Translation文学研究人文社科专业资料21
Chapter 21 Chekhov 契诃夫
Chapter 21 Chekhov 契诃夫Anton Chekhov （1860-1904）·Russian writer, who brought both the short story and the drama to new prominence卓越in Russia and eventually in the Western world.·One of 3 greatest short story writers·"Medicine is my lawful wife", he once said, "and literature is my mistress情妇."His life & works：Born in the small seaport of Taganrog, Ukraine乌克兰on January 17th in the year 1860.He was the grandson of a serf农奴who had bought his freedom.Father, owner of a grocer杂货店.He lived an unhappy life in his childhood●Chekhov spent his early years under the shadow of his father's religious fanaticism 狂热while working long hours in his store.●Chekhov…s mother was an excellent storyteller讲故事的人who entertained the childrenwith tales of her travels all over Russia before she had married.●"Our talents we got from our father, but our soul from our mother."His education：●Chekhov attended a school for Greek boys in his hometown.●Later, his father went bankrupt. In order to avoid the debtor's prison, the family fled toMoscow, Chekhov's mother physically and emotionally broken.The family moved to Moscow.Chekhov, only 16 at the time, decided to remain in his hometown and supported himself by tutoring as he continued his schooling for 3 more years.He tried various kinds of jobs●Tutor.家庭教师●He began to write humorous short stories.In 1879 he entered the University of Moscow to study medicine.●It was from this time that Chekhov began to publish comic short stories and used themoney to support himself and his family.●His early stories ironically satirized讽刺the servile奴隶的character of the people●The Death of a Government Clerk《一个文官的死》(1883)Ivan, sneeze喷嚏; spatter溅on the bald秃头head of a general,the high political pressure政治压力of Tzarist Russia.● A Chameleon《变色龙》(1884)Otchumyelov, A police officer‟s double sides: flattery奉承and terribleHe developed his ability to say a great deal in a few words.At the same time, he began to explore serious themes that figure in his later work, such as human isolation隔离and the difficulty of communication.In 1884 Chekhov became a doctor. Around this year, he found himself coughing blood (tuberculosis).肺结核Meanwhile, he continued to write.Chekhov was awarded the Pushkin Prize in 1888. "for the best literary production distinguished by high artistic worth"His travel in 1890●Chekhov made an arduous努力的9650-km journey across Siberia by train, river steamer,and horse-drawn carriage to conduct a sociological and medical survey in a Russian penal colony流放地on Sakhalin Island库页岛, off the eastern coast of Russia.A Journey To Sakhalin库页岛is an amazing document.●“Hell Island!”●This book had some influence in moderating the harsh严厉的prison rule on the island. Around the year 1890, Chekhov moved toward publishing longer, more serious and more technically accomplished stories.●Ward No. 6(1892)《第六病室》mental patientsDoctor Andrey Y efimitch 拉京The door keeper Nikita 尼基达The story deals with the persecution to the common peopleand the consequences of indifference to human suffering.● A Man in a Case (1898)《套中人》Byelikov “I hope it won't lead to anything!”The story satirized讽刺the old tradition and autocratic专制的government.He also wrote plays戏剧：In his dramatic works Chekhov sought to convey the texture本质of everyday life, moving away from traditional ideas of plot情节and conventions惯例of dramatic speech.The major theme in Anton Chekhov's plays：●the psychologically bitterness苦难、怨恨of the Russian intellectuals知识分子●The Seagull《海鸥》（1896）Three a rtists‟ unfortunate fate.●Uncle V anya《万尼亚舅舅》（1899）The embodiment体现of the Russian intellectuals’unfortunate fate●Three Sisters《三姐妹》（1901）Three kind-hearted intellectual sisters and their helplesswaitingThe three sisters never realized their dream to go to Moscow (a major symbolic element).The Cherry Orchard《樱桃园》（1904）is his last drama works●The play concerns an aristocratic Russian woman and her family as they return to thefamily's estate (which includes a large and well-known cherry orchard) just before it is auctioned拍卖to pay the debt.the passing away of the old, aristocratic RussiaLopakhin,the former serf, who becoming an upstart暴发户, rich and powerful but rude and violent.Lopakhin had all the trees cut down, …This symbolizes the society changed by capitalism资本主义with its violence.Lopakhin, a neighbor of Madame Ranevsky, the former serf●The story presents themes of cultural futility无用、徒劳—both the futility ofthe aristocracy贵族 to maintain its status and the futility of the bourgeoisie资产阶级to find meaning in its newfound materialism唯物主义.Chekhov and Olga, 1901, on honeymoon 结婚His style (1)：●Taking a cool冷静的, objective stance立场toward his characters, Chekhov conveystheir inner lives内心生活and feelings indirectly, by suggestion rather than statement陈述.His style (2)：His plots are usually simple, and the endings of both his stories and his plays tend toward openness开放rather than finality定局.His style (3) - his realism：Chekhov‟s works create the effect of profound experience taking place beneath the surface in theordinary lives of unexceptional people.A warm-hearted writer●“We shall find the peace. We shall hear the angels. We shall see the sky sparkled闪耀with diamonds.”contents● 1. Russian background in late 19th century● 2. His early short stories● 3. his works after 1890s.● 4. His representative: Ward No. 6《第六病室》The Man in a Case《套中人》1. BackgroundA. society polarized偏振的.●Reform of Muzhik. (Emancipation reform ) The peasants who had lost their land andrushed into cities became industrial workers.●Contradiction between working class and bourgeoisie.B. The Russian PopulistsThe Russian Populists : to resist the prevail流行of capitalism with the traditional Russian patriarchal clan system 宗法制so as to establish the Russian socialism.In 1880s The social contradiction turned severe and the Russian government of Tzarist俄国帝制的autocracy 专制strengthened political pressure on the people.C. high political pressure●The Russian Populists assassinated暗杀Tzar Alexander II in 1881. This terrorist恐怖主义者action caused the overwhelming压倒性的revenge报复of Russian government over the Russian people.●In turn, Russian people became more and more intolerant of the government.2. his early storiesHis early stories ironically satirized the servile character of the people.●The Death of a Government Clerk《一个文官的死》● A Chameleon《变色龙》ONE fine evening, a no less fine government clerk called Ivan Dmitritch T chervyakov was sitting in the second row of the stalls, gazing through an opera glass at the Cloches de Corneville. "I have spattered him," thought T chervyakov, "he is not the head of my department, but still it is awkward. I must apologize."In mid-1880s his stories reveals a sympathy toward the miserable people.●Sorrow《哀伤》THE turner, Grigory Petrov, who had been known for years past as a splendid craftsman工匠, and at the same time as the most senseless愚蠢的peasant in the Galtchinskoy district区域, was taking his old woman to the hospital.His old woman died●At last, to make an end of uncertainty, without looking round he felt his old woman's coldhand. The lifted hand fell like a log.●"She is dead, then! What a business!"●And the turner cried. He was not so much sorry as annoyedHe nearly went insane疯狂的●V anka《万卡》V ANKA ZHUKOV, a boy of nine, who had been for three months apprenticed to Alyahin the shoemaker, was sitting up on Christmas Eve. Waiting till his master and mistress and their workmen had gone to the midnight service, he took out of his master's cupboard a bottle of ink and a pen with a rusty nib, and, spreading out a crumpled sheet of paper in front of him, began writing.His grandpa：●He was a thin but extraordinarily nimble and lively little old man of sixty-five, with aneverlastingly laughing face and drunken eyes. By day he slept in the servants' kitchen, or made jokes with the cooks; at night, wrapped in an ample sheepskin, he walked round the grounds and tapped with his little mallet木槌.3. His works after 1889After 1889 Chekhov turned into serious criticism on dark reality in his short stories.Ward No. 6《第六病室》The Man in a Case《套中人》(1888)4. His representativeWard No. 6《第六病室》：It deals with the consequences of indifference漠不关心to human suffering.·Andrey Y efimitch拉京，Doctor of Ward No. 6, a humanist, who believes in non-violence●In response to the last question Andrey Y efimitch turned rather red and said: "Y es, he ismentally deranged, but he is an interesting young man."●They asked him no other questions.Nikita tortures折磨Andrey Y efimitch：Nikita opened the door quickly, and roughly with both his hands and his knee shoved Andrey Y efimitch back, then swung his arm and punched him in the face with his fist.Andrey Y efimitch dies死：Next day Andrey Y efimitch was buried. Mihail Averyanitch and Daryushka were the only people at the funeral葬礼.·Nikita尼基达，The porter守门人, Nikita, an old soldier wearing rusty生锈的good-conduct stripes, is always lying on the litter with a pipe烟斗between his teeth. He has a grim冷酷的, surly板面孔的, battered磨损的-looking face, overhanging eyebrows which give him the expression of a sheep-dog of the steppes, and a red nose;he is short and looks thin and scraggy瘦弱的, but he is of imposing deportment行为举止and his fists are vigorous. He belongs to the class of simple-hearted, practical实际的, and dull-witted people, prompt in carrying out orders, who like discipline better than anything in the world, and so are convinced that it is their duty to beat people.His cruelty：He showers blows on the face, on the chest, on the back, on whatever comes first, and is convinced that there would be no order in the place if he did not.·Ivan Dmitritch Gromov格罗莫夫，a man of thirty-three, who is a gentleman by birth, and has been a court usher接待员and provincial secretary, suffers from the mania狂热of persecution.迫害an official called Gromov，Some twelve or fifteen years ago an official called Gromov, a highly respectable and prosperous person, was living in his own house in the principal street of the town. he was well educated and well read; according to the townspeople's notions, he knew everything, and was in their eyes something like a walking encyclopedia活百科全书He became persecution mania受迫害妄想症●In the morning Ivan Dmitritch got up from his bed in a state of horror惊骇, with coldperspiration汗水on his forehead, completely convinced that he might be arrested any minute.Ward No. 6 is a symbol of the Tzarist Russia●And its only function is to persecute迫害the common people in Russia.●Nikita symbolizes tools of the government.The Man in a Case《套中人》(1888)：Byelikov tried to hide his thoughts●And Byelikov tried to hide his thoughts also in a case. The only things that were clear tohis mind were government circulars通告and newspaper articles in which something was forbidden.●Byelikov always says,"It is all right, of course; it is all very nice, but I hope it won't leadto anything!“●"Byelikov had a little bedroom like a box; his bed had curtains. When he went to bed hecovered his head over; it was hot and stuffy; the wind battered on the closed doors; there was a droning noise in the stove and a sound of sighs from the kitchen -- ominous sighs. . . . And he felt frightened under the bed-clothes.●He was afraid that something might happen, that Afanasy might murder him, that thievesmight break in, and so he had troubled dreams all night, and in the morning, when we went together to the high-school, he was depressed and pale, and it was evident that the high-school full of people excited dread and aversion恐惧和厌恶in his whole being, and that to walk beside me was irksome to a man of his solitary temperament.●"Y ou see and hear that they lie," said Ivan Ivanovitch, turning over on the other side,"and they call you a fool for putting up with their lying. Y ou endure insult and humiliation, and dare not openly say that you are on the side of the honest and the free, and you lie and smile yourself; and all that for the sake of a crust of bread, for the sake of a warm corner, for the sake of a wretched little worthless rank in the service. No, one can't go on living like this."不能这样生活Anthropus!恋爱的人。
