 1860s. During the civil rights movement, individuals and civil rights organizations challenged segregation and discrimination with a variety of activities, including protest marches, boycotts, and refusal to abide by segregation laws. Many believe that the movement began with the Montgomery bus boycott in 1955 and ended with the V oting Rights Act of 1965, though there is debate about when it began and whether it has ended yet. The civil rights movement has also been called the Black Freedom Movement, the Negro Revolution, and the Second Reconstruction.Segregation“Whites Only” Waiting RoomA black man is ordered out of a “whites only” waiting room.Separate facilities for blacks and whites were maintained throughout the South from the end of the 19th century until the 1960s.Segregation was an attempt by white Southerners to separate the races in every sphere of life and to achieve supremacy over blacks. Segregation was often called the Jim Crow system, after a minstrel show character from the 1830s who was an old, crippled, black slave who embodied negative stereotypes of blacks. Segregation became common in Southern states following the end of Reconstruction in 1877.During Reconstruction, which followed the Civil War (1861-1865), Republican governments in the Southern states were run by blacks, Northerners, and some sympathetic Southerners. The Reconstruction governments had passed laws opening up economic and political opportunities for blacks. By 1877 the Democratic Party had gained control of government in the Southern states, and these Southern Democrats wanted to reverse black advances made during Reconstruction. To that end, they began to pass local and state laws that specified certain places “For Whites Only” and others for “Colored.” Blacks had separate schools, transportation, restaurants, and parks, many of which were poorly funded and inferior to those of whites. Over the next 75 years, Jim Crow signs went up to separate the races in every possible place. The system of segregation also included the denial of voting rights, known as disfranchisement. Between 1890 and 1910 all Southern states passed laws imposing requirements for voting that were used to prevent blacks from voting, in spite of the 15th Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which had been designed to protect black voting rights. These requirements included: the ability to read and write, which disqualified the many blacks who had not had access to education; property ownership, something few blacks were able to acquire; and paying a poll tax, which was too great a burden on most Southern blacks, who were very poor. As a final insult, the few blacks who made it over all these hurdles could not vote in the Democratic primaries that chose the candidates because they were open only to whites in most Southern states.Because blacks could not vote, they were virtually powerless to prevent whites from segregating all aspects of Southern life. They could do little to stop discrimination in public accommodations, education, economic opportunities, or housing. The ability to struggle for equality was even undermined by the prevalent Jim Crow signs, which constantly reminded blacks of their inferior status in Southern society. Segregation was an all encompassing system.Conditions for blacks in Northern states were somewhat better, though up to 1910 only about 10 percent of blacks lived in the North, and prior to World War II (1939-1945), very few blacks lived in the West. Blacks were usually free to vote in the North, but there were so few blacks that their voices were barely heard. Segregated facilities were not as common in the North, but blacks were usually denied entrance to the best hotels and restaurants. Schools in New England were usually integrated, but those in the Midwest generally were not. Perhaps the most difficult part of Northern life was the intense economic discrimination against blacks. They had to compete with large numbers of recent European immigrants for job opportunities and almost always lost.Company E, 4th U.S. Colored InfantryBlack soldiers fought in segregated all-black units, such as this one, during the American Civil War (1861-1865). Almost all black soldiers fought for the Union army, and they served in nearly 500 engagements. Twenty-four black soldiers and sailors were awarded the Medal of Honor for bravery, the U.S. military’s highest honor. Segregation and ViolenceKu Klux KlanFormer Confederate soldiers founded the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) after the American Civil War (1861-1865). The KKK used violence and intimidation to prevent blacks from voting and holding office, and to keep them segregated.Throughout the South, segregation had the support of the legal system and the police. Beyond the law, however, there was always the threat of terrorist violence against blacks who attempted to challenge or even question the established order. During Reconstruction, the Ku Klux Klan (KKK), the Knights of the White Camellia, and other terrorist organizations murdered thousands of blacks and some whites in order to prevent them from voting and participating in public life. The KKK was founded in the winter of 1865 to 1866 by a former Confederate general to stop both blacks and Northerners from carrying out their government and social reforms. The Klan and other white terrorist groups directed their violence against black landowners, politicians, and community leaders, as well as whites who supported the Republica n Party or racial equality. During Reconstruction only the presence of the U.S. Army prevented massive killings; however, there were never enough soldiers to stop the violence. For example, in 1876 and 1877 mobs of whites, led by former Confederate generals, killed scores