1974年美国总统福特就职演说
1974年美国总统福特就职演说
1974年美国总统福特就职演说篇一：1974年美国总统福特就职演说Vice President Gerald Ford was sworn in as the 38th President of the United States after the resignation of President Nixon.President Ford s Inaugural Address:[Oath of Office administered by Chief Justice Warren E. Burger]Mr. Chief Justice, my dear friends, my fellow Americans:The oath that I have taken is the same oath that was taken by George Washington and by every President under theConstitution. But I assume the Presidency under extraordinary circumstances never before experienced by Americans. This is an hour of history that troubles our minds and hurts our hearts.Therefore, I feel it is my first duty to make an unprecedented compact with my countrymen. Not an inaugural address, not a fireside chat, not a campaign speech -- just a little straight talk among friends. And I intend it to be the first of many.I am acutely aware that you have not elected me as your President by your ballots, and so I ask you to confirm me as your President with your prayers. And I hope that such prayers will also be the first of many. If you have not chosen me by secret ballot, neither have I gained office by any secret promises. I have not campaigned either for the Presidency or the VicePresidency. I have not subscribed to any partisan platform. I am indebted to no man, and only to one woman -- my dear wife -- as I begin this very difficult job.I have not sought this enormous responsibility, but I will not shirk it. Those who nominated and confirmed me as Vice President were my friends and are my friends. They were of both parties, elected by all the peopleand acting under the Constitution in their name. It is only fitting then that I should pledge to them and to you that I will be the President of all the people.Thomas Jefferson said the people are the only sure reliance for the preservation of our liberty. And down the years, Abraham Lincoln renewed this American article of faith asking, Is there any better way or equal hope in the world?I intend, on Monday next, to request of the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the President pro tempore of the Senate the privilege of appearing before the Congress to share with my former colleagues and with you, the American people, my views on the priority business of the Nation and to solicit your views and their views. And may I say to the Speaker and the others, if I could meet with you right after these remarks, I would appreciate it.Even though this is late in an election year, there is no way we can go forward except together and no way anybody can win except by serving the people s urgent needs. We cannot stand still or slip backwards. We must go forward now together.To the peoples and the governments of all friendly nations, and I hope that could encompass the whole world, I pledge an uninterrupted and sincere search for peace. America will remain strong and united, but its strength will remain dedicated to the safety and sanity of the entire family of man, as well as to our own precious freedom. I believe that truth is the glue that holds government together, not only our Government but civilization itself. That bond, though stained, is unbroken at home and abroad.In all my public and private acts as your President, I expect to follow my instincts of openness and candor with full confidence that honesty is always the best policy in the end.My fellow Americans, our long national nightmare is over.Our Constitution works. Our great Republic is a government of laws and not of men. Here, the people rule. But there is a higher Power, by whatever name we honor Him, who ordains not only righteousness but love, not only justice but mercy. As we bind up the internal wounds of Watergate, more painful and more poisonous than those of foreign wars, let us restore the golden rule to our political process, and let brotherly love purge our hearts of suspicion and of hate.In the beginning, I asked you to pray for me. Before closing, I ask again your prayers, for Richard Nixon and for his family. May our former President, who brought peace to millions, find it for himself. May God bless and comfort his wonderful wife and daughters, whose love and loyalty will forever be a shining legacy to all who bear the lonely burdens of the White House. I can only guess at those burdens, although I have witnessed at close hand the tragedies that befell three Presidents and the lesser trials of others.With all the strength and all the good sense I have gained from life, with all the confidence of my family, my friends, and my dedicated staff impart to me, and with the good will of countless Americans I have encountered in recent visits to 40 States, I now solemnly reaffirm my promise I made to you last December 6: To uphold the Constitution; to do what is right as God gives me to see the right; and to do the very best I can for America.God helping me, I will not let you down.Thank you.原文链接：/thread-2841-1-1.html篇二：美国历届总统1865年4月15日，安德鲁·约翰逊总统：因为总统死亡，约翰逊是第一位由总检察长带领宣誓就任总统的副总统。
美国历届总统就职演说词(Ulysses S. Grant)
THURSDAY, MARCH 4, 1869Citizens of the United States:Your suffrages having elected me to the office of President of the United States, I have, in conformity to the Constitution of our country, taken the oath of office prescribed therein. I have taken this oath without mental reservation and with the determination to do to the best of my ability all that is required of me. The responsibilities of the position I feel, but accept them without fear. The office has come to me unsought;I commence its duties untrammeled. I bring to it a conscious desire and determination to fill it to the best of my ability to the satisfaction of the people.On all leading questions agitating the public mind I will always express my views to Congress and urge them according to my judgment, and when I think it advisable will exercise the constitutional privilege of interposing a veto to defeat measures which I oppose; but all laws will be faithfully executed, whether they meet my approval or not.I shall on all subjects have a policy to recommend, but none to enforce against the will of the people. Laws are to govern all alike--those opposed as well as those who favor them. I know no method to secure the repeal of bad or