the-name-and-nature-of-translation-studies《翻译学的名与实》
I. 霍姆斯其人：1924-1986生平：霍姆斯出生在美国Iowa爱荷华州，后在宾夕法尼亚州的哈弗福德Haverford学院学习英语文学，1949年受富布莱特项目Fulbright Project资助来到荷兰，从此荷兰成为他的第二故乡。
他虽然一直保留美国国籍，但绝大部分时间是在荷兰度过的。
霍姆斯师从阿姆斯特丹大学荷兰文学系主任，接触了大量荷语文学作品。
他从五十年代处就开始将荷语文学介绍到英语世界，此间也没有间断自己的诗歌创作，他的翻译理论研究工作则始于60年代末期。
在他的老师改任阿姆斯特丹大学综合文学系主任后，霍姆斯被聘为该系教师，除教授文学翻译实践外，他还率先开设了翻译理论课程。
霍姆斯同时还在以培养翻译人才为目标的阿姆斯特丹翻译学院任教。
他极力促成将该学院并入阿姆斯特丹大学人文学院，但1982年二者正式合并并且成立翻译系以后，作为翻译领域最重要的学者，霍姆斯没有顺理成章地成为该系教授，原因之一是他没有博士学位，另一方面则是因为它的同性恋行为、反传统的着装及他在翻译方面的见解为该系一些教员所不容，而霍姆斯也无意为他人而改变自己的生活方式。
他于1985年辞去在阿姆斯特丹大学的教职，次年因艾滋病去世，时年62岁。
成就：霍姆斯在诗歌创作、诗歌翻译和翻译理论研究等方面都有突出成就。
首先，他是一个诗歌翻译家。
霍姆斯最大的贡献在于充当荷兰在英语世界中的文学大使，使世界认识到荷兰文学的存在。
他的第一部译作是1955年出版的《当代荷兰诗选》，在此后30多年的翻译生涯中，他介绍过荷语地区几乎所有重要诗人的作品。
早在1956年，霍姆斯获得象征荷兰文学翻译界最高荣誉的马丁内斯·那霍夫奖（Martinus Nijhoff Prize），成为第一位获此殊荣的外国人。
他还在晚年1984年获得弗兰芒地区首届荷兰语文学奖，是迄今为止唯一获得两个翻译奖项的人。
其次，霍姆斯是一个同性恋诗人。
霍姆斯的诗作既有韵律诗又有自由体诗，绝大多数都是同性恋题材。
Corpus Linguistics and Translation Studies Mona Baker 1993 语料库翻译学文献
Corpus Linguistics and Translation StudiesImplications and ApplicationsMona BakerCobuild, BirminghamAbstractThe rise of corpus linguistics has serious implications for any discipline in which language plays a major role. This paper explores the impact that the availability of corpora is likely to have on the study of translation as an empirical phenomenon. It argues that the techniques and methodology developed in the field of corpus linguistics will have a direct impact on the emerging discipline of translation studies, particularly with respect to its theoretical and descriptive branches. The nature of this impact is discussed in some detail and brief reference is made to some of the applications of corpus techniques in the applied branch of the discipline.0.IntroductionA great deal of our experience of and knowledge about other cultures is mediated through various forms of translation, including written translations, sub-titling, dubbing, and various types of interpreting activities. The most obvious case in point is perhaps literature. Most of us know writers such as Ibsen, Dostoyevsky and Borges only through translated versions of their works. But our reliance on translation does not stop here. Our understanding of political issues, of art, and of various other areas which are central to our lives is no less dependent on translation than our understanding of world literature.Given that translated texts play such an important role in shaping our experience of life and our view of the world, it is difficult to understand why translation has traditionally been viewed as a second-rate activity, not worthy of serious academic enquiry, and why translated texts have been regarded as no more than second-hand and distorted versions of …real‟ text s. If they are to be studied at all, these second-hand texts are traditionally analysed with the (233) sole purpose of proving that they inevitably fall short of reproducing all the glory of the original. A striking proof of the low status accorded to translated texts comes from the young but by now well-established field of corpus linguistics. A recent survey commissioned by the Network of European Reference Corpora, an EEC-funded project, shows that many corpus builders in Europe specifically exclude translated text from their corpora.1 Thisis presumably done on the grounds that translated texts are not representative and that they might distort our view of the …real‟ language under investigation. It is perhaps justifiable to exclude translated texts which are produced by non-native speakers of the language in question, but what justification can there be for excluding translations produced by native speakers, other than that translated texts per se are thought to be somehow inferior or contrived? Biased as it may be, this traditional view of translation implies, in itself, an acknowledgement of the fact that translational behavior is different from other types of linguistic behavior, quite irrespective of the translator‟s mastery of the target language.The starting point of this paper is that translated texts record genuine communicative events and as such are neither inferior nor superior to other communicative events in any language. They are however different, and the nature of this difference needs to be explored and recorded. Moreover, translation should be taken seriously by related disciplines such as linguistics, literary theory and cultural and communication studies, not least because these disciplines can benefit from the results of research carried out in the field of translation. At the same time, as a phenomenon which pervades almost every aspect of our lives and shapes our understanding of the world, the study of translation can hardly be relegated to the periphery of other disciplines and sub-disciplines, those listed above being no exception. What is needed is an academic discipline which takes the phenomenon of translation as its main object of study. For many scholars, this discipline now exists. Some refer to it as the …science of translation‟, other as …translatology‟, but the most common term used today is …translation studies‟.Eco (1976:7) distinguishes between a discipline and a field of study. The first has “its own method and a precise object” (my emphasis). The second has “a repertoi re of interests that is not as yet completely unified”. It could be argued that translation studies is still largely a “field of study” in Eco‟s terms. The vast majority of research carried out in this, shall we say emerging discipline, is still concerned exclusively with the relationship between specific source and target texts, rather than with the nature of translated text as such. This relationship is generally investigated using notions such as equivalence, (234) correspondence, and shifts of translation, which betray a preoccupation with practical issues such as the training of translators. More important, the central role that these notions assume in the literature points to a general failure on the part of the theoretical branch of the discipline to define its object of study and to account for it. Instead of exploring features of translated texts as our object of study, we are still trying either to justify them or dismiss them by reference to their originals.It is my belief that the time is now ripe for a major redefinition of the scope and aims of translation studies, and that we are about to witness a turning point in the history of the discipline. I would like to argue that this turning point will come as a direct consequence of access to large corpora of both original and translated texts, and of the development of specific methods and tools for interrogating such corpora inways which are appropriate to the needs of translation scholars. Large corpora will provide theorists of translation with a unique opportunity to observe the object of their study and to explore what it is that makes it different from other objects of study, such as language in general or indeed any other kind of cultural interaction. It will also allow us to explore, on a larger scale than was ever possible before, the principles that govern translational behavior and the constraints under which it operates. Therein lie the two goals of any theoretical enquiry: to define its object of study and to account for it.Section 1 below offers an overview of the emerging discipline of translation studies and explains why translation scholars are now in a position to use the insights gained from corpus linguistics, and some of the techniques developed by it, to take translation across t he threshold of …field of study‟ and into the realm of fully-fledged disciplines.1.Translation studies: the state of the art1.1Central issues: the status of the source text and the notion of equivalenceUntil very recently, two assumptions dominated all discussions of translation and were never questioned in the literature. The first is that of the primacy of the source text, entailing a requirement for accuracy and faithfulness on the part of the translator. The second is a consequence of the first and is embodied in the notion of equivalence which has been the central concern of all discourse on translation since time immemorial. Translations should strive to be as equivalent to their originals as possible, with equivalence being understood, (235) mainly as a semantic or formal category. The implied aim of all studies on translation was never to establish what translation itself is, as a phenomenon, but rather to determine what an ideal translation, as an instance, should strive to be in order to minimise its inevitable distortion of the message, the spirit, and the elegance of the original.The essentialist question of how equivalence per se might be established in the course of translation has gradually been tempered by experience and by an explosion in the amount and range of texts which have come to be translated in a variety of ways on a regular basis. Hence, we now have a massive amount of literature which attempts to classify the notion of equivalence in a multitude of ways, and the question is no longer how equivalence might be achieved but, increasingly, what kind of equivalence can be achieved and in what contexts. This in itself is a noticeable improvement on the traditionally static view of equivalence, but it still assumes theprimacy of the source text and it still implies that a translation is merely a text striving to meet the standards of another text.1.2Developments which support a move towards corpus-based researchThe attempt to extend and classify the notion of equivalence has brought with it a need to explore not only the source text as the modal to be adhered to but also the target language, and the specific target language text type, in order to give meaning to such categories as stylistic equivalence and functional equivalence. If the idea is not simply to reproduce the formal structures of the source text but also to give some thought, and sometimes priority, to how similar meanings and functions are typically expressed in the target language, then the need to study authentic instances of similar discourse in the two languages becomes obvious.There have been other developments which have played a more direct role in preparing the ground for corpus work. One such development is the decline of what we might call the semantic view of the relationship between source and target texts. For a long time, discourse on translation was dominated by the idea that meaning, or messages, exist as such and can, indeed should, be transferred from source to target texts in much the same way as one might transfer wine from one glass to another. The traditional dichotomy of translating word-for-word or sense-for-sense is a product of this view of meaning. At about the same time that the notion of equivalence began to be reassessed, or perhaps a little earlier, new ideas began to develop about the nature of meaning in translation. Firth (1968:91) was among the first to sug(236)gest that, difficult though as it may appear, an approach which connects structures and systems of language to structures and systems in the context of situation (as opposed to