of blacks in South Carolina to prevent them from voting or holding office.School DesegregationDesegregation in Little RockIn 1957 nine black students desegregated Little Rock, Arkansas’s Central High School, despite strong resistance by many white members of the community. President Dwight Eisenhower called out federal troops to enforce the desegregation and to ensure the safety of the students. Shown here are six of the “Little Rock Nine.” With them, in the center of the picture, are Thurgood Marshall, then a lawyer for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and Daisy Bates, president of the Little Rock NAACP.In the postwar years, the NAACP's legal strategy for civil rights continued to succeed. Led by Thurgood Marshall, the NAACP Legal Defense Fund challenged and overturned many forms of discrimination, but their main thrust was equal educational opportunities. For example, in Sweat v. Painter (1950), the Supreme Court decided that the University of Texas had to integrate its law school. Marshall and the Defense Fund worked with Southern plaintiffs to challenge the Plessy doctrine directly, arguing in effect that separate was inherently unequal. The U.S. Supreme Court heard arguments on five cases that challenged elementary- and secondary-school segregation, and in May 1954 issued its landmark ruling in Brown v. Board of Education that stated that racially segregated education was unconstitutional. Montgomery Bus BoycottDespite the threats and violence, the struggle quickly moved beyond school desegregation to challenge segregation in other areas. On December 1, 1955, Rosa Parks, a member of the Montgomery, Alabama, branch of the NAACP, was told to give up her seat on a city bus to a white person. When Parks refused to move, she was arrested. The local NAACP, led by Edgar D. Nixon, recognized that the arrest of Parks might rally local blacks to protest segregated buses. Montgomery's blackcommunity had long been angry about their mistreatment on city buses where white drivers were often rude and abusive. The community had previously considered a boycott of the buses, and almost overnight one was organized. The Montgomery bus boycott was an immediate success, with virtually unanimous support from the 50,000 blacks in Montgomery. It lasted for more than a year and dramatized to the American public the determination of blacks in the South to end segregation. In November 1956 the Supreme Court upheld a federal court decision that ruled the bus segregation unconstitutional. The decision went into effect December 20, 1956, and the black community of Montgomery ended its boycott the next day.Rosa ParksIn 1955 Rosa Parks was arrested for disobeying a segregation law in Montgomery, Alabama, that required her to give up her seat on a bus to a white person. Her bold action helped to stimulate protests against inequality. The blacks in the community organized a boycott of the bus system. The boycott, which was led by Martin Luther King, Jr., forced city officials to repeal the discriminatory law.Sit-insSit-Ins in Greensboro, North CarolinaIn 1960 four black college students walked into a Woolworth store in Greensboro, North Carolina, and sat down at the lunch counter, which was for white customers only. The students waited to be served until the store closed for the day. For the next six days, a growing number of students joined the sit-ins until Woolworth closed its doors. Then the students decided to suspend the sit-ins for two weeks to give stores in the community the chance to desegregate.Freedom RidersBurned Bus in Anniston, AlabamaFreedom Riders sit by their bus which had been burned by a white mob in Anniston, Alabama. Several of the riders were beaten by the mob. Freedom Riders began traveling through the South in 1961 to try to desegregate Southern bus stations.Civil Rights March, 1963The national civil rights leadership decided to keep pressure on both the Kennedy administration and the Congress to pass the civil rights legislation proposed by Kennedy by planning a March on Washington for August 1963. It was a conscious revival of A. Philip Randolph's planned 1941 march, which had yielded a commitment to fair employment during World War II. Randolph was there in 1963, along with the leaders of the NAACP, CORE, SCLC, the Urban League, and SNCC. Martin Luther King, Jr., delivered a moving address to an audience of more than 200,000 civil rights supporters. His “I Have a Dream” speech in front of the giant sculpture of the Great Emancipator, Abraham Lincoln, became famous for how it expressed the ideals of the civil rights movement.。

英语演讲稿-1996 Wellesley Commencement Address(Excerpt)

英语演讲稿-1996 Wellesley Commencement Address(Excerpt)

英语演讲稿1996 Wellesley CommencementAddress(Excerpt)女性演讲特辑之四:美国已故女性作家在母校告诉母校的毕业生们,不要拘泥于做窈窕淑女,“搞点事情”1996 Wellesley Commencement Address(Excerpt)By Nora EphronAnyway, as I was saying, the Crimson had this snippy article which said that Wellesley was a school for tunicata — tunicata apparently being small fish who spend the first part of their lives frantically swimming around the ocean floor exploring their environment, and the second part of their lives just lying there breeding. It was mean and snippy, but it had the horrible ring of truth, it was one of those do-not-ask-for-whom-the-bell-tolls things, and it burned itself into our brains. Years later, at my 25th reunion, one of my classmates mentioned it, and everyone remembered what tunacata were, word for word.My class went to college in the era when you got a masters degrees in teaching because it was “something to fall back on”in the worst case scenario, the worst case scenario being that no one married you and you actually had to go to work. As this same classmate said at our reunion, “Our education was a dress