obnoxious laws so effective as their stringent execution.The country having just emerged from a great rebellion, many questions will come before it for settlement in the next four years which preceding Administrations have never had to deal with. In meeting these it is desirable that they should be approached calmly, without prejudice, hate, or sectional pride, remembering that the greatest good to the greatest number is the object to be attained.This requires security of person, property, and free religious and political opinion in every part of our common country, without regard to local prejudice. All laws to secure these ends will receive my best efforts for their enforcement.A great debt has been contracted in securing to us and our posterity the Union. The payment of this, principal and interest, as well as the return to a specie basis as soon as it can be accomplished without material detriment to the debtor class or to the country at large, must be provided for. To protect the national honor, every dollar of Government indebtedness should be paid in gold, unless otherwise expressly stipulated in the contract. Let it be understood that no repudiator of one farthing of our public debt will be trusted in public place, and itwill go far toward strengthening a credit which ought to be the best in the world, and will ultimately enable us to replace the debt with bonds bearing less interest than we now pay. To this should be added a faithful collection of the revenue, a strict accountability to the Treasury for every dollar collected, and the greatest practicable retrenchment in expenditure in every department of Government.When we compare the paying capacity of the country now, with the ten States in poverty from the effects of war, but soon to emerge, I trust, into greater prosperity than ever before, with its paying capacity twenty-five years ago, and calculate what it probably will be twenty-five years hence, who can doubt the feasibility of paying every dollar then with more ease than we now pay for useless luxuries? Why, it looks as though Providence had bestowed upon us a strong box in the precious metals locked up in the sterile mountains of the far West, and which we are now forging the key to unlock, to meet the very contingency that is now upon us.Ultimately it may be necessary to insure the facilities to reach these riches and it may be necessary also that the General Government should give its aid to secure this access; but that should only be when a dollar of obligation to pay secures precisely the same sort of dollar to use now, and not before. Whilst the question of specie payments is in abeyance the prudent business man is careful about contracting debts payable in the distant future. The nation should follow the same rule. A prostrate commerce is to be rebuilt and all industries encouraged.The young men of the country--those who from their age must be its rulers twenty-five years hence--have a peculiar interest in maintaining the national honor. A moment's reflection as to what will be our commanding influence among the nations of the earth in their day, if they are only true to themselves, should inspire them with national pride. All divisions--geographical, political, and religious--can join in this common sentiment. How the public debt is to be paid or specie payments resumed is not so important as that a plan should be adopted and acquiesced in. A united determination to do is worth more than divided counsels upon the method of doing. Legislation upon this subject may not be necessary now, or even advisable, but it will be when the civil law is more fully restored in all parts of the country and trade resumes its wonted channels.It will be my endeavor to execute all laws in good faith, to collect all revenues assessed, and to have them properly accounted for and economically disbursed. I will to the best of my ability appoint to office those only who will carry out this design.In regard to foreign policy, I would deal with nations as equitable law requires individuals to deal with each other, and I would protect the law-abiding citizen, whether of native or foreign birth, wherever his rights are jeopardized or the flag of our country floats. I would respect the rights of all nations, demanding equal respect for our own. If others depart from this rule in their dealings with us, we may be compelled to follow their precedent.The proper treatment of the original occupants of this land--the Indians one deserving of careful study. I will favor any course toward them which tends to their civilization and ultimate citizenship.The question of suffrage is one which is likely to agitate the public so long as a portion of the citizens of the nation are excluded from its privileges in any State. It seems to me very desirable that this question should be settled now, and I entertain the hope and express the desire that it may be by the ratification of the fifteenth article of amendment to the Constitution.In conclusion I ask patient forbearance one toward another throughout the land, and a determined effort on the part of every citizen to do his share toward cementing a happy union; and I ask the prayers of the nation to Almighty God in behalf of this consummation.Second Inaugural Address of Ulysses S. GrantTUESDAY, MARCH 4, 1873Fellow-Citizens:Under Providence I have been called a second time to act as Executive over this great nation. It has been my endeavor in the past to maintain all the laws, and, so far as lay in my power, to act for the best interests of the whole people. My best efforts will be given in the same direction in the future, aided, I trust, by my four years' experience in the office.When my first term of the office of Chief Executive began, the country had not recovered from the effects of a great internal revolution, and three of the former States of the Union had not been restored to their Federal relations.It seemed to me wise that no new questions should be raised so long as that condition of affairs existed. Therefore the past four years, so far as I could control events, have been consumed in the effort to restore harmony, public credit, commerce, and all the arts of peace and progress.It is my firm conviction that the civilized world is