structures and systems of thought) is more manageable and “more easily related to problems of translation”. Similarly, Haas (1986:104) stresses that, in practice, correspondence in meaning amounts to co rrespondence in use and asserts that “unless we can succeed in thus explaining translation, the mystery of bare and neutral fact will continue to haunt us”. Two expressions are equivalent in meaning if and only if “there is a correspondence between their uses” (ibid). The importance of this change in orientation, from a conceptual to a situational perspective and from meaning to usage, is that it supports the push towards descriptive studies in general and corpus-based studies in particular. Conceptual and semantic studies (in the traditional sense) can be based on introspection. Studies which take the context into consideration, and even more so, studies which attempt to investigate usage, are, by definition, only feasible if access is available to real data, and, in the case of usage, to substantial amounts of it.Apart from the decline of the semantic view of translation, another, and very exciting, development has been the emergence of approaches which undermine both the status of the source text vis-à-vis the translated text and the value of the very notion of equivalence, particularly if seen as a static relationship between the source and target texts. The move away from source texts and equivalence is instrumental in preparing the ground for corpus work because it enables the discipline to shed its longstanding obsession with the idea of studying individual instances in isolation (one translation compared to one source text at a time) and creates a requirement which can find fulfillment in corpus work, namely the study of large numbers of texts of the same type. This is precisely where corpus work comes into its own.1.2.1 New perspectives: polysystem theoryIn the late seventies, Even-Zohar, a Tel-Aviv scholar, began to develop a theory of literature as a polyststem, that is as a hierarchical and dynamic conglomerate of system rather than a disparate and static collection of texts. A given literary polysystem is seen as part of a larger cultural polysystem, itself consisting of various polysystems besides literature, for example politics and religion. These polysystems are structured differently in different cultures.Polysystem theory has far-reaching implications for the status of translated literature in general and for the status of the source text vis-à-vis the target text in particular. First, the theory assumes a high level of inter-dependence among the various systems and sub-systems which underlie a (237) given polysystem, as well as among the polysystems of literature in various cultures. This means that, for instance, “literature for children would not be considered a phenomenon sui generis, but related to literature for adults” and, similarly, “translated literature would not be disconnected from original literature” (Even-Zohar 1979:13). As a consequence, the status of translated literature is elevated to the point where it becomes worthy of investigation as a system in its own right, interacting with its co-systems and with the literary polysystems of other cultures. By recognising translated literature as a system in its own right, polysystemists shifted the attention away from individual literary translations as the object of literary studies to the study of a large body of translated literature in order to establish its systemic features.Second, one of the main properties of the polysystem is that there is constant struggle among its various strata, with individual elements and systems either being driven from the centre to the periphery or pushing their way towards the centre and possibly occupying it for a period of time (ibid:14). This constant state of flux suggests that no literary system or sub-system is restricted to the periphery by virtue of any inherent limitations on its value. Thus, the approach stresses that translated literature may, and sometimes does, occupy a central position in the polysystem and is therefore capable of providing canonised models for the whole polysystem. Moreover,given that polysystem theory recognises that intra- and inter-relations exist within both systems and polysystems, leading to various types of interference and transfer of elements, models, canons, and so on, it becomes obvious that “semiliterary texts, translated literature, children‟s literature—all those strata neglected in current literary studies—are indispensable objects of study for an adequate understanding of how and why transfers occur within systems as well as among them” (ibid:25). And finally, polysystemists reject the popular view of translation as a derivative activity and stress ins tead that literary translation is “a creatively controlled process of acculturation in that translators can take an original text and adapt it to a certain dominant poetics or ideology in the receiving culture” (Heylen 1993:21)This view of literature as a conglomerate of systems, as well as the growing interest in transfer and interference across systems, has gradually undermined the status of the source text in translation studies. Since the early eighties, Toury, another Tel-Aviv scholar, has been stressing that a translation belongs to one textual system only, namely the target system, and the source text has gradually been assuming the role of a stimulus or source of information rather than the starting point for analysis. Questions regarding how a translated text came into being or what type of relationship it has with a given (238) source text are becoming secondary to its classification as part of the target textual system. As Toury puts it in a more recent publication (1958:19):It is clear that, from the standpoint of the source text and source system, translations have hardly any significance at all, even if everybody in the source culture …knows‟ of their factual existence… Not only have they left the source system behind, but they are in no position to affect its linguistic and textual rules and norms, its textual history, or the source text as such. On the other hand, they may well influence the recipient culture and language, if only because every translation is initially perceived as a target language utterance.It is worth noting that similar, though not quite so radical, assessments of the status of the source text have also emerged among groups of scholars not specifically concerned with literary translation. For example, Vermeer (1983:90)2suggests that the function of the translated text is determined by the interests and expectations of its recipients and not by the function of the source text. The SL text is a source of information and, like other sources of information, it may be exploited in a variety of ways to meet the expectations of an envisaged audience.1.2.2 From equivalence to normsFrom the late seventies onwards, the source-oriented notion of equivalence has been gradually replaced by notions which clearly take the target system and culture as a starting point. Some of these notions have evolved within theories designed to account for translation within a commercial environment. They include, for example, Vermeer‟s notion of coherence, defined as the agreement of a text wit h its situation (Vermeer 1983), and Sager‟s definition of equivalence as a function of the specifications that accompany a request for translation (Sager 1993). The most important, however, has been the notion of norms, introduced by Toury (1978, 1980).Toury has developed a tripartite model in which norms represent an intermediate level between competence and performance. If we think of competence as an inventory of all the options that are available to translators in a given context, and performance as the subset of options which are actually selected by translators from this inventory, then norms are a further subset of these options. They are options which are regularly taken up by translators at a given time and in a given socio-cultural situation. In this sense, the notion of norms is very similar to that of typicality, a notion which has emerged from recent work on corpus-based lexicography and which contrasts sharply with the standard, absolute dualisms in linguistics; competence and performance, (239) language and parole.Norms, then, are a category of descriptive analysis. They can be identified only by reference to a corpus of source and target texts, the scrutiny of which would allow us to record strategies of translation which are repeatedly opted for, in preference to other available strategies, in a given culture or textual system. The concept of norms tips the balance not only in favour of the target text (as opposed to the traditional obsession with the source text), but, more important, it assumes that the primary object of analysis in translation studies is not an individual translation but a coherent corpus of translated texts. Norms do not emerge from a source text or a body of source texts. Equally, they do not emerge from the target system nor from a general collection of target texts. They are a product of a tradition of translating in specific ways, a tradition which can only be observed and elaborated through the analysis of a representative body of translated texts in a given language or culture. They can therefore be seen not just as a descriptive category but also as providing a functional, socio-historical basis for the structure of the discipline (Lambert 1985:34).1.2.3 The rise of descriptive translation studiesSince the seventies, several scholars have begun to express dissatisfaction with the heavy reliance on introspective methods in translation studies. Holms (1988:101) makes the point most clearly:Many of the weaknesses and naiveties of contemporary translation theories are a result of the fact that the theories were, by and large, developed deductively, without recourse to actual translated texts-in-function, or at best to a very restricted corpus introduced for illustration rather than for verification or falsification.Newman (1980:64) similarly suggests that the way out of the dilemma posed by the notions of equivalence and translatability is to look at actual instances of translation and to determine, on the basis of those instances, “the link of generalities that might from the basis of a theory of competence or systematic description”. It is however Toury who has done more to elaborate the concept of descriptive translation studies than anyone else in the discipline.For Toury, it is vital for translation studies to develop a descriptive branch if it is ever to become an autonomous discipline. Without this, translators will continue to rely on other disciplines such as linguistics to provide them with theoretical frameworks and the means to test their hypotheses. Descriptive Translation Studies, or DTS for short, is not reducible to a collection of case studies or comparative analysis of source and target texts. It is (240) that branch of the discipline which must provide a sound methodology and explicit research procedures to enable the findings of individual descriptive studies to be expressed in terms of generalisations about translational behavior. Its agenda consists, primarily, of investigating what translation is “under any defined set of circumstances … and WHY it is realized the way it is” (Toury 1991a:186). One of its main objectives is to render the findings of individual studies intersubjective and to make the studies themselves “repeatable, either for the same or for another