rehearsal for a life we never led.” Isn’t that the saddest line? We weren’t meant to have futures, we were meant to marry them. We weren’t’ meant to have politics, or careers that mattered, or opinions, or lives; we were meant to marry them. If you wanted to be an architect, you married an architect. NonMinistrare sed Ministrari — you know the old joke, not to be ministers but to be ministers’ wives.I’ve written about my years at Wellesley, and I don’t want to repeat myself any more than is necessary. But I do want to retell one anecdote from the piece I did about my 10th Wellesley reunion. I’ll tell it a little differently for those of you who read it. Which was that, during my junior year, when I was engaged for a very short period of time, I thought I might transfer to Barnard my senior year. I went to see my class dean and she said to me, “Let me give you some advice. You’ve worked so hard at Wellesley, when you marry, take a year off.Devote yourself to your husband and your marriage.”Of course it was stunning piece of advice to give me because I’d always intended to work after college. My mother was a career women, and all of us, her four daughters, grew up understanding that the question, “What do you want to be when you grow up?”was as valid for girls as for boys. Take a year off being a wife.I always wondered what I was supposed to do in that year. Iron?I repeated the story for years, as proof that Wellesley wanted its graduates to be merely housewives.But I turned out to be wrong, because years later I met another Wellesley graduate who had been as hell-bent on domesticity as I had been on a career. And she had gone to the same dean with the same problem, and the dean had said to her, “Don’t have children right away. Take a year to work.” And so I saw that what Wellesley wanted was for us to avoid the extremes. To be instead, that thing in the middle. A lady. We were to take the fabulous education we had received here and use it to preside at dinner table or at a committee meeting, and when two people disagreed we would be intelligent enough to step in and point out the remarkable similarities between their two opposing positions. We were to spend our lives making nice.Many of my classmates did exactly what they were supposed to when they graduated from Wellesley, and some of them, by the way, lived happily ever after. But many of them didn’t. All sorts of things happened that no one expected. They needed money so they had to work. They got divorced so they had to work. They were bored witless so they had to work. The women’s movement came along and made harsh value judgments about their lives — judgments that caught them by surprise, because they were doing what they were supposed to be doing, weren’t they? The rules had changed, they were caught in some kind of strange time warp. They had never intended to be the heroines of their own lives, they’d intended to be — what? — First Ladies, I guess, first ladies in the lives of big men. They ended up feeling like victims. They ended up, and this is really sad, thinking that their years in college were the best years of their lives.Why am I telling you this? It was a long time ago, right? Things have changed, haven’t they? Yes, they have. But I mention it because I want to remind you of the undertow, of the specific gravity. American society has a remarkable ability to resist change, or to take whatever change has taken place and attempt to make it go away. Things are different foryou than they were for us. Just the fact that you chose to come to a single-sex college makes you smarter than we were — we came because it’s what you did in those days —and the college you are graduating from is a very different place. All sorts of things caused Wellesley to change, but it did change, and today it’s a place that understands its obligations to women in today’s world. The women’s movement has made a huge difference, too, particularly for young women like you. There are women doctors and women lawyers. There are anchorwomen, although most of them are blonde. But at the same time, the pay differential between men and women has barely changed. In my business, the movie business, there are many more women directors, but it’s just as hard to make a movie about women as it ever was, and look at the parts the Oscar-nominated actresses played this year: hooker, hooker, hooker, hooker, and nun. It’s 1996, and you are graduating from Wellesley in the Year of the Wonderbra. The Wonderbra is not a step forward for women. Nothing that hurts that much is a step forward for women.What I’m saying is, don’t delude yourself that the powerful cultural values that wrecked the lives of so many of my classmates have vanished from the earth.Don’t let the New York Times article about the brilliant success of Wellesley graduates in the business world fool you — there’s still a glass ceiling.Don’t let the number of women in the work force trick you —there are still lots of magazines devoted almost exclusively to making perfect casseroles and turning various things into tents.Don’t underestimate how much antagonism there is toward women and how many people wish we could turn the clock back. One of the things people always say to you if you get upset is, don’t take it personally, but listen hard to what’s going on and, please, I beg you, take it personally. Understand: every attack on Hillary Clinton for not knowing her place is an attack on you. Underneath almost all those attacks are the words: get back, get back to where you once belonged. When Elizabeth Dole pretends that she isn’t serious about her career, that is an attack on you. The acquittal of O.J. Simpson is an attack on you.Any move to limit abortion rights is an attack on you —whether or not you believe in abortion. The fact that