tending toward republicanism, or government by the people through their chosen representatives, and that our own great Republic is destined to be the guiding star to all others.Under our Republic we support an army less than that of any European power of any standing and a navy less than that of either of at least five of them. There could be no extension of territory on the continent which would call for an increase of this force, but rather might such extension enable us to diminish it.The theory of government changes with general progress. Now that the telegraph is made available for communicating thought, together with rapid transit by steam, all parts of a continent are made contiguous for all purposes of government, and communication between the extreme limits of the country made easier than it was throughout the old thirteen States at the beginning of our national existence.The effects of the late civil strife have been to free the slave and make him a citizen. Yet he is not possessed of the civil rights which citizenship should carry with it. This is wrong, and should be corrected. To this correction I stand committed, so far as Executive influence can avail.Social equality is not a subject to be legislated upon, nor shall I ask that anything be done to advance the social status of the colored man, except to give him a fair chance to develop what there is good in him, give him access to the schools, and when he travels let him feel assured that his conduct will regulate the treatment and fare he will receive.The States lately at war with the General Government are now happily rehabilitated, and no Executive control is exercised in any one of them that would not be exercised in any other State under like circumstances.In the first year of the past Administration the proposition came up for the admission of Santo Domingo as a Territory of the Union. It was not a question of my seeking, but was a proposition from the people of Santo Domingo, and which I entertained. I believe now, as I did then, that it was for the best interest of this country, for the people of Santo Domingo, and all concerned that the proposition should be received favorably. It was, however, rejected constitutionally, and therefore the subject was never brought up again by me.In future, while I hold my present office, the subject of acquisition of territory must have the support of the people before I will recommend anyproposition looking to such acquisition. I say here, however, that I do not share in the apprehension held by many as to the danger of governments becoming weakened and destroyed by reason of their extension of territory. Commerce, education, and rapid transit of thought and matter by telegraph and steam have changed all this. Rather do I believe that our Great Maker is preparing the world, in His own good time, to become one nation, speaking one language, and when armies and navies will be no longer required.My efforts in the future will be directed to the restoration of good feeling between the different sections of our common country; to the restoration of our currency to a fixed value as compared with the world's standard of values--gold--and, if possible, to a par with it; to the construction of cheap routes of transit throughout the land, to the end that the products of all may find a market and leave a living remuneration to the producer; to the maintenance of friendly relations with all our neighbors and with distant nations; to the reestablishment of our commerce and share in the carrying trade upon the ocean; to the encouragement of such manufacturing industries as can be economically pursued in this country, to the end that the exports of home products and industries may pay for our imports--the only sure method of returning to and permanently maintaining a specie basis; to the elevation of labor; and, by a humane course, to bring the aborigines of the country under the benign influences of education and civilization. It is either this or war of extermination: Wars of extermination, engaged in by people pursuing commerce and all industrial pursuits, are expensive even against the weakest people, and are demoralizing and wicked. Our superiority of strength and advantages of civilization should make us lenient toward the Indian. The wrong inflicted upon him should be taken into account and the balance placed to his credit. The moral view of the question should be considered and the question asked, Can not the Indian be made a useful and productive member of society by proper teaching and treatment? If the effort is made in good faith, we will stand better before the civilized nations of the earth and in our own consciences for having made it.All these things are not to be accomplished by one individual, but they will receive my support and such recommendations to Congress as will in my judgment best serve to carry them into effect. I beg your support and encouragement.It has been, and is, my earnest desire to correct abuses that have grown up in the civil service of the country. To secure this reformation rules regulating methods of appointment and promotions were established and have been tried. My efforts for such reformation shall be continued tothe best of my judgment. The spirit of the rules adopted will be maintained.I acknowledge before this assemblage, representing, as it does, every section of our country, the obligation I am under to my countrymen for the great honor they have conferred on me by returning me to the highest office within their gift, and the further obligation resting on me to render to them the best services within my power. This I promise, looking forward with the greatest anxiety to the day when I shall be released from responsibilities that at times are almost overwhelming, and from which I have scarcely had a respite since the eventful firing upon Fort Sumter, in April, 1861, to the present day. My services were then tendered and accepted under the first call for troops growing out of that event.I did not ask for place or position, and was entirely without influence or the acquaintance of persons of influence, but was resolved to perform my part in a struggle threatening the very existence of the nation. I performed a conscientious duty, without asking promotion or command, and without a revengeful feeling toward any section or individual.Notwithstanding this, throughout the war, and from my candidacy for my present office in 1868 to the close of the last Presidential campaign, I have been the subject of abuse and slander scarcely ever equaled in political history, which to-day I feel that I can afford to disregard in view of your verdict, which I gratefully accept as my vindication.。