corpus” (Toury 1980:81).It is perhaps worth noting at this point that although the words corpus and corpora are beginning to figure prominently in the literature on translation, they do not refer to the same kind of corpora that we tend to talk about in linguistics. Corpora in translation studies have so far been very modest affairs. Their size is not generally expressed in terms of number of words but of number of texts, and they are searched manually. For example, Vanderauwera (1958) is a study of “50 or so novels” translated from Dutch into English in “roughly the period 1960-1980” (ibid:1-2). This is a very small corpus, and yet the experience of searching it manually leads Vanderauwera to suggest that “serious and systematic research into translated texts is a laborious and tiresome bu siness” (ibid:6). Toury himself seems torn between the need to set an ambitious program for DTS and the recognition that “the larger and/or more heterogeneous the corpus, the greater the difficulties one is likely to encounter while performing the process of extraction and generalization” (1980:66-7). In an earlier publication, Toury (1978:96) argues for a distributional study of norms based on statistical techniques but concludes that… as yet we are in no position to point to strict statistical methods for dealing with translational norms, or even to supply sampling rules for actual research (which, because of human limitations, has nearly always been applied to samples only, and will probably go on being carried out in much the same way).At this stage we must be content with our intuitions … and use them as keys for selecting a corpus and for hitting upon ideas.One of John Sinclair‟s major achievements for linguistics has been his success, through the collection of computerised corpora and the development of a relevant research methodology, in providing ways of overcoming our human limitations and minimizing our reliance on intuition. His work can provide solutions for precisely the kind of problems that translation scholars are still struggling with today. (241)2.Corpus work in translation studies: the potentialThere is no doubt that the availability of corpora and of corpus-driven methodology will soon provide valuable insights in the applied branch of translation studies, and that the impact of corpus-based research will be felt there long before it begins to trickle into the theoretical and descriptive branches of the discipline. Sinclair (1992:395) touches very briefly, and strictly from the point of view of linguist, on one obvious application:The new corpus resources are expected to have a profound effect on the translations of future. Attempts at machine translation have consistently demonstrated to linguists that they do not know enough about the languages concerned to effect an acceptable translation. In principle, the corpora can provide the information.In the above statement, which is one of the very few Sinclair has made on translation, the concern is merely with improving the performance of translators and of machine translation systems in terms of approximating to the structures and natural patterns of a given language or languages. This same concern underlies most of the expressions of interest in corpus studies which are beginning to take shape in the literature.3 It is of course a legitimate concern and one which will be shared widely by scholars within and outside translation studies, theorists and practitioners alike. I would, however, like to think that the …profound effect‟ which Sinclair refers to will not be understood merely in terms of knowing enough about the languages concernedto approximate to their patterns. After all, once we are in a position to describe and account for our object of study, namely translation, we might find that approximating to the patterns of the target language, or any language for that matter, is not necessarily as feasible as we seem to assume, and that it is not the only factor at play in shaping translational behavior. Several scholars, for example Toury (1991b:50) and Even-Zohar (1979:77) have already noted that the very activity of translating, the need to communicate in translated utterances, operates as a major constraint on translational behavior and gives rise to patterns which are specific to translated texts. Thus Even-Zohar (ibid) stre sses that “we can observe in translation patterns w hich are inexplicable in terms of any of the repertoires involved”, that is patterns which are not the result of interference from the source or target language. Examples of these patterns are discussed as universal features of translation in section 2.1 below. The profound effect that corpora will have on translation studies, in my view, (242) will be a consequence of their enabling us to identify features of translated text which will help us understand what translation is and how it works. The practical question of how to improve our translations will find more reliable and realistic answers once the phenomenon of translation itself is explained in its own terms.Practical applications aside, what kind of queries can access to computerised corpora help us resolve in our effort to explicate the phenomenon of translation? Given that this question, to my knowledge, has not been addressed before, what follows has to be seem as a very tentative list of suggestions which can provide a starting-point for corpus-based investigations in the discipline but which do not, by any means, address the full potential of corpora in translation studies.2.1 Universal features of translationThe most important task that awaits the application of corpus techniques in translation studies, it seems to me, is the elucidation of the nature of translated text as a mediated communicative event. In order to do this, it will be necessary to develop tools that will enable us to identify universal features of translation, that is features which typically occur in translated text rather than original utterances and which are not the result of interference from specific linguistic systems.It might be useful at this point to give a few examples of the type of translation universals I have in mind. Based on small-scale studies and casual observation, a number of scholars have noted features which seem, intuitively, to be linked to the nature of the translation process itself rather than to the confrontation of specific linguistic systems. These include:。
抗战诗词_文学研究_人文社科_专业资料
1. 满江红作者：郁达夫2. 沁园春作者：佟麟阁3. 晓闻炮声不能成寐作者：沈钧儒4. 满江红作者：张自忠5. 满江红作者：戴安澜6. 满江红作者：高志航7. 满江红作者：王铭章8. 水调歌头作者：左权9. 水调歌头作者：彭雪枫10. 水调歌头作者：赵尚志11. 沁园春作者：杨靖宇12. 沁园春作者：赵一曼13. 满江红作者：张自忠14. 太行春感作者：朱德15. 挽戴安澜将军作者：毛泽东16.“七七”五周年感赋作者：陈毅17. 建军纪念日怀战烈刘伯坚同志作者：叶剑英18. 大梁山打游击作者：陶铸19. 江南战火作者：田汉20. 香港沦陷后赴桂林有感作者：何香凝21. 悼儿作者：冯玉祥22. 日寇投降，喜赋一律作者：陈叔通23. 无题作者：吴玉章24. 就义诗作者：吉鸿昌25. [中吕]醉高歌闻日本乞降作作者：于右任26. 春愁作者：丘逢甲27. 勖报社诸同志作者：邓拓28. 一九四五年九月三日为庆祝胜利日有作作者：柳亚子29. 浪淘沙〃留别作者：沙文汉30. 车过嘉兴作者：朱緼山31. 记南京大屠杀（选二）作者：虞天石32. 伤时感怀作者：毛翼虎33. 南京大屠杀作者：王惟敏34. 出太行一九四Ο年五月35. 寄语蜀中父老一九三九年36. 和董必武同志七绝五首（录四首37. 秋兴作者：郁达夫38. 七律一首作者：郭沫若39. 江油水行居（1941年）作者：谢无量40. 登祝融峰一九三八年作者：叶剑英41. 羊城怀旧42. 看方志敏同志手书有感 .一九四0年43. 寄续范亭司令并呈怀安诸老（二首）一九四一年九月44. 满江红〃悼左权同志一九四二年七月七日45. 和朱德同志诗46. 沁园春作者：赵登禹47.沁园春•雪作者：毛泽东48.长征作者：毛泽东49.沁园春•长沙作者：毛泽东50.浪淘沙•北戴河作者：毛泽东51. 忆秦娥〃娄山关作者：毛泽东52.东北抗日联军第一路军歌作者：杨靖宇53.七律•纪念抗战女英雄54.露营之歌作者：李兆麟满江红作者：郁达夫三百年来，我华夏威风久歇。
俄语翻译练习
Кого и, главное, за что уважают российские гражданеТрадиционно мнение о деятельности известных бизнесменов высказывают конкуренты, отраслевые аналитики, экономисты. Мы решили узнать, что думает об олигархах общественность. Специально для Forbes исследовательская компания Profi Online Research провела интернет-опрос. Каждому из двух тысяч респондентов было предложено выбрать из первой сотни самых богатых россиян(по версии Forbes) тех, которые вызывают у них наибольшее уважение. Первая десятка сформирована из бизнесменов, получивших наибольшее количество голосов. А затем участниковисследования попросили выбрать из списка18 положительных качеств те, которые в наибольшей степени свойственны данному бизнесмену. В перечень значимых качеств мы включили как «человеческие», проявляющиеся не только в бизнесе (хорошая интуиция, жесткость, ловкость, честность),так и чисто деловые(способность строить эффективный бизнес и обходить конкурентов, любовь к новациям, уважение к партнерам, чистота репутации и т. д.).Какие выводы можно сделать из полученных результатов? Интересно, что «народная любовь» отнюдь не всегда коррелирует с частотой появления предпринимателя на страницах газет и журналов: лишь четверо участников нынешнего рейтинга оказались и в числе самых популярных бизнесменов 2011 года, чаще других попадавших в заголовки СМИ (этот рейтинг был опубликован в декабре 2011 года).Оказалось также, что ни один из участников «Золотой сотни» не вызывает уважение даже у трети опрошенных. А начиная с пятого участника списка самых уважаемых бизнесменов доля их «народной поддержки» падает ниже 13%. При этом важнейшим качеством, за которое люди ценят олигархов, является деловая хватка, в то же время сравнительно малый процент опрошенных считают их сильнымисторонами скромность и честность. Надо отметить еще одну закономерность: чем ниже олигарх располагается в списке, тем большее число респондентов считают его преимуществом безупречную репутацию.最重要的是俄罗斯公民尊重谁以及尊重他的原因竞争对手，行业分析师和经济学家都发表了对著名商人的活动的传统观点,我们决定了解一下大众对寡头们的看法。
标准日本语初级上册 第二十一课
标准日本语初级上册第二十一课本课词汇词汇Ⅰ歌舞伎 (かぶき) (0) [名] 歌舞伎劇場 (げきじょう) (0) [名] 剧场能 (のう) (0) [名] 能 (古典歌舞剧)狂言 (きょうげん) (3) [名] 狂言 (古典滑稽剧)古典芸能 (こてんげいのう) (4) [名] 古典表演艺术外国 (がいこく) (0) [名] 外国公演する (こうえんする) (0) [动3] 公演，演出授業 (じゅぎょう) (1) [名] 课芝居 (しばい) (0) [名] 戏，戏剧内容 (ないよう) (0) [名] 内容感想 (かんそう) (0) [名] 感想…たあとで词汇Ⅱ走る (はしる) (2) [动1] 跑聞く (きく) (0) [动1] 听泳ぐ (およぐ) (2) [动1] 游泳山 (やま) (2) [名] 山疲れる (つかれる) (3) [动2] 疲劳，劳累海 (うみ) (1) [名] 海本课重点：１…「た」ことがあります２…「た」あとで、…（１）王さんは歌舞伎の本を読んだことがあります。
劇場で歌舞伎を見たことがありません。
能や狂言も見にことがありません。
田中さんは仕事が終わったあとで、切符を買いに行きます。
歌舞伎を見たあとで、王さんと食事をします。
（２）日本には古典芸能がたくさんあります。
歌舞伎や能や狂言は代表的な古典芸能です。
特に歌舞伎は人気があって、おおぜいの人が見に行きます。
外国で公演したこともあります。
田中さんは歌舞伎が好きで、何度もみたことがあります。
王さんはまだ見たことがありません。
王さんは歌舞伎の本を読んだあとで来月の公演が見たくなりました。
王さんは大学の授業が終わったあとで、田中さんと歌舞伎の話をしました。
（３）王：昨日日曜日歌舞伎の本を読みました。
田中：そうですか。
王さんは歌舞伎を見たことがありますか。
王：いいえ。
まだ一度もありません。
田中：一度見たほうがいいですよ。
歌舞伎は日本の代表的な古典芸能ですから。
the Context in Translation