Clarence Thomas is sitting on the Supreme Court today is an attack on you.Above all, be the heroine of your life, not the victim. Because you don’t have the alibi my class had — this is one of the great achievements and mixed blessings you inherit: unlike us, you can’t say nobody told you there were other options. Your education is a dress rehearsal for a life that is yours to lead. Twenty-five years from now, you won’t have as easy a time making excuses as my class did. You won’t be able to blame the deans, or the culture, or anyone else: you will have no one to blame but yourselves. Whoa.So what are you going to do? This is the season when a clutch of successful women — who have it all — give speeches to women like you and say, to be perfectly honest, you can’t have it all. Maybe young women don’t wonder whether they can have it all any longer, but in case of you are wondering, of course you can have it all. What are you going to do? Everything, is my guess. It will be a little messy, but embrace the mess. It will be complicated, but rejoice in the complications. It will not be anything like what you think it will be like, but surprises are good for you. And don’t be frightened: you can always change your mind. I know: I’ve had four careers and three husbands. And this is something else I want to tell you, one of the hundreds of things I didn’t know when I was sittinghere so many years ago: you are not going to be you, fixed and immutable you, forever. We have a game we play when we’re waiting for tables in restaurants, where you have to write the five things that describe yourself on a piece of paper. When I was your age, I would have put: ambitious, Wellesley graduate, daughter, Democrat, single. Ten years later not one of those five things turned up on my list. I was: journalist, feminist, New Yorker, divorced, funny. Today not one of those five things turns up in my list: writer, director, mother, sister, happy. Whatever those five things are for you today, they won’t make the list in ten years — not that you still won’t be some of those things, but they won’t be the five most important things about you.Which is one of the most delicious things available to women, and more particularly to women than to men. I think. It’s slightly easier for us to shift, to change our minds, to take another path. Yogi Berra, the former New York Yankee who made a specialty of saying things that were famously maladroit, quoted himself at a recent commencement speech he gave. “When you see a fork in the road,”he said, “take it.”Yes, it’s supposed to be a joke, but as someone said in a movie I made, don’t laugh this is my life, this is the life manywomen lead: two paths diverge in a wood, and we get to takethem both. It’s another of the nicest things about being women;we can do that. Did I say it was hard? Yes, but let me say itagain so that none of you can ever say the words, nobody saidit was so hard. But it’s also incredibly interesting. You areso lucky to have that life as an option.Whatever you choose, however many roads you travel, Ihope that you choose not to be a lady. I hope you will findsome way to break the rules and make a little trouble out there.And I also hope that you will choose to make some of that troubleon behalf of women. Thank you. Good luck. The first act of yourlife is over. Welcome to the best years of your lives.。

美国英文演讲稿

美国英文演讲稿

美国英文演讲稿Ladies and gentlemen, 。

Good morning. It is my great honor to stand here and deliver a speech about the United States. As we all know, the United States is a country with a rich history, diverse culture, and significant influence on the global stage. Today, I would like to share with you some insights into the beauty of the United States and the reasons why it is such a fascinating and influential country.First and foremost, the United States is known for its diverse and vibrant culture. As a melting pot of different ethnicities, the United States embraces a wide range of traditions, customs, and lifestyles. From the bustling streets of New York City to the serene landscapes of the Grand Canyon, the United States offers a unique blend of experiences that cater to people from all walks of life. Whether you are interested in art, music, food, or sports, the United States has something to offer for everyone.Moreover, the United States is a land of opportunity and innovation. It has been a pioneer in various fields, including technology, science, and business. The Silicon Valley, for example, is home to some of the world's most influential tech companies, while Wall Street serves as the financial hub of the world. The United States has always been at the forefront of innovation, constantly pushing the boundaries of what is possible and setting new standards for the rest of the world to follow.In addition, the United States is a champion of freedom and democracy. It has a long history of advocating for human rights, equality, and justice. The American people have always been passionate about standing up for what they believe in and fighting for the rights of others. From the civil rights movement to the women's suffrage movement, the United States has a proud tradition of promoting social progress and positive change.Furthermore, the United States is a global leader in education and research. It is home to some of the world's most prestigious universities and research institutions, attracting students and scholars from all over the world. The United States has madesignificant contributions to various fields, including medicine, engineering, and the arts, and continues to be a driving force in shaping the future of humanity.In conclusion, the United States is a country of great beauty, diversity, and influence. It is a place where people from all walks of life come together to pursue their dreams and make a difference in the world. The United States has a unique charm that captivates the hearts and minds of people around the globe, and its impact on the world stage is undeniable. As we continue to navigate the complexities of the modern world, the United States will undoubtedly remain a key player in shaping the course of history.Thank you.。