美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First Inaugural Address三篇
美国总统（富兰克林-罗斯福）就职演说 First InauguralAddress三篇第一篇：美国总统（富兰克林-罗斯福）就职演说 First Inaugural Address尊敬的国民们：在我接受美国总统职位之际，我感到非常荣幸和谦卑。
我明白，我所面临的挑战是巨大的，但我也深信，只要我们共同努力，我们将能够克服一切困难，实现美国的伟大梦想。
我们所处的时刻是艰难的。
我们的国家正经历着严重的经济衰退，数以百万计的人们失去了工作，贫困和失望笼罩着整个国家。
然而，我要告诉你们，这不是我们失败的标志，而是我们的机会。
这是我们改变的时刻，我们要发扬美国人民的精神，重振我们的国家。
我们必须首先解决经济问题。
我将领导一项全面的计划，以刺激经济增长，减少失业率。
我将努力推动立法，为那些最需要帮助的人提供援助，并确保我们的经济政策旨在促进公平和机会平等。
此外，我们还面临着许多其他的挑战。
我们必须改善我们的教育系统，确保每个人都有平等的接受教育的机会。
我们必须保护我们的环境，采取措施应对气候变化。
我们还必须加强我们的国家安全，确保我们的国土不受任何威胁。
在我们面临这些挑战的同时，我们也要记住我们的价值观和人道主义。
我们要对我们的盟友和合作伙伴保持坚定的承诺，我们要尊重和包容不同的文化和宗教信仰。
我们要努力促进和平与稳定，并在国际舞台上发挥我们的领导作用。
最后，我要呼吁全体美国人民团结起来。
我们必须超越党派之争，抛弃分裂和仇恨，共同为我们的国家的利益而努力。
我们必须相信，只有通过团结和合作，我们才能取得成功。
国民们，我知道我们面临着艰巨的任务，但我相信我们拥有足够的力量和智慧来应对挑战。
让我们携起手来，为创造一个更加繁荣、公正和和谐的美国而努力！谢谢大家，愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国！第二篇：美国总统（富兰克林-罗斯福）就职演说 First Inaugural Address尊敬的公民们：我站在这里的时候，我感到非常谦卑和荣幸。
1974年美国总统福特就职演说_0
1974年美国总统福特就职演说各位读友大家好！你有你的木棉，我有我的文章，为了你的木棉，应读我的文章！若为比翼双飞鸟，定是人间有情人！若读此篇优秀文，必成天上比翼鸟！篇一：美国总统富尼克松的就职演讲稿美国总统富尼克松的就职演讲稿历史的每一个时刻转瞬即逝，它既珍贵又独特。
可是，其中某些显然是揭开序幕的时刻，此时，一代先河得以开创，它决定了未来数十年或几个世纪的航向。
现在可能就是这样一个时刻。
现在，各方力量正在汇聚起来，使我们第一次可以期望人类的许多夙愿最终能够实现。
不断加快的变革速度，使我们能在我们这一代期望过去花了几百年才出现的种种进步。
由于开辟了大空的天地，我们在地球上也发现了新的天地。
由于世界人民希望和平，而世界各国领袖害怕战争，因此，目前形势第一次变得有利于和平。
从现在起，再过8年，美国将庆祝建国200周年。
在现在大多数人的有生之年，人类将庆祝千载难逢的、辉煌无比的新年——第三个百年盛世的开端。
我们的国家将变成怎样的国家，我们将生活在怎样的世界上，我们要不要按照我们的希望铸造未来，这些都将由我们根据自己的行动和选择来决定。
历史所能赐予我们的最大荣誉，莫过于和平缔造者这一称号。
这一荣誉现在正在召唤美国——这是领导世界最终脱离动乱的幽谷，走向自文明开端以来人类一直梦寐以求的和平高坛的一个机会。
我们若获成功，下几代人在谈及现在在世的我们时会说，正是我们掌握了时机，正是我们协力相助，使普天之下国泰民安。
这是要我们创立宏伟大业的召唤。
我相信，美国人民准备响应这一召唤。
经过一段对抗时期，我们正进入一个谈判时代。
让所有国家都知道，在本届政府任期内，交流通道是敞开的。
我们谋求一个开放的世界——对各种思想开放，对物资和人员的交流开放，在这个世界中，任何民族，不论大小，都不会生活在怏怏不乐的孤立之中。
我们不能指望每个人都成为我们的朋友，可是我们能设法使任何人都不与我们为敌。
我们邀请那些很可能是我们对手的人进行一场和平竞赛——不是要征服领土或扩展版图，而是要丰富人类的生活。
最新-1974年美国总统福特就职演说 精品
1974年美国总统福特就职演说篇一：同一家族的美国总统站在政治发展的角度，有人说美国从一出生就是壮年，此话不无道理。
比起那些经历过漫长封建时代的国家来说，美国民主制度的发展的确少了很多历史的羁绊。
但是美国并非不存在“疑似封建”的政治现象，翻开美国不足250年的政治史，我们会惊讶地发现，某些同一家族的姓名竟不断地出现在美国总统这个重要的政治职位上。
一、父子总统1、老、小亚当斯总统（1）老亚当斯总统：约翰?亚当斯约翰?亚当斯（，1735年10月30日-1826年7月4日），人称“老亚当斯总统”，是美国历史上第3届、第2位、第2任总统，总统任期：1797年3月4日-1801年3月3日，绰号为“美国独立的巨人”。
1735年10月30日出生于马萨诸塞州布伦特里（现在的昆西市），1826年7月4日，逝世于马萨诸塞州布伦特里（现在的昆西市）。
约翰?亚当斯从小聪慧过人，享有“神童”美誉，20岁时获得哈佛大学法学院的硕士学位，成为一名受人尊敬的律师。
约翰?亚当斯热衷政治，是美国独立运动的主要领导人之一，与华盛顿和杰弗逊一起，被誉为美国独立运动的“三杰”。
他1774年参加第一次大陆会议，1775年参加第二次大陆会议，1776年参加《独立宣言》五人起草委员会，1777年出使法国，1778年返国参加宪法起草工作，是《独立宣言》的起草人之一。
约翰?亚当斯任职期间在内政、外交方面均无明显成就，1800年11月，在新一届总统大选前夕，他完成了一件在美国历史上影响深远的大事――把首都从费城迁到华盛顿，使自己成为首位入主白宫的总统。
但天有不测风云，在几天后举行的大选中，约翰?亚当斯败给了托马斯?杰弗逊，大选失败的他表现出了君子风度，真诚地向杰弗逊道贺，毫不“恋栈”地离开了自己一手打造的白宫。
约翰?亚当斯除了为国家的独立做出了杰出贡献之外，他的另一傲视群伦的成就，是为美国培养了另一位总统。
历届美国总统就职演说 中英双语
历届美国总统就职演说中英双语
历届美国总统就职演说优习网> 英语听力> 听力教程> 历届美国总统就职演说
1933年罗斯福、1949年杜鲁门、1953年艾森豪威尔、1961年肯尼迪、1963年约翰逊、1969年尼克松、1974年福特、1977年卡特、1981年里根、1989年乔治·H·W·布什、1993年克林顿、2001年乔治·W·布什、2009年奥巴马就职演说！·2009年美国第44任总统奥巴马就职演说
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·1961年美国总统肯尼迪就职演说·1965年美国总统约翰逊就职演说·1953年美国总统艾森豪威尔就职演说·1949年美国总统杜鲁门就职演说·1933年美国总统罗斯福就职演说·1974年美国总统福特就职演说。
美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿
美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿胡佛总统，首席法官先生，朋友们：【1导入经济危机】今天，对我们的国家来说，是一个神圣的日子。
我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。
现在正是坦白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻。
我们不必畏首畏尾，而应老老实实面对我国今天的情况。
这个伟大的国家会一如既往地坚持下去，它会复兴和繁荣起来。
因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一种莫名其妙、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。
凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。
我相信，在目前危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持。
我和你们都要以这种精神，来面对我们共同的困难。
感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面的。
（后置）价值难以想象地贬缩了；课税增加了；我们的支付能力下降了；各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺；交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结；工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见；农场主的产品找不到销路；千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。
更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生存问题，还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。
只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。
【2导入胡佛措施】但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。
我们没有遭到什么蝗虫的灾害。
我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。
大自然仍在给予我们恩惠，人类的努力已使之倍增。
富足的情景近在咫尺，但就在我们见到这种情景的时候，宽裕的生活却悄然离去。
这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了，他们固执己见而又无能为力，因而已经认定失败了，并撒手不管了。
贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径。
将受到舆论法庭的起诉，将受到人类心灵理智的唾弃。
是的，他们是努力过，然而他们用的是一种完全过时的方法。
面对信贷的失败，他们只是提议借出更多的钱。
1974年美国总统福特就职演说
1974年美国总统福特就职演说篇一：同一家族的美国总统站在政治发展的角度，有人说美国从一出生就是壮年，此话不无道理。
比起那些经历过漫长封建时代的国家来说，美国民主制度的发展的确少了很多历史的羁绊。
但是美国并非不存在“疑似封建”的政治现象，翻开美国不足250年的政治史，我们会惊讶地发现，某些同一家族的姓名竟不断地出现在美国总统这个重要的政治职位上。
一、父子总统1、老、小亚当斯总统（1）老亚当斯总统：约翰?亚当斯约翰?亚当斯（john adams，1735年10月30日-1826年7月4日），人称“老亚当斯总统”，是美国历史上第3届、第2位、第2任总统，总统任期：1797年3月4日-1801年3月3日，绰号为“美国独立的巨人”。
1735年10月30日出生于马萨诸塞州布伦特里（现在的昆西市），1826年7月4日，逝世于马萨诸塞州布伦特里（现在的昆西市）。
约翰?亚当斯从小聪慧过人，享有“神童”美誉，20岁时获得哈佛大学法学院的硕士学位，成为一名受人尊敬的律师。
约翰?亚当斯热衷政治，是美国独立运动的主要领导人之一，与华盛顿和杰弗逊一起，被誉为美国独立运动的“三杰”。
他1774年参加第一次大陆会议，1775年参加第二次大陆会议，1776年参加五人起草委员会，1777年出使法国，1778年返国参加宪法起草工作，是的起草人之一。
约翰?亚当斯任职期间在内政、外交方面均无明显成就，1800年11月，在新一届总统大选前夕，他完成了一件在美国历史上影响深远的大事――把首都从费城迁到华盛顿，使自己成为首位入主白宫的总统。
但天有不测风云，在几天后举行的大选中，约翰?亚当斯败给了托马斯?杰弗逊，大选失败的他表现出了君子风度，真诚地向杰弗逊道贺，毫不“恋栈”地离开了自己一手打造的白宫。
约翰?亚当斯除了为国家的独立做出了杰出贡献之外，他的另一傲视群伦的成就，是为美国培养了另一位总统。
在有生之年，他亲眼看到儿子成为了第六任美国总统，把亚当斯家族的足迹又一次延伸到了他亲手创建的白宫之中。
美国总统就职演说
美国总统就职演说美国总统就职演说是美国政治中一个极其重要的时刻，这是美国总统在宣誓就职后，向全国人民发表的第一次演说，其内容通常涉及到国家政策的指向、政治使命、国家责任，也包括总统本人的理念、信仰以及对美利坚合众国的承诺等。
美国总统就职演说的历史可以追溯到1793年，当时，美国的第一任总统乔治·华盛顿就在最初的就职典礼上发表了一篇历史性的演说。
这也成为了美国总统就职演说的典型范例。
自此，每一届美国总统都在就职典礼上发表演说，这个传统至今已经持续了200多年。
美国总统就职演说的重要性不仅在于它所蕴藏的历史意义，更在于它所包含的政治信仰和意识形态。
每届总统的就职演说都反映了该届政府的政策和方向，并成为其治理国家的基本指导原则。
通过就职演说，总统可以表达对国家未来的愿景和展望，鼓舞民众的信心和勇气。
就职演说的形式和内容也在历届总统之间产生了很大的变化。
19世纪初期，就职演说主要是“行政报告”，总统会详细阐述政府的计划和政策。