the Context in Translation:from the Perspective of Relevance TheoryAbstract : Translation as a communicative activity, has a close relationship with context. And context also play a vital and positive role in translation studies. Based on the Relevance Theory put forward by Sperber and Wilson(1986) ,This thesis aims to explore the effect of context to translation, which will be helpful for it provides a new view to study and practice translation.Keywords:translation; context; relevance theory; optimal relevance ; cognitive context; dynamic context1.Introductiontranslation is a very special kind of communication that does not always happen among people face to face, and it depends much on the context. Understanding the semantic meaning of a text is not sufficient, comprehending the contextual meaning is also very important for good translation. Translators do not engage in the mere translation of words; do not translate according to those static and fixed contextual elements, their interpretive acts deal with reasoning and exploration of situations that are constituted by an intense interaction of linguistic, psychological, anthropological, and cultural phenomena. [1] In this way, a dynamic context that depends so much on the relevance of the language and environment is established in the process of translating. So during the process of translation, the main task of translator is to find out the relevance, especially the optimal relevance between the language and context.2. Relevance Theory and Optimal Relevance2.1. Relevance TheoryRelevance Theory is first put forward by Linguists Sperber and Wilson in thefamous linguistic work 'Relevance: Communication and Cognition', which explains linguistic activities in the framework of cognition. In the Relevance Theory, the communication including verbal and non-verbal communicative activities is regarded as a cognitive activity, and its success depends on the consensus towards in cognitive environment between both sides of communication. The cognitive environment always includes lexical meaning, encyclopedic knowledge and logical information. To have a successful communication, the search for the consensus and relevance is the most important. According to this consensus and the relevance, people can understand the intention and purpose of the speaker or the author easily.Sperber and Wilson also suggests that the understanding of the utterance is not only a reasoning process, but also a process of ostensive inference. Traditionally, there are two models of communication. One is the coded model which is a process of codes transformation. The other one is inferential communication that depends much on the context reasoning. Therefore, to understand the utterance, especially those culture-oriented utterances, simply coding and decoding is far less than enough. So Sperber and Wilson combined these two models and then advanced the concept of 'Ostensive-Inferential Communication', in which the communication is regarded as an inferential process, and context inference plays an important role in it. 'Strictly speaking, relevance theory applied not to all communication in the sense of any kind of information transfer, but to' ostensive communication 'or, more explicitly, to 'Ostensive-Inferential Communication': 'ostensive-inferential communication consists in making manifest to an audience one's attention to make manifest a basic layer of information', this basic layer of information being the communicator's informative intention. '[2]2.2 Relevance and degree of relevanceIn communication, the same sentence always has different understandings under different conditions which are not aroused by the word meaning, but by many other non-verbal factors, such as time, place, social background, status and intention of the speaker or the author. Usually, people do not realize these factors or cannot immediately relate these factors to the certain utterance, so people cannot understandthe real meaning of a sentence and the communication is blocked. So people need to know how the two relate to each other and how to reason and understand the meaning of an utterance. Sperber and Wilson introduce and define in terms of the following conditions:Extent condition 1: an assumption is relevant in a context to the extent that its contextual effects in this context are large.Extent condition 2: an assumption is relevant in a context to the extent that effort required to process it in this context is small. [3]According to Sperber and Wilson, the degree of relevance depends on the contextual effects and processing effort. However, the contextual effects cannot be achieved easily. Even if people put in a lot of processing effort, they may not achieve the sufficient contextual effects. The achievement of contextual effects always depends on the following factors: the complexity of an utterance, the explication of the context and processing effort that are made to reason the contextual effects. In the framework of relevance not all the contextual implications of a given proposition can be easy to obtain. Those derived from small, easily accessible contexts will be relatively cheap in processing terms. Those derived from large, less easily accessible contexts will be relatively expensive in processing terms.But relevance is a comparative concept, for it contrasts with the context and depends on the context; and also it is decided by the communicators' cognitive capacity and environment, so the degree of relevance can be classified as maximally relevant, very relevant, weakly relevant and irrelevant. Look at the following examples:(1) A: How long did the conference last?B: Two hours.In this dialogue, the contextual effect is maximal, the processing efforts are minimal, the relevance is the strongest, so we can say that the dialogue has a very clear context, and need little processing efforts. And the utterance and context are maximally relevant.(2) A: I am out of petrol.B: There is a garage around the corner.In the dialogue above, sentence A actually means, 'Where can I buy petrol?' And sentence B means that 'Y ou can buy petrol in the garage'. In this case, sentence A and B seems irrelevant, but 'we can buy petrol in the garage 'is a common sense that everybody knows it. We still can understand the utterance, but it needs hearers more processing efforts than the first example. So it is still a very relevant utterance.(3) A: The hostess is an awful bore. Do you think so?B: The roses are lovely, aren't they?In this case, B gives a completely irrelevant answer to A. The answer seems irrelevant semantically, while it has relevance pragmatically. In this time, to obtain certain contextual effects, lots of processing efforts needed, and then the utterance will have a special conversation meaning: let's not talk about the hostess here and now.2.3. Principle of relevance and optimal relevancelinguistic communication is relevance-oriented, and 'cost' and 'benefit' are two important factors in this process. However, whether an utterance has adequate relevance, many factors such as the expression styles of an utterance, the hearer's cognitive environment, intellectual and sensibility, should be taken into account. 'The different degrees of accessibility of contextual assumptions make themselves felt by the amount of effort their retrieval requires in a particular act of communication. This sensibility to processing effort is one of the crucial factors that make inferential communication possible: it seems that communication, no doubt like many other human activities, is determined by the desire of optimization of resources, and one aim of optimization is to keep the effort spent to a minimum. '[4] During the process of the ostensive communication, both communicators try their best to look for the optimal relevance of the speaker's utterance and the hearer's cognitive environment, trying to make successful communication. But what is the optimal relevance? And Sperber and Wilson defined 'the presumption of optimal relevance' as follows:(a) The ostensive stimulus is the most relevant enough for it to be worth the addressee's effort to process it.(b) The ostensive stimulus is the most relevant one compatible with thecommunicator's abilities and preferences. [5]'The central claim of relevance theory is that human communication crucially creates an expectation of optimal relevance, that is, an expectation on the part of the hearer that his attempt at interpretation will yield adequate contextual effects at minimal processing cost. This fact is believed to be part of your human psychology, and is expressed in relevance theory as the principle of relevance:Every act of ostensive communication communicates the presumption o f its own optimal relevance. '[6]Otherwise, not all the ostensive stimulus can obtain the optimal relevance. If and only if an utterance achieves enough contextual effect that can attract the hearer's attention, and if and only if an utterance makes the hearer need no gratuitous mental effort, the optimal relevance can be obtained. That is, to obtain the optimal relevance, the speaker implicitly and automatically conveys the assumption that the hearer can expect to derive adequate contextual effects without spending unnecessary efforts. [7] In the pursuit of optimal relevance it turns first to highly accessible information, looking for adequate contextual effects; if this information does yield contextual effects adequate to the occasion in a way the speaker could foreseen, then it will assume that it has used the right, that is, speaker-intended, contextual information. '[8] in all, the relevance is the result of the interplays of the contextual effects and processing efforts. In other words, if the processing effort is minimal while the contextual effects are maximal, the utterance has the optimal relevance and vise visa.3. Discussion on context in the perspective of the relevance theory3.1. definition of contextIn English, 'context' originated from the Latin word 'contextus', which means,' a joining together '. According to the Webster's New World Dictionary of the American Language, context means' the parts of a sentence, paragraph, discourse etc, immediately next to or surrounding a specified word or passage and determining its exact meaning.' It also refers to 'the whole situation, background, or environment relevant to a particular event, personality, creation etc.' [9] on the basis of them, manylinguists and translation scholars developed their own definition of context. Some simply use the word 'context'; some prefer the term 'situational context', 'context of situation', and some others propose such terms as 'context of culture', 'context of utterance'. Besides, quite a few persons choose the word 'environment' and propose some terms like the following: language environment, pragmatic environment, social environment, natural environment etc. Up until now, the meaning of context is extended to a large scale, but no clear definitions have been given to. [10] In a word, context is a systematic construct consisting of linguistic a nd non-linguistic factors determining the understanding and interpretation of text. Furthermore, both linguistic and non-linguistic context are composed of various kinds of contextual factors, such as language systems, geographical factors , social backgrounds and Culture differences etc.3.2 Discussion on context in the perspective of the relevance theory3.2.1 Static context and dynamic contextTraditionally, people classify context in different perspectives Some just simply classify it as linguistic context or non-linguistic context. Linguists Duranti and Goodwin suggest that context consists of text, situation, behavior environment, and immediate background knowledge. On the basis of precious classification, Chen Zhi'ang and Wenxu made a good conclusion. They classified context as follows: ①broad-sensed context and narrow-sensed context ②situation context and text ③objective context and subjective context ④implicit context and explicit context ⑤actual context and invented context ⑥verbal context and non-verbal context. [11] But all of these interpretations of context are static and fixed, and all of the contextual components are regarded as static, fixed and isolated. As the deepening of the context study, as the combination of the context study and communication study, traditional and static context study cannot meet the needs of dynamic communication process. People need to discuss context in a new perspective.Later on, Thomas holds that context is dynamic and changing all the time according to all the factors relevant to communication. [12] Most of the contextual factors are developing, and all the developing factors would probably become theelements of context. But not all the contextual components can be seen as context, only those closely relate to the current communication can form the context. Professor Liu Huanhui pointed out