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美国经典英文演讲100篇:Civil Rights AddressJohn F. KennedyCivil Rights AddressGood evening, my fellow citizens:This afternoon, following a series of threats and defiant statements, the presence of Alabama National Guardsmen was required on the University of Alabama to carry out the final and unequivocal order of the United States District Court of the Northern District of Alabama. That order called for the admission of two clearly qualified young Alabama residents who happened to have been born Negro. That they were admitted peacefully on the campus is due in good measure to the conduct of the students of the University of Alabama, who met their responsibilities in a constructive way.I hope that every American, regardless of where he lives, will stop and examine his conscience about this and other related incidents. This Nation was founded by men of many nations and backgrounds. It was founded on the principle that all men are created equal, and that the rights of every man are diminished when the rights of one man are threatened.Today, we are committed to a worldwide struggle to promote and protect the rights of all who wish to be free. And when Americans are sent to Vietnam or West Berlin, we do not ask for whites only. It oughta be possible, therefore, for American students of any color to attend any public institution they select without having to be backed up by troops. It oughta to be possible for American consumers of any color to receive equal service in places of public accommodation, such as hotels and restaurants and theaters and retail stores, without being forced to resort to demonstrations in the street, and it oughta be possible for American citizens of any color to register and to vote in a free election without interference or fear of reprisal. It oughta to be possible, in short, for every American to enjoy the privileges of being American without regard to his race or his color. In short, every American ought to have the right to be treated as he would wish to be treated, as one would wish his children to be treated. But this is not the case.The Negro baby born in America today, regardless of the section of the State in which he is born, has about one-half as much chance of completing a high school as a white baby born in the same place on the same day, one-third as much chance of completing college, one-third as much chance of becoming a professional man, twice as much chance of becoming unemployed, about one-seventh as much chance of earning $10,000 a year, a life expectancy which is 7 years shorter, and the prospects of earning only half as much.This is not a sectional issue. Difficulties over segregation and discrimination exist in every city, in every State of the Union, producing in many cities a rising tide of discontent that threatens the public safety. Nor is this a partisan issue. In a time of domestic crisis men of good will and generosity should be able to unite regardless of party or politics. This is not even a legal or legislative issue alone. It is better to settle these matters in the courts than on the streets, and new laws are needed at every level, but law alone cannot make men see right. We are confronted primarily with a moral issue. It is as old as the Scriptures and is as clear as the American Constitution.The heart of the question is whether all Americans are to be afforded equal rights and equal opportunities, whether we are going to treat our fellow Americans as we want to be treated. If an American, because his skin is dark, cannot eat lunch in a restaurant open to the public, if he cannot send his children to the best public school available, if he cannot vote for the public officials who will represent him, if, in short, he cannot enjoy the full and free life which all of us want, then who among us would be content to have the color of his skin changed and stand in his place? Who among us would then be content with the counsels of patience and delay?One hundred years of delay have passed since President Lincoln freed the slaves, yet their heirs, their grandsons, are not fully free. They are not yet freed from the bonds of injustice. They are not yet freed from social and economic oppression. And this Nation, for all its hopes and all its boasts, will not be fully free until all its citizens are free.We preach freedom around the world, and we mean it, and we cherish our freedom here at home, but are we to say to the world, and much more importantly, to each other that this is the land of the free except for the Negroes; that we have no second-class citizens except Negroes; that we have no class or caste system, no ghettoes, no master race except with respect to Negroes?Now the time has come for this Nation to fulfill its promise. The events in Birmingham and elsewhere have so increased the cries for equality that no city or State or legislative body can prudently choose to ignore them. The fires of frustration and discord are burning in every city, North and South, where legal remedies are not at hand. Redress is sought in the streets, in demonstrations, parades, and protests which create tensions and threaten violence and threaten lives.We face, therefore, a moral crisis as a country and a people. It cannot be met by repressive police action. It cannot be left to increased demonstrations in the streets. It cannot be quieted bytoken moves or