20世纪初期，随着美国成为世界大国，就职演说变得更加神圣和仪式化，其中最著名的就是肯尼迪总统的就职演说。
肯尼迪的就职演说中，他提出了著名的“不要问国家能为我们做什么，而是问我们能为国家做什么”的名言，这一句经典的话语至今仍被广为引用。
随着技术的发展，美国总统就职演说的传播逐渐多样化。
现在，演说现场的直播不仅可以在美国各大电视台观看到，同时也可以通过网络、手机、平板电脑等多种方式进行收听和观看，甚至可以通过社交媒体等渠道进行评论和转发。
这种新媒体的形式化，并没有改变就职演说的既定规矩，但却为演说的传播带来了前所未有的广阔空间。
总体来说，美国总统就职演说具有深远的历史和意义，这是一种表达政治信仰和意识形态的方式，同时也是总统治理国家的基本指导原则。
不同届总统在就职演说中所表达的信息和理念可能不同，但他们所表达的信念和决心，都是推动国家发展进步的动力。
6美国总统福特就职演说(1974年)
1974年美国总统福特就职演说Vice President Gerald Ford was sworn in as the 38th President of the United States after the resignation of President Nixon.President Ford's Inaugural Address:[Oath of Office administered by Chief Justice Warren E. Burger]Mr. Chief Justice, my dear friends, my fellow Americans:The oath that I have taken is the same oath that was taken by George Washington and by every President under the Constitution. But I assume the Presidency under extraordinary circumstances never before experienced by Americans. This is an hour of history that troubles our minds and hurts our hearts.Therefore, I feel it is my first duty to make an unprecedented compact with my countrymen. Not an inaugural address, not a fireside chat, not a campaign speech -- just a little straight talk among friends. And I intend it to be the first of many.I am acutely aware that you have not elected me as your President by your ballots, and so I ask you to confirm me as your President with your prayers. And I hope that such prayers will also be the first of many. If you have not chosen me by secret ballot, neither have I gained office by any secret promises. I have not campaigned either for the Presidency or the Vice Presidency. I have not subscribed to any partisan platform. I am indebted to no man, and only to one woman -- my dear wife -- as I begin this very difficult job.I have not sought this enormous responsibility, but I will not shirk it. Those who nominated and confirmed me as Vice President were my friends and are my friends. They were of both parties, elected by all the people and acting under the Constitution in their name. It is only fitting then that I should pledge to them and to you that I will be the President of all the people.Thomas Jefferson said the people are the only sure reliance for the preservation of our liberty. And down the years, Abraham Lincoln renewed this American article of faith asking, "Is there any better way or equal hope in the world?"I intend, on Monday next, to request of the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the President pro tempore of the Senate the privilege of appearing before the Congress to share with my former colleagues and with you, the American people, my views on the priority business of the Nation and to solicit your views and their views. And may I say to the Speaker and the others, if I could meet with you right after these remarks, I would appreciate it.Even though this is late in an election year, there is no way we can go forward except together and no way anybody can win except by serving the people's urgent needs. We cannot stand still or slip backwards. We must go forward now together.To the peoples and the governments of all friendly nations, and I hope that could encompass the whole world, I pledge an uninterrupted and sincere search for peace. America will remain strong and united, but its strength will remain dedicated to the safety and sanity of the entire family of man, as well as to our own precious freedom. I believe that truth is the glue that holds government together, not only our Government but civilization itself. That bond, though stained, is unbroken at home and abroad.In all my public and private acts as your President, I expect to follow my instincts of openness and candor with full confidence that honesty is always the best policy in the end.My fellow Americans, our long national nightmare is over.Our Constitution works. Our great Republic is a government of laws and not of men. Here, the people rule. But there is a higher Power, by whatever name we honor Him, who ordains not only righteousness but love, not only justice but mercy. As we bind up the internal wounds of Watergate, morepainful and more poisonous than those of foreign wars, let us restore the golden rule to our political process, and let brotherly love purge our hearts of suspicion and of hate.In the beginning, I asked you to pray for me. Before closing, I ask again your prayers, for Richard Nixon and for his family. May our former President, who brought peace to millions, find it for himself. May God bless and comfort his wonderful wife and daughters, whose love and loyalty will forever be a shining legacy to all who bear the lonely burdens of the White House. I can only guess at those burdens, although I have witnessed at close hand the tragedies that befell three Presidents and the lesser trials of others.With all the strength and all the good sense I have gained from life, with all the confidence of my family, my friends, and my dedicated staff impart to me, and with the good will of countless Americans I have encountered in recent visits to 40 States, I now solemnly reaffirm my promise I made to you last December 6: To uphold the Constitution; to do what is right as God gives me to see the right; and to do the very best I can for America.God helping me, I will not let you down.Thank you.。
历届美国总统就职演讲大全
美国历届总统就职演讲（大全）内容简介美国总统的就职演讲是美国政治的一种形式，但它已经成为了美国的一种文化，美国总统的演讲辞更成为美国、乃至世界的文化遗产。
美国是实行总统制的典型国家。
美国总统身兼国家元首和行政首脑，在三权分立的政治结构中居重要地位。
美国实行总统内阁制，每四年选举一次总统，可连选连任一次。
每当新总统当选后，便要举行庄严而隆重的就职典礼。
这是美国政治生活中的一项重大的庆典。
总统就职典礼一般有4个程序：首先是就职宣誓；宣誓之后，总统发表就职演说；演说完毕，便开始盛大的庆祝游行；最后举行舞会。
美国总统借就职演说，表明自己政见和立场，起着鼓舞人民、教育人民的作用。
为了给人民留下良好的印象，总统对演说词斟酌推敲，以求打动人心。
好的演说词常常诞生在重大历史时刻，时势造英雄，这演说词也造就了传诵千古的名篇。
这里收集的《美国历届总统就职演讲（大全）》主要参考了李其荣《美国历届总统就职演讲辞》，另有一部分是从网络媒体下载的，并增加了最新的2013年奥巴马第二次就职演讲内容。
但第二十四届第二十一任切斯特·艾伦·阿瑟、第二十九届第二十六任西奥多•罗斯福、第三十四届第三十任卡尔文-柯立芝、第四十届第三十三任哈里·杜鲁门和第四十四届第三十六任林顿·约翰逊的就职演讲译文未找到。
截至目前，这个版本应该是收集的美国总统就职演讲大全了。
另附李其荣《美国历届总统就职演讲辞》“前言”。