that all the probable contextual components, objective or subjective, would not form the context if they lose the relevance to the linguistic communication. '. [13] and Frank Dance suggested that the process of communication is a process of twisting ascendance, and the linguistic communication is a continuously developing process. [14] In another word, the linguistic communication is dynamic, the precious information is the foreword of the latter informatio n, and then the latter information becomes the foreword of the next latter information. In this way, the context is changing as the communication is developing. Hence , context is a dynamic concept as well as communication.Thus under the framework of dynamic context, context is seen as a continuously developing process, which reflects the dynamic relations between communicators and environment. On one hand, the communicators should be restricted by context, that is, an utterance is meaningful only if it can adjust to a certain context. On the other hand, the communicators can intentionally manipulate the contextual components to form a context that is beneficial to their linguistic communication. In other words, the communicators are not only controlled by context, they also control text.3.2.2. Cognitive contextIn the perspective of relevance theory, context is also a psychological concept: 'A context is a psychological construct, a subset of the hearer's assumptions about the world.' [15] So in relevance theory, context refers to part of their 'assumptions about the world' or cognitive environment, as it is called. So the cognitive context discusses context in the perspective of relevance theory and under the framework of cognition. The notion of 'cognitive context' takes into account the various external factors but places the emphasis on the information they provided and its mental availability for the interpretation process. [16 ] According to Sperber and Wilson, 'the cognitive context of a person comprises a potentially huge amount of very varied information. It includes information that can be perceived in the physical environment, informationthat can be retrieved from memory ---- in itself a vast store of information, including information deriving from preceding utterances plus any cultural or any other knowledge stored there ---- and furthermore information that can be inferred from those two sources. '[17] but how the hearers or translators manage to select the actual, speaker-intended assumptions from among all the assumptions they could use form their environment? Look at the following example:A: Would you like some coffee?B: Coffee would keep me awake.In this case, A wants to offer B a coffee, so A asks the question hoping to get a definite answer. However, B does not give A an obvious answer, but gives an irrelevant answer to A's question. At this time, A would guess and reason the actual meaning of B according to some contextual components, such as time, place, situation, character and mood of B, the relations of A and B, etc. If B is very tired and wanting to sleep well at night, then the intended meaning of B is: 'No, thanks!' If B has a lot of work to do and need to stay up all night, then the intended meaning of B is: 'Y es, please!' As the above example show, a same sentence has many different understandings and meanings. And Sperber and Wilson also hold the opinion that any utterances have different meaning in different situation; the speaker should express the crucial emphasis by the way of ostensive inference, guiding the hearer to reason the actual context in the correct direction.human beings like to internalize the external environment, and their own Experience to form a cognitive context established during the process of understanding by continuous selection, which is helpful for their understanding of the utterance or text. The process of processing and selecting the optimal context is a process of looking for the optimal relevance of utterance and context. In relevance theory, cognitive context is developing and dynamic. In order to give a relevant interpretation to an utterance, people have to add some more relevant assumptions to context. that is to say,'To be communicatively competent , one should also be capable of actively manipulating aspects of context to advance his or her communicative goals and effectively interpret meaning by creating an appropriate context for theinterpretation procedure.'[18] To sum up, in the perspective of relevance theory, the context in communication is dynamic, and the key of utterance understanding is to look for relevance in the cognitive context.Bibliography[1] Schulte, Rainer. Translation Theory: A Challenge for the Future [J]. TranslationReview 23, 1987, P2[2] Sperber, Dan Deirdre Wilson. Relevance: Communication and Cognition [M].Oxford: Blackwell, 1986a, P54[3] With [2], P125.[4] With [4], P28[5] Sperber, Dan Deirdre Wilson. Relevance: Communication and Cognition [M].Oxford: Blackwell, (2nd revised ed.1995), P270[6] With [4], P 158[7] He Zhaoxiong . A New Summary of Pragmatics [M]. Shanghai :Shanghai ForeignLanguage Education Press, 2002, P200[8] With [4], P 33[9] Quan Dan-dan. 'No Context, No Text'---The Importance of Context in Translation [J]. Journal of Henan Education Institute (philosophy and Social Sciences), 2001(1), P126[10] With [10], P126[11] With [12], P23[12] Thomas, J. Meaning in Interaction: an Introduction to Pragmatics [M]. Londonand New Y ork: Longman, 1995, P24[13] Liu Huanhui . Context and Communication [C].Context Research papers, theBeijing Languages Institute Press, 1992, P441[14] He Zhaoxiong, Jiang Y anmei . Dynamic Study of Context [J]. Studies (ShanghaiInternational Studies University ), 1997(6), P16[15] With [2], P15[16] With [4], P27[17] With [4], P27[18] With [17], P16[19] Jiang Dongmei. On the Importance of Context in Translation [J]. Journal ofLingling University, 2003(6), P84[20] With [10], P127[21] With [4], P76-P77[22] Blakemore, Diane. Semantic Constraints on Relevance [M]. Oxford: Blackwell,1987, P43[23] With [10], P128[24] With [10], P128Reposted elsewhere in the Free Paper Download Center。
dictionary of translation studies 提取码
dictionary of translation studies 提取码1. 引言1.1 概述翻译研究作为一门学科，探讨着语言之间的传递和转换过程，并对跨文化交流起着重要的角色。
它涵盖了广泛的范畴，从文学、商务到政治和科技领域。
随着全球化进程的加速发展，翻译学在不同行业中扮演着越来越重要的角色。
1.2 文章结构本文主要包括五个部分：引言、翻译研究概念及定义、翻译流派和理论框架、翻译实践与技巧探讨以及当代翻译研究趋势及展望。
在引言部分，我们将讨论文章整体框架，并简要介绍每个章节的内容。
接下来，我们将深入探讨翻译学科的定义和范围。
1.3 目的本篇长文旨在提供一个权威且全面的“Dictionary of Translation Studies”，帮助读者更好地了解和掌握这个专业领域。
该字典将涵盖各种相关概念、理论、方法和技巧，并通过案例研究和实践经验来丰富读者的知识和认知。
我们希望通过本文的撰写，能够激发读者对翻译学科的兴趣，并为他们在学术研究或实际应用中提供有益的参考资料。
2. 翻译研究概念及定义2.1 翻译的涵义与范畴翻译是一种将一种语言的意义转化为另一种语言的行为。
它旨在通过保持原始信息的准确性和完整性，将一个文本从源语言转换为目标语言。
翻译不仅仅是简单地替换单词和句子，而是涉及到转移文化、背景知识和上下文等方面。
翻译可以分为口译和笔译两种形式。
口译是指在口头交流中即时传递信息，而笔译则是通过书面形式将源语言文本转化为目标语言文本。
2.2 翻译研究的历史发展翻译作为一门学科已经有着悠久的历史。
早在古代，人们就开始进行文字之间的翻译。
随着社会的发展和交流的增加，翻译也开始被广泛应用于各个领域。
20世纪以来，翻译作为一门学科得到了更加深入的研究，并出现了许多理论框架和方法论。
这些理论包括功能对等理论、结构主义翻译观点和功能翻译学派等。
这些理论提供了不同的视角来分析和理解翻译过程和现象。
2.3 翻译研究的重要性与意义翻译研究在文化交流、知识传播和跨语言交流等方面起着重要作用。
2009 Variation in the English definite article
Journal of Sociolinguistics13/4,2009:435–471Variation in the English definite article:Socio-historical linguisticsin t’speech community1Sali A.Tagliamonte and Rebecca V.Roeder University of Toronto and University of North Carolina at CharlotteThis paper provides a sociolinguistic analysis of variation in the Englishdefinite article, a.k.a.definite article reduction(DAR),in the city ofYork,northeast Yorkshire,England.Embedding the analysis in historical,dialectological and contemporary studies of this phenomenon,the findingsuncover a rich system of variability between the standard forms as well asreduced and zero variants.These are involved in a system of multicausalconstraints,phonological,grammatical,and discourse-pragmatic that areconsistent across the speech community.However,the reduced variants arenot derivative of each other,but reflect contrasting functions in the system.Interestingly,the reduced variants are accelerating in use among the youngmen,suggesting that DAR is being recycled as an identity marker of the localvernacular.This change is put in sociohistorical context by an appeal tothe recently developing interest and evolving prestige of Northern Englishesmore generally.KEYWORDS:Definite article reduction,DAR,recycling,local identity This paper is dedicated to the memory of Bob Le Page INTRODUCTIONIn contemporary standard English the definite article–the–is prescribed to be pronounced[D i:]in stressed positions and has two main allomorphs,[D i], before an initial vowel,as in the apple,and[D@]before an initial consonant,as in the banana.In actuality,even in Standard English the definite article has many different phonetic realizations,very few of which approximate the canonical forms(see Manuel1995).However,in some of the dialects of northern England, the definite article has variants that are not found anywhere else.Not surprisingly then,this phenomenon has been the subject of long-standing fascination from early dialectological research(e.g.Hedevind1967;W.Jones1952;Morris1911; Nicholson1889;Tidholm1979)to phonological analyses(Barry1972;Melchers 1972;Petyt1977;Shorrocks1991,1992),to more recent in-depth phonetic analyses(M.Jones2002)and pragmatic analysis(Rupp and Page-Verhoeff436TAGLIAMONTE AND ROEDER 2005).The unique vowel-less northern forms of the definite article have even acquired an acronym–DAR,which refers to Definite Article Reduction and is usually written<t’>in the literature,that is variants of the definite article which are either absent,or scarcely audible(Barry1972;Ellis1869–1889;Jespersen 1961;W.Jones1952;Morris1911;Tidholm1979).In order to contextualize the variation in the definite article system we first consider how the definite article in English evolved.HISTORY OF THE DEFINITE ARTICLETable1provides a gross chronological outline of the development of the definite article in English.The Old English equivalent of the definite article was a deictic demonstrative pronoun that was elaborately marked for case,number,and gender(Lass1992:112).In Middle English these distinctions were gradually lost,leaving for the most part an invariant form with a fricative realization. Nevertheless,there are ample reports of variation,either lingering variants from the older system or other variants.For example,common nouns that were definite in reference but appeared without articles were quite widespread (Christophersen1939:87).Indeed,according to Chistophersen(1939:84)the history of the English articles‘shows a constant loss of ground on the part of the zero form’.Around the13th century,the demonstrative pronoun developed a pure article function,occurring more and more with common nouns which were used in a proper name capacity,and in the process,losing all of its marking (Christophersen1939:85).Moreover,once it had become a full-fledged definite article in function,its form underwent a number of phonologically conditioned changes.Thus,variation in the form of the definite article has been a long-standing characteristic of the system.Various different phonetic forms are reported in the literature,which according to Wyld(1927:283)depend on the surrounding phonological environment, although Mustanoja(1960:232)refers to them as‘stereotyped survivals’.Some Table1:Overview of the development of the definite article in English(e.g. Christopherson1939;Jespersen1961;Mustanoja1960)9–12th century13–14th century Later...