talk. It is a time to act in the Congress, in your State and local legislative body and, above all, in all of our daily lives. It is not enough to pin the blame on others, to say this a problem of one section of the country or another, or deplore the facts that we face. A great change is at hand, and our task, our obligation, is to make that revolution, that change, peaceful and constructive for all. Those who do nothing are inviting shame, as well as violence. Those who act boldly are recognizing right, as well as reality.Next week I shall ask the Congress of the United States to act, to make a commitment it has not fully made in this century to the proposition that race has no place in American life or law. The Federal judiciary has upheld that proposition in a series of forthright cases. The Executive Branch has adopted that proposition in the conduct of its affairs, including the employment of Federal personnel, the use of Federal facilities, and the sale of federally financed housing. But there are other necessary measures which only the Congress can provide, and they must be provided at this session. The old code of equity law under which we live commands for every wrong a remedy, but in too many communities, in too many parts of the country, wrongs are inflicted on Negro citizens and there are no remedies at law. Unless the Congress acts, their only remedy is the street.I am, therefore, asking the Congress to enact legislation giving all Americans the right to be served in facilities which are open to the public -- hotels, restaurants, theaters, retail stores, and similar establishments. This seems to me to be an elementary right. Its denial is an arbitrary indignity that no American in 1963 should have to endure, but many do.I have recently met with scores of business leaders urging them to take voluntary action to end this discrimination, and I have been encouraged by their response, and in the last two weeks over 75 cities have seen progress made in desegregating these kinds of facilities. But many are unwilling to act alone, and for this reason, nationwide legislation is needed if we are to move this problem from the streets to the courts.I'm also asking the Congress to authorize the Federal Government to participate more fully in lawsuits designed to end segregation in public education. We have succeeded in persuading many districts to desegregate voluntarily. Dozens have admitted Negroes without violence. Today, a Negro is attending a State-supported institution in every one of our 50 States, but the pace is very slow.Too many Negro children entering segregated grade schools at the time of the Supreme Court's decision nine years ago will enter segregated high schools this fall, having suffered a loss which can never be restored. The lack of an adequate education denies the Negro a chance to get a decent job.The orderly implementation of the Supreme Court decision, therefore, cannot be left solely to those who may not have the economic resources to carry the legal action or who may be subject to harassment.Other features will be also requested, including greater protection for the right to vote. But legislation, I repeat, cannot solve this problem alone. It must be solved in the homes of every American in every community across our country. In this respect I wanna pay tribute to those citizens North and South who've been working in their communities to make life better for all. They are acting not out of sense of legal duty but out of a sense of human decency. Like our soldiers and sailors in all parts of the world they are meeting freedom's challenge on the firing line, and I salute them for their honor and their courage.My fellow Americans, this is a problem which faces us all -- in every city of the North as well as the South. Today, there are Negroes unemployed, two or three times as many compared to whites, inadequate education, moving into the large cities, unable to find work, young people particularly out of work without hope, denied equal rights, denied the opportunity to eat at a restaurant or a lunch counter or go to a movie theater, denied the right to a decent education, denied almost today the right to attend a State university even though qualified. It seems to me that these are matters which concern us all, notmerely Presidents or Congressmen or Governors, but every citizen of the United States.This is one country. It has become one country because all of us and all the people who came here had an equal chance to develop their talents. We cannot say to ten percent of the population that you can't have that right; that your children cannot have the chance to develop whatever talents they have; that the only way that they are going to get their rights is to go in the street and demonstrate. I think we owe them and we owe ourselves a better country than that.Therefore, I'm asking for your help in making it easier for us to move ahead and to provide the kind of equality of treatment which we would want ourselves; to give a chance for every child to be educated to the limit of his talents.As I've said before, not every child has an equal talent or an equal ability or equal motivation, but they should have the equal right to develop their talent and their ability and their motivation, to make something of themselves.We have a right to expect that the Negro community will be responsible, will uphold the law, but they have a right to expect that the law will be fair, that the Constitution will be color blind, as Justice Harlan said at the turn of the century.This is what we're talking about and this is a matter which concerns this country and what it stands for, and in meeting it I ask the support of all our citizens.Thank you very much.。

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