目录第一届第一任乔治·华盛顿（1789～1793）首次就职演讲第二届第一任乔治·华盛顿（1793～1797）第二次就职演讲第三届第二任约翰·亚当斯（1797～1801）就职演讲第四届第三任托马斯·杰斐逊（1801～1805）首次就职演讲第五届第三任托马斯·杰斐逊（1805～1809）第二次就职演讲第六届第四任詹姆斯·麦迪逊（1809～1813）首次就职演讲第七届第四任詹姆斯·麦迪逊（1813-1817）第二次就职演讲第八届第五任詹姆斯·门罗（1817-1821）首次就职演讲第九届第五任詹姆斯·门罗（1821～1825）第二次就职演讲第十届第六任约翰·昆西·亚当斯（1825～1829）就职演讲第十一届第七任安德鲁·杰克逊（1829-1833）首次就职演讲第十二届第七任安德鲁·杰克逊（1833～1837）第二次就职演讲第十三届第八任马丁·范·布伦（1837～1841）就职演讲第十四届第九任威廉·亨利·哈里森（1841）就职演讲第十四届第十任约翰·泰勒（1841～1845）就职演讲第十五届第十一任詹姆斯·波尔克（1845～1849）就职演讲第十六届第十二任扎卡里·泰勒（1849～1850）就职演讲第十六届第十三任米勒德·菲尔莫尔（1850～1853）就职演讲第十七届第十四任富兰克林·皮尔斯（1853～1857）就职演讲第十八届第十五任詹姆斯·布坎南（1857～1861）就职演讲第十九届第十六任亚伯拉罕·林肯（1861～1865）首次就职演讲第二十届第十六任亚伯拉罕·林肯（1865）第二次就职演讲第二十届第十七任安德鲁·约翰逊（1865～1869）就职演讲第二十一届第十八任尤利西斯·格兰特（1869-1873）首次就职演讲第二十二届第十八任尤利西斯·格兰特（1873～1877）第二次就职演讲第二十三届第十九任拉瑟福德·海斯（1877～1881）就职演讲第二十四届第二十任詹姆斯·加菲尔德（1881）就职演讲第二十四届第二十一任切斯特·艾伦·阿瑟（1881～1885）就职演讲（暂无演讲词）第二十五届第二十二任格罗弗·克利夫兰（1885～1889）就职演讲第二十六届第二十三任本杰明·哈里森（1889-1893）就职演讲第二十七届第二十四任格罗弗·克利夫兰（1893～1897）就职演讲第二十八届第二十五任威廉·麦金莱（1897～1901）首次就职演讲第二十九届第二十五任威廉·麦金莱（1901）第二次就职演讲第二十九届第二十六任西奥多·罗斯福（1901～1905）首次就职演讲第三十届第二十六任西奥多·罗斯福（1905～1909）第二次就职演讲第三十一届第二十七任威廉·塔夫特（1909～1913）就职演讲第三十二届第二十八任伍德罗·威尔逊（1913-1917）首次就职演讲第三十三届第二十八任伍德罗·威尔逊（1917～1921）第二次就职演讲第三十四届第二十九任华伦·哈丁（1921～1923）就职演讲第三十四届第三十任卡尔文-柯立芝（1923～1925）就职演讲第三十五届第三十任卡尔文-柯立芝（1925-1929）就职演讲第三十六届第三十一任赫伯特·胡佛（1929～1933）就职演讲第三十七届第三十二任富兰克林·罗斯福（1933～1937）首次就职演讲第三十八届第三十二任富兰克林·罗斯福（1937～1941）第二次就职演讲第三十九届第三十二任富兰克林·罗斯福（1941～1945）第三次就职演讲第四十届第三十二任富兰克林·罗斯福（1945）第四次就职演讲第四十届第三十三任哈里·杜鲁门（1945～1949）首次就职演讲（暂无演讲词）第四十一届第三十三任哈里·杜鲁门（1949～1953）第二次就职演讲第四十二届第三十四任德怀特·艾森豪威尔威尔（1953-1957）首次就职演讲第四十三届第三十四任德怀特·艾森豪威尔威尔（1957～1961）第二次就职演讲第四十四届第三十五任约翰·肯尼迪（1961～1963）就职演讲第四十四届第三十六任林顿·约翰逊（1963～1965）首次就职演讲（无演讲词）第四十五届第三十六任林顿·约翰逊（1965～1969）第二次就职演讲第四十六届第三十七任理查德德·尼克松（1969～1973）首次就职演讲第四十七届第三十七任理查德德·尼克松（1973～1974）第二次就职演讲第四十七届第三十八任杰拉德·鲁道夫·福特（1974～1977）就职演讲第四十八届第三十九任杰米·卡特（1977～1981）就职演讲第四十九届第四十任罗纳德·里根（1981-1985）首次就职演讲第五十届第四十任罗纳德·里根（1985-1989）第二次就职演讲第五十一届第四十一任乔治·布什（1989～1993）就职演讲第五十二届第四十二任比尔·克林顿（1993～1997）首次就职演讲第五十三届第四十二任比尔·克林顿（1997-2001）第二次就职演讲第五十四届第四十三任乔治·沃克·布什（2001～2005）首次就职演讲第五十五届第四十三任乔治·沃克·布什（2005～2009）第二次就职演讲第五十六届第四十四任巴拉克·奥巴马（2008～2013）首次就职演讲第五十七届第四十四任巴拉克·奥巴马（2013～2017）第二次就职演讲（注：以下所谓届、任——届：根据美国宪法，总统选举每四年举行一次，总统任期四年，任满四年为一届。
西奥多罗斯福总统就职演说就职演说
西奥多罗斯福总统就职演说就职演说
尊敬的美国公民们：
今天，我站在这里，站在我们伟大国家的橡树阴影下，站在这个伟大的国家的总统职
位上，为了维护我们的宪法、保卫我们的自由、为我们的人民谋福祉，和你们一起铭
记西奥多罗斯福在任总统时的就职演说。
当时，我们面临着许多困难和挑战，正像我们今天一样。
我们的经济受到了严重的衰退，许多家庭陷入了绝望和困境。
我们国家的信心和动力都被压抑了。
然而，正是在这样的逆境中，我向你们保证，我们将迎难而上。
我相信，只要我们团
结起来，共同努力，我们一定能够克服当前的困难和挑战。
我们必须重振美国的经济，为我们的人民创造更多的机会和繁荣。
我们需要采取果断的行动，推动经济复苏，刺激就业增长，投资于基础设施建设，提
供教育和培训机会，以及保护我们的环境。
我相信，通过优先考虑我们人民的利益，
我们将能够实现我们的共同目标。
除了经济问题，我们还面临着其他严峻的挑战，如环境污染、贫困和社会不公等。
我
们必须合力应对这些挑战，并确保每个人都能够享有平等的机会和权利。
我承诺，我将始终站在我们国家和人民的一边，为了每一个美国人的利益而努力。
我
将倾听你们的声音，代表你们的利益，并采取必要的措施来解决我们所面临的问题。
最后，我要向全体美国人民发出一个呼吁：让我们团结起来，共同努力，为我们的国
家和人民谋幸福和繁荣。
就像西奥多罗斯福曾经说过的那样，“美国的未来属于那些
奋斗不止、充满希望和勇气的人民。
”
让我们共同努力，迎接挑战，创造美好的未来！谢谢大家，上帝保佑美国！。
美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First Inaugural Address
美国总统（富兰克林-罗斯福）就职演说FirstInaugural Addressrtance and its usefulness,but also because of my love for it.when i learn english, i can feel a different way of thinking which gives me more room to touch the world.when i read english novels,i can feel the pleasure from the book which is different from reading the translation.when i speak english, i can feel the confident from my words.when i write english,i can see the beauty which is not the same as our chinese...i love english,it gives me a colorful dream.i hope i can travel around the world one day. with my good english, i can make friends with many people from different contries.i can see many places of great intrests.i dream that i can go to london,because it is the birth place of english.i also want to use my good english to introduce our great places to the english spoken people,i hope that they can love our country like us.i know, rome was not built in a day. i believe that after continuous hard study, one day i can speak english very well.if you want to be loved, you should learn to love and be lovable. so i believe as i love english everyday , it will love me too.i am sure that i will realize my dream one day!thank you!【高中英语演讲稿范文】hello, schoolmates and teachers.good afternoon, everybody!i'm pang qiyuan, from class 2, senior 3.today i'm very happy here to talk about my dream. i hope you can support me and do me a favor, ok?dream likes a beautiful flower. different people have different dreams.they make the earth colorful and wonderful. a dream is a target in life, in which it can give people power. it can show people the directions and final destinations.i have three dreams. my first dream is that i wish i could go to college some day, which is also the one of many other students' dreams. going to college for further education can not only enrich our knowledge, but also teach us how to behave better. i always imagine that the college life must be very interesting. this dream gives me energy to study harder and harder. now i'm trying my best to make it come true. sure, i have enough confidence to realize my dream.my second dream is becoming an excellent doctor. i always dream that i could turn a doctor like bai qiuen, so that i could cure a lot of patients, help them get rid of sick devil, let them lead a healthy and happy life, and finally i will feel happy, too.my third dream is that all the people together with the surroundings can live in perfect harmony. there are no quarrellings, no cheatings, and no wars in the world. we should be kind to each other, love each other and care each other. all the people in the world could get along as well as a big family with each other. i dream that we could enjoy absolute peace and freedom.these are my dreams. how i wish that they could come true soon!thank you.