•demonstrative pronoun elaborately marked for number,gender,case •gradual loss ofinflectional markings•definite article in place,but variable phoneticforms•the zero definite article is common •the zero definite articleloses ground•[D]in hiatus beforemain or secondarilystressed initial vowels•unaccented the became[D@ι]before a C and[D i]before a VVARIATION IN THE ENGLISH DEFINITE ARTICLE437 of these can be recovered from old texts,where the definite article often retains features of the old inflections,particularly the plural forms tha and tho,as in(1), (Fischer1992:217;Moss´e1952:61;Mustanoja1960:233).(1) a.among tha trees...(Cursor Mundi,861,Cotton and G¨o tt mss.)(Mustanoja1960:233)b.that tho clerkis schulden helpe tho lay persones.(Peakcock Repr.46)(Mustanoja1960:233)Elision of the vowel in the definite article–particularly before another vowel –can be observed,as in(2).(2) a.th’Omnipotent(Elphinston1765,vol I6.13)(Jespersen1961:405)b.th elthe‘the health’;th ande‘the hand’(Will of H.Holland of Egton,CIW1525)(Tidholm1979:126)Variants such as te,are also found,as in(3).2(3) a.Was it noht suithe lang T er efter T at te king send efter him.(a1154O.E.Chron.(Laud MS)an.1132)b.T e feder an te sune an te hali gast.(1240Sawles Warde in Cott.Hom267)c.T an said te angel....(Cursor Mundi20185)(from Ramisch1998)However,the most infamous form is the vowel-less non-continuant variant, represented here by[P],as in(4).The phonetic variability apparent in this form, and the challenges this variability raises for research on definite article reduction are discussed further below.(4) a.I came to P King’s Arms,my father was blacksmith and he kept–we keptP pub and we kept a pair of horses.(Male,aged80from North Duffield)(Muldowney1990:18)b....on P head;before P accident;sell P odd point(W.Jones1952:92)In addition,there is also a zero definite article,as in(5),which at least traditionally is associated with Southeast Yorkshire(Holderness)(see also Ellis 1869–1889).(5) a.Øend’s in sightb.inØhousec.going toØlighthouse(W.Jones1952:91)Some scholars(e.g.Barry1972)suggest that as various phonological changes in the definite article took place concurrent with ongoing loss of the old article-less nouns some regions failed to take part,retaining remnants of older forms–possibly including DAR variants and the old zero forms.Early studies of DAR in Yorkshire EnglishDAR has been subject to considerable scrutiny in Yorkshire,one of the most salient dialect areas in Northern England(Wales2000:14).In Ellis’438TAGLIAMONTE AND ROEDER (1869–1889)Survey of English Dialects(SED),sufficient evidence was provided to allow William Jones(1952)to produce an early dialectological map of Yorkshire, as replicated in Figure1which shows the distribution of forms of the definite article in the late-19th century.Interestingly,the city of York does not seem to have been covered in the earlier survey.Figure1shows that the forms existing in the19th century were‘fairly well defined’(W.Jones1952:84).Type1–the black dots on the map–is when the article appears as[t]or some modification of it before nouns beginning with a consonant or a vowel.This variant is found in the central plain and in the North East and North West.Type2–the unfilled white circles on the map–is when the article appears as[t]or some modification of it before nouns beginning with a consonant,and as[T]or some modification of it before nouns beginning with a vowel.This variant is found where Yorkshire borders Lancashire on the east (see also Barry1972:169).Finally,Type3–the small x’s on the map–is no article at all.This type is restricted to the South East peninsula,Holderness.The information on the forms of the definite article in the Holderness comes from Ross,Stead and Holderness(1877)and Nicholson(1889).A century later,Jones(1952)replicated Ellis’study.His research attempted to map the areas in which the various types of definite article were heard and to analyze them phonetically as fully as possible by taking into account variations of each type(W.Jones1952:81).His map is replicated in Figure2showing the distribution of forms of the definite article in the mid-20th century.The type1 variant is still widespread across most of central Yorkshire.Type2variants have spread to include the length of the border with Lancashire,as well as Derbyshire, North Staffordshire and Nottinghamshire.Type3,the zero definite article,while still circumscribed has spread northward(Nicholson1889).These trends suggest a broadening out of the earlier well-circumscribed locations of the variant forms. It is not until the late-20th century that DAR comes under detailed phonetic analysis using modern methods.Studies of DAR in the late-20th centuryThe variation in forms of the definite article lends itself to phonetic analysis and such an approach has been previously taken by a number of other researchers (Barry1972;M.Jones1999,2002,2005;Shorrocks1991,1992).One of the most challenging aspects of studying DAR,however,is that the possible phonetic variants of the reduced definite article fall along a continuum making them difficult to categorize into meaningful discrete groups.Added to this is the fact that early analyses use orthographic representations and descriptions of reduced forms that cannot be transparently transcribed into IPA symbols and are not consistent across studies.For example,orthographic t’in W.Jones (1952)actually represents quite a range of forms,and ambiguous terms such as‘suspension’are used in the description of variants(see also Barry1972; Melchers1972;Petyt1985).With these issues in mind,interesting recentVARIATION IN THE ENGLISH DEFINITE ARTICLE439 work has been done on the possible phonological conditioning of laryngealized versus plosive variants of DAR.Mark Jones(1999)conducted an impressio-nistic analysis of previously unanalyzed early SED recordings.He made a distinction between plosive realizations(whether glottalized or not)and non-plosive laryngealized realizations.This distinction led to an interesting discussion of regional variation in phonological conditioning.Various other phonetic distinctions between variants could potentially be found relevant to the patterning of DAR.The phonetics of glottalization,in general,has been studied extensively. Acoustic phonetic work by Docherty and Foulkes on British English is particularly germane to the current study,since their research focuses on dialects in the north and midlands of England.They state that,There have...been several comments on the complexity of glottal articulations,and variability in the realisation of[P](Grice and Barry1991,Ladefoged and Maddieson 1996,Nolan1995,Pierrehumbert and Talkin1992).Many of these note that full glottal closure and creaky voicing form a continuum,and suggest that the percept ofa glottal stop may be cued purely by a period of creaky voice.(Docherty and Foulkes1999:55;see also Huffman2005)In their research on/t/in Newcastle and Derby,Docherty and Foulkes(1999) note that realizations of intervocalic/t/that are perceptually[P],may range phonetically from a canonical glottal stop–which,similar to other voiceless stops,includes a period of occlusion of the vocal folds followed by a release burst–to nothing but a period of creaky voice.They found the canonical glottal stop to be rare in their data,while tokens that were fully voiced throughout were quite frequent.Although their research is not on DAR specifically,they also find variation in the ordering of glottal and oral articulations that could potentially have implications for DAR.Very little instrumental acoustic analysis has been done on the specific phenomenon of definite article reduction.Mark Jones(2005)takes an instrumental approach to the comparison of DAR and non-DAR contexts,using laboratory phonology methodology to examine the definite article in post-vocalic position preceding a stop or affricate(as in see t’tacks)in Barnsley and Sheffield, and in utterance-initial position preceding a plosive in Barnsley.His findings indicate that DAR may have very subtle effects on adjacent segments–such as lengthening of a following word-initial obstruent,a creaky voiced offset of the preceding vowel,and increased F0.Jones,therefore,cautions against being too quick to posit a zero variant of DAR,or taking an overly segmental approach to the data.Despite the limitations of laboratory methods for researching vernacular features,Jones raises an important point about possible non-local or non-segmental instantiations of the reduced definite article.The zero forms we posit here,however,do not appear to be related to the process of definite article reduction but are instead independently motivated and have historical precedent in the region.440TAGLIAMONTE AND ROEDERF i g u r e 1:D i s t r i b u t i o n o f f o r m s o f t h e d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e i n l a t e -19t h c e n t u r y Y o r k s h i r e (W .J o n e s 1952)(s e e A p p e n d i x f o r r a n s c r i p t i o n o f m a p k e y )VARIATION IN THE ENGLISH DEFINITE ARTICLE 441F i g u r e 2:D i s t r i b u t i o n o f f o r m s o f t h e d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e i n m i d -20t h c e n t u r y Y o r k s h i r e (W .J o n e s 1952)(s e e A p p e n d i x f o r r a n s c r i p t i o n o f m a p k e y )442TAGLIAMONTE AND ROEDERNotwithstanding these phonetic possibilities,the current study,which is based primarily on impressionistic analysis,follows earlier studies on DAR in grouping the plosive and laryngealized variants together,primarily because the focus is not on fine-grained acoustic analysis of DAR,but rather on a generalized comparison of the patterning of reduced realizations of the definite article(DAR forms)with the full form and a possible zero form.The current research enhances previous work on DAR by closely examining the interaction of social and linguistic factors within the dialect of the capital city of Yorkshire–York.The York English CorpusIn1997,a1.2million word corpus of the indigenous population of York was collected(see Tagliamonte1996–1998).The full dataset consists of92 individuals–40men and52women–all born and raised in York,and ranging in age from15to91(Tagliamonte1998).The data consist of one to two hour conversational interviews with each individual conducted by research assistants who were local to the area,amounting to about132hours of running speech.The interviewers followed standard sociolinguistic techniques(Labov 1971),letting the speakers lead the conversations and encouraging dialogue and storytelling.The end result is a corpus comprising lengthy informal and personal reminiscences,narratives of personal experience,group interactions, folk stories,and many vibrant characterizations of the city of York today and in the past.3Many linguistic phenomena in these data have already been studied including variable(ing),(t,d),preterit be,habitual forms,adverbs,intensifiers,preterit come, relative markers,etc.(Tagliamonte1998,2001,2004;Tagliamonte and Ito 2002;Tagliamonte and Lawrence2000).Due to its unique status and dialectal nature DAR is a particularly salient feature of the local vernacular.In the York English Corpus variation between standard and DAR variants is evident,even with the same speaker in the same stretch of discourse,as in(6–7).4 Male:born1906(aged91in1997)(6)the main thing is be happy.And if I get a bit miserable with miself,I go go to Ptop o’P garden and talk to mi tomatoes.(>/1B14.6/107A/200)Male:born1905(aged81in1986)(7)t’only thing-only way you’d fin’P well would be to follow P pipe from whereP pump was.( /A10.8/131A/170-1)A zero variant is also heard in York,as illustrated in(8).(8) a.That’s me and him when we was atØseaside.(k/1B29.2)b.And then intoØFox pub for a pint.(m/1B20.7)c.ØFirst week it was great,butØsecond week I wanted to come home.(d/1A27.2)These forms are all attested in the historical record,and lie along a continuum from the full form to zero.Our goal in this paper is to further understandingVARIATION IN THE ENGLISH DEFINITE ARTICLE443 of DAR by exploring its social and linguistic correlates at the community level. Among the questions we are guided by are the following:•How does DAR pattern across the generations in York?•Does DAR have sociolinguistic correlates?•If we can uncover the social and intergenerational patterns of DAR use,can the linguistic behaviour of the people of York reveal the(recent)sociohistory of the community(e.g.Dubois and Horvath1999)?DATA AND METHODSA sub-sample of50speakers from the York English Corpus stratified by age and sex were selected for investigation,as illustrated in Table2.Following variationist methodology,we circumscribed the variable context for DAR following the principle of accountability(Labov1972:72),according to which examination of every instance of the definite article is required.From one full hour of speech per individual,we extracted every token of a definite noun which could take the definite article in Standard English,whether the nouns had one,or not.This provided at least100nouns per individual covering all possible phonological and grammatical environments for a grand total of nearly10,000tokens.To situate the comparative magnitude of the present investigation,informant numbers and token counts from earlier analyses are as follows:•Ellis(1869–1889)1000elicited DAR tokens;•M.Jones(2002:338)2,288DAR tokens from the SED;•Rupp and Page-Verhoeff(2005:333)2speakers,3.5hours of spontaneous spoken data,451tokens,both full and reduced.A graduate research assistant in linguistics who was native to the area impressionistically categorized each token as either the full form of the definite article(a voiced interdental fricative plus a vowel)or one of the following five phonetic variants of the reduced form:a laryngeal or glottalized form(all symbolized as[P]),a voiceless alveolar stop[t],a voiced alveolar stop[d],an approximant,and a vocalic form.The reduced definite article did not appear as an interdental fricative[θ,D]at all,and only one instance of the labio-dental fricative[v]occurred.Table2:York speakers by age and sexAge Male Female Total20–30681431–50791651–74571275+448Total212950444TAGLIAMONTE AND ROEDER Assuming that variation in variant forms of the definite article occurs in a systematic way and that this behaviour can be quantitatively modeled at the community level,we analyzed the data using statistical techniques(Labov1970;G.Sankoff1974),including multivariate analysis(D.Sankoff1978,1988). We also performed extensive instrumental analysis on a subset of the data,to augment the auditory analysis.In what follows we detail these procedures. Instrumental analysisUsing the speech analysis software Praat(Boersma and Weenink2008),we measured duration and intensity5in a subset of tokens from13of the speakers–the eight people who showed the highest rates of zero realization of the definite article(over8%of total tokens)and the five people who showed the highest rates of glottalization(as coded impressionistically).From these speakers,we measured all of the zero tokens(total N=207)and the first10tokens per speaker coded as[P].Duration was defined as any temporal period in the spectrogram that was unambiguously not part of either the preceding or the following word.Patterns emerged in the data,although overall results did not reveal a categorical acoustic measure to distinguish the glottalized forms from the zero tokens.The majority of tokens coded as zero impressionistically correlated with zero duration,as illustrated in Figure3,which shows the waveform and spectrogram of the words born on the sixth,excerpted from the phrase I was born on the sixth of February.There is nothing visible in the waveform or the spectrogram to indicate that there is a segment between the words on and sixth.6In contrast,tokens coded as glottalized consistently showed longer duration than those tokens coded as zero.Some proved to be canonical glottal stops, with a temporal period of silence;but others included various perturbations ofFigure3:Spectrogram of the words on the sixth from the phrase I was born on the sixth of February(YRK/k/1B5.6)Figure4:Spectrogram of the words on the lakes from the phrase These professional ones that fish on the lakes now all the time.(YRK/TM/1A17.5) the waveform and spectrogram throughout,such as creaky voice and visible formants.Figure4shows the waveform and spectrogram of the words on the lakes,exemplifying a reduced and glottalized variant of the definite article.A period of irregular voicing between the words on and lakes is apparent in the waveform,with F1somewhat visible throughout in the spectrogram.The irregular voicing is followed by a release burst,or acoustic transient,which transitions into the onset of/l/in lakes.These examples are representative of the difference between the glottalized and zero variants throughout the subset of data analyzed acoustically.These observations complement the conclusions expressed by Mark Jones(2005),that the definite article may manifest itself in subtle ways which are perhaps difficult to correlate with acoustic measures.They also leave open the possibility,however, that a zero variant of the definite article exists–one that may,at least in some cases,be a grammatical zero that is not related to the process of definite article reduction but is instead independently motivated and with historical precedence in the region.7An additional phonetic/phonological issue has to do with the possibility that phonetic context may in some instances have a masking effect on the perception of the definite article,as in(9)below.(9)Banging my head againstØwall,you-know.I could be talking to myself.(YRK/-/2A9.6)In examples such as this one,the realization of word-final/t/(e.g.at the end of the word against)may be indistinguishable from the realization of the subsequent definite article.Stevens(2000)writes,about word-final/t/that,‘In syllable-final position,the voiceless consonant/t/is often produced with adduction of the vocalfolds.This adduction maneuver can lead to glottalization,which is manifested in the sound by low-frequency irregular glottal pulses’(Stevens2000:565–567). Since the reduced definite article can also be realized as glotallized,coarticulatory effects may make it impossible to distinguish between word-final/t/and the definite article.In order to investigate the possibility of phonetic masking effects,the data were coded for preceding and following phonetic context.Following phonetic and phonological context are nearly identical to each other(except for word-initial/h/which was variably coded as a vowel phonetically depending on the presence of/h/-dropping).With regard to preceding environment,however, there is more variation in the phonetic realization of forms.Tokens of the definite article following word-final consonants marked as glottalized have been excluded from the entire analysis,for example,because they create a potential neutralization context for the perception of DAR.With regard to the remaining tokens following word-final/t/,many are coded as following a vowel phonetically due to word-final stop deletion.As observed by Tagliamonte and Temple(2005), word-final t/d-deletion is quite frequent in York English–an observation also supported by the acoustic analysis undertaken for the current study,to the extent that word-final/t/was frequently absent in those tokens coded as containing a zero definite article(e.g.example8).Final t/d-deletion was even observed when the word-final/t/was not part of a consonant cluster(as in the word about).In other words,in many tokens impressionistically coded as zero that included a word-final/t/followed by a zero realization of the definite article(as in against Øwall),neither a/t/nor a definite article were apparent in the waveform or spectrogram.With respect to tokens of the definite article coded as a glottalized variant that followed a word-final/t/or/d/,the situation is more complex,because glottalization could indicate word-final/t,d/,DAR,or both.Other potentially ambiguous contexts include the definite article between fricatives,or before a voiceless stop.In order to test whether phonetic masking effects were skewing the results,statistical analysis was performed on only those tokens that appeared in the context of a sonorant(N=3270)–all tokens preceding or following a stop, fricative or affricate were removed.Overall effects were the same when compared to the full data set,indicating that phonetic masking effects are not obscuring the data.Therefore,the analysis presented here relies on this larger data set. Each context was also coded for a series of additional linguistic factors that were culled from the existing literature as being possible conditioning effects on the realization of forms,including preceding grammatical context,type of noun, and discourse parallelism.These will be explained in turn in the discussion of the results.We now turn to the distributional and multivariate analyses.These methods become particularly germane as the competing influences on surface forms are multidimensional,ranging from phonology to syntax to discourse. Moreover,DAR in York is strikingly embedded in the social milieu of the speech community,as we shall see.RESULTSThe quantitative analyses of the variants in the definite article system proceed as follows.As a first step,we perform distributional analysis to determine the frequency of variant forms and their patterning in the speech community.In the next step,we employ multivariate analysis using Goldvarb X(Sankoff, Tagliamonte and Smith2005)in order to model the multidimensional constraints that give rise to the variants.Distributional analysisTable3shows the overall distribution of forms of the definite article in the data. The table reveals that the non-standard forms are generally rare when viewed as a proportion of all the definite nouns in the data,most of which occur with the standard voiced dental fricative–[D]plus a vowel.Indeed,the standard variant makes up80.9percent of the data.This is considerably higher than earlier studies:Petyt(1985:85)reports29to54percent use of standard forms20years ago in West Yorkshire(Bradford,Halifax and Huddersfield).More recently,Rupp and Page-Verhoeff(2005)report60percent use of the standard form on the east side of Lancashire bordering the west side of Yorkshire.This means that DAR use in York is comparatively restricted,perhaps due to the urban context or the nature of the data.The reduced variants[t,d]are quite low in number(less than one percent of the data)and were,therefore,grouped together with the glottalized forms, in order to create a single category that encompassed all the realizations of the reduced definite article that appeared without a vowel–referred to collectively as DAR variants.The analysis will thus consider the two primary non-standard variants that appeared in the data–the DAR variants and the zero variant.This enables us to provide a statistical model of the recurrent patterns of variability in the grammar of York English.Figure5shows the distribution of the two major variants,the DAR forms and zero according to four age groups.Table3:Overall distribution of variants of thedefinite article in YorkVariant%NFull Form80.97438Glottalized13.21215Ø 3.4316[w,v] 1.4126[d]0.547[t]0.324[@]0.328Total N9195。