高中英语演讲稿范文3分钟高中英语演讲稿（2）i have a dream every one has his own dream.when i was a littlekid ,my dream was even to have a candy shop of my own .but now ,when i am 16 years old ,standing here ,my dreams have already changed a lot.i have got quite different experience from other girls.while they were playing toys at home,while they were dreaming to be the princesses in the story .i was running in the hard rain,jumping in the heavy snow,pitching in the strong wind.nothing could stop me ,because of a wonderful call from my heart -- to be an athlete.yeah ,of course ,i'm an athlete,i'm so proud of that all the time .when i was 10 years old ,i became a shot-put athlete.the training was really hard ,i couldn't bear the heavy shot in my hands .but i always believe that "god only help those who help themselves".during those hard days,i find i was growing more quickly than others of the same age.to be an athlete is my most correct choice.but,i quit my team after entering high school because of a silly excuse.i really didn't want to stop my sports career anyway.today i say to you my friends that even though i must face the difficulties of yesterday ,today and tomorrow .i still have a dream .it is a dream deeply rooted in my soul.i have a dream that one day ,i can run,jump and pitch just like i used to be.i have a dream that one day , i can go back to my dream sports and join the national team.i have a dream that one day ,i can stand on the highest place at the olympic games.with all the cameras pointing at me.i will tell everyone that i'm so proud to be a chinese athlete!this is my hope .this is the faith that i continue my steps with!!!with this faith ,i will live though the strong wind and heavy rain ,never give up !so let victory ring from my heart,from all of you.when we allow victory to ring .i must be the one!in my imagination,i'm a bird ,a magical bird.i carry my dreams all with me by my big wings. i fly though the mountains ,though the forests ,over the sea,to the sun ,the warmest place in the aerospace!every night ,i have a dream ,i see a girl ---smiling!英语演讲稿：高中英语演讲稿范文高中英语演讲稿（3）he values Americans live by may seem strange to you. As a result, you might find their actions confusing, even unbelievable. This is my opinion about American Value. Whether you agree with me or not - or is willing to accept as valid any generalizations about Americans - my observations are thought-provoking.Americans do not believe in the power of fate, and they look at people who do as being backward, primitive, or naive. In the American context, to be "fatalistic" is to be superstitious, lazy, or unwilling to take initiative. Everyone should have control over whatever in the environment might potentially affect him or her. The problems of one's life are not seen as having resulted from bad luck as much as having come from one's laziness and unwillingness to take responsibility in pursuing a better life.In the American mind, change is seen as indisputably good, leading to development, improvement, progress. Many older, moretraditional cultures consider change disruptive and destructive; they value stability, continuity, tradition, and ancient heritage - none of which are considered very important in the United States.Time is of utmost importance to most Americans. It is something to be on, kept, filled, saved, used, spent, wasted, lost, gained, planned, given, even killed. Americans are more concerned with getting things accomplished on time than they are with developing interpersonal relations. Their lives seem controlled by the little machines they wear on their wrists, cutting their discussions off abruptly to make their next appointment on time. This philosophy has enabled Americans to be extremely productive, and productivity Is highly valued In their country.Equality is so cherished in the U.S. that it is seen as having a religious basis. Americans believe that all people are created equal and that all should have an equal opportunity to succeed. This concept of equality is strange to seven-eighths of the world which views status and authority as desirable, even if they happen to be near the bottom of the social order. Since Americans like to treat foreigners "Just like anybody else", newcomers to the U.S. should realize that no insult or personal indignity is intended if they are treated in a less than-deferential manner by waiters in restaurants, clerks in stores and hotels, taxi drivers, and other service personnel.Americans view themselves as highly individualistic in their thoughts and actions. They resist being thought of asrepresentatives of any homogeneous group. When they do join groups, they believe they are special. Just a little different from other members of the same group. In the U.S. you will find people freely expressing a variety of opinions anywhere and anytime. Yet, in spite of this independence, almost all Americans end up voting for one of their two major political parties. Individualism leads to privacy, which Americans see as desirable. The word privacy does not exist in many non-Western languages. If It does, it is likely to have a negative connotation, suggesting loneliness or forced isolation. It is not uncommon for Americans to say, and almost to believe: "If I don't have half an hour a day to myself, I go stark-raving mad!"Americans take credit only for what they accomplish as individuals. They get no credit for having been born into a rich family but pride themselves in having climbed the ladder of success, to whatever level, all by themselves. In an English-language dictionary, there are more than 100 composite words that have the word "self" as a prefix: self-aware. self-confident,self-conscious, self-contented, self-control, self-criticism, self-deception, self-defeating, self-denial. The equivalent of these words cannot be found in most other languages. It is an indicator of how highly Americans regard the self-made man or woman.Many other countries have developed subtle, sometimes highly ritualistic, ways of informing others of unpleasant information. Americans prefer the direct approach. They are likely to be completely honest in delivering their negative evaluations, and to consider, anything other than the most direct and open approach to be "dishonest" and "insincere". Anyone in the U.S. who uses an intermediary to deliver the message will also be considered"manipulative" and "untrustworthy". If you come from a country where saving face is important, be assured that Americans are not trying to make you lose face with their directness.As a matter of fact, the major American Value is distinct from Chinese. We ought to accept it when we communicate with Americans. Thus, we need make ourselves think globally and act locally.高中英语演讲稿:坚持不懈到达胜利彼岸高中英语演讲稿（4）the prizes of life are at the end of each journey, not near the beginning; and it is not given to me to know how many steps are necessary in order to reach my goal. failure i may still encounter at the thousandth step, yet success hides behind the next bend in the road. never will i know how close it lies unless i turn the corner.always will i take another step. if that is of no avail i will take another, and yet another. in truth, one step at a time is not too difficult.henceforth, i will consider each day's effort as but one blow of my blade against a mighty oak. the first blow may cause not a tremor in the wood, nor the second, nor the third. each bolw, of itself, may be trifling, and seem of no consequence. yet from childish swipes the oak will eventually tumble. so it will be with my efforts of today.i will be liken to the rain drop which washes away the mountain; the ant who devours a tiger; the star which brightens the earth; the slave who builds a pyramid. i will build my castle one brickat a time for i know that small attempts, repeated, will complete any undertaking.。
【名人演讲】富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福-第四次总统就职演说
【名人演讲】富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福:第四次总统就职演说篇一：富兰克林罗斯福第四次就职演说翻译富兰克林·罗斯福（Franklind.Roosevelt）第四次就职演说翻译首席大法官先生，副总统先生，我的朋友们：你们能够理解、并且我相信也会赞同我的愿望，把这次就职典礼办成一个简简单单的仪式，而我则只发表一个简短的演说。
我们今天的美国人和我们的盟友一道，正经历一个最为严峻的考验时期。
这是一次对我们的勇气、决心和智慧的考验，也是一次对我们根本性的民主制的考验。
我们若能成功而光荣地经受住这次考验，那我们就可以创造具有重要历史意义的业绩，受到人民世世代代的纪念。
今天，我伫立于此，在我国同胞的面前，在我们上帝的面前，进行了庄严的就职宣誓。
当此之际，我深知美国的目标要求我们决不能失败。
在未来的岁月里，我们要致力于建设一种公正而光荣的和平，建设一种持久的和平，就像我们今天正在为战争的彻底胜利而工作和战斗一样。
我们能够而且必将获得这样一种和平。
我们要为完美的局面而奋斗。
我们不会马上达到目标，但我们仍要为之奋斗。
我们也许会犯下错误，但我们决不能因为丧失意志和抛弃道义原则而犯错误。
我至今仍记得我的老校长皮博迪博士在那些对我们似乎是平安无事的年月说过的话：“生活当中的事情并不永远是平坦顺畅的。
有时我们眼看就要登上顶峰，可是情况似乎很快急转直下，又开始走下坡路了。
但我们要牢记一个重要事实：明本身的趋向永远是向上的，如果从数个世纪的高峰和低谷之间划出的中线来看，这条线一直都是呈上升趋势的。
”我们1787年的宪法并不是一份完美无缺的文献，而且它至今仍未尽善尽美。
但它却提供了一个坚实的基础，供不同种族、不同肤色、不同信仰的各式各样的人们来建立一个牢固的民主大厦。
因此，在今天，在1945年这个战争的年头，我们用可怕的代价换取了若干教训，我们会从中获益不浅。
我们懂得，单凭我们自己是无法生活在和平之中的，我们自己的富足有赖于相距遥远的其他国家的富足。
演讲致辞-美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First Inaugural Address 精品
美国总统（富兰克林-罗斯福）就职演说First Inaugural Addressfranklin delano rooseveltfirst inaugural addressdelivered 4 march 1933president hoover, mr. chief justice, my friends:this is a day of national consecration. and i am certain that on this day my fellow americans expect that on my induction into the presidency, i will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.this is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. this great nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.so, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. in every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. and i am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.in such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our mon difficulties. they concern, thank god, only material things. values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of ine; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. more important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.and yet our distress es from no failure of substance. we are stricken by no plague of locusts. pared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankinds goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own inpetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.true, they have tried. but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. they only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. they have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. we may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. the measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. the joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. these dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. this nation is asking for action, and action now.our greatest primary task is to put people to work. this is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. it can be acplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, acplishing great -- greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. it can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. it can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. it can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. it can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of munications and other utilities that have a definitely public character. there are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.we must act. we must act quickly.and finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments. there must be an end to speculation with other peoples money. and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.these, my friends, are the lines of attack. i shall presently urge upon a new congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and i shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making ine balance outgo. our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. i favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first. i shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that acplishment.。
历届美国总统就职典礼
1789年美国第一任总统华盛顿宣誓就职
1841年哈里森总统就职大典
1861年林肯就职大典
1933年富兰克林罗斯福当选美国总统就职大典
1937年富兰克林·罗斯福连任就职宣誓
1941年富兰克林·罗斯福第三次连任美国总统1945年富兰克林·罗斯福第四次连任典礼1949年杜鲁门总统就职大典
1953年奥森豪威尔宣誓就职
1957奥森豪威尔连任就职大典
1961年肯尼迪就职大典
1965年约翰逊就职大典
1969年尼克松就职大典
1974年福特就任总统宣誓
1977年卡特总统就职大典
1981年里根当选总统就职演说
1985年里根连任就职大典
1989年老布什就职大典宣誓
1993年克林顿首次当选就职宣誓
1997年克林顿就职典礼演说
布什2001年首次当选就职大典
布什就职典礼上克林顿握手祝贺
布什2005年连任就职大典。
最新-1974年美国总统福特就职演说1 精品
1974年美国总统福特就职演说篇一：美国总统富尼克松的就职演讲稿美国总统富尼克松的就职演讲稿历史的每一个时刻转瞬即逝，它既珍贵又独特。
可是，其中某些显然是揭开序幕的时刻，此时，一代先河得以开创，它决定了未来数十年或几个世纪的航向。
现在可能就是这样一个时刻。
现在，各方力量正在汇聚起来，使我们第一次可以期望人类的许多夙愿最终能够实现。
不断加快的变革速度，使我们能在我们这一代期望过去花了几百年才出现的种种进步。
由于开辟了大空的天地，我们在地球上也发现了新的天地。
由于世界人民希望和平，而世界各国领袖害怕战争，因此，目前形势第一次变得有利于和平。
从现在起，再过8年，美国将庆祝建国200周年。
在现在大多数人的有生之年，人类将庆祝千载难逢的、辉煌无比的新年——第三个百年盛世的开端。
我们的国家将变成怎样的国家，我们将生活在怎样的世界上，我们要不要按照我们的希望铸造未来，这些都将由我们根据自己的行动和选择来决定。
历史所能赐予我们的最大荣誉，莫过于和平缔造者这一称号。
这一荣誉现在正在召唤美国——这是领导世界最终脱离动乱的幽谷，走向自文明开端以来人类一直梦寐以求的和平高坛的一个机会。
我们若获成功，下几代人在谈及现在在世的我们时会说，正是我们掌握了时机，正是我们协力相助，使普天之下国泰民安。
这是要我们创立宏伟大业的召唤。
我相信，美国人民准备响应这一召唤。
经过一段对抗时期，我们正进入一个谈判时代。
让所有国家都知道，在本届政府任期内，交流通道是敞开的。
我们谋求一个开放的世界——对各种思想开放，对物资和人员的交流开放，在这个世界中，任何民族，不论大小，都不会生活在怏怏不乐的孤立之中。
我们不能指望每个人都成为我们的朋友，可是我们能设法使任何人都不与我们为敌。
我们邀请那些很可能是我们对手的人进行一场和平竞赛——不是要征服领土或扩展版图，而是要丰富人类的生活。
在探索宇宙空间的时候，让我们一起走向新的世界——不是走向被征服的新世界，而是共同进行一次新的探险。
1974年美国总统福特就职演说,演讲,纯英文
Eventhoughthisislateinanelectionyear,thereisnowaywecangofor wardexcepttogetherandnowayanybodycanwinexceptbyservingthepe ople'surgentneeds.Wecannotstandstillorslipbackwards.Wemustg oforwardnowtogether.
5/7
__来源网络整理，仅作为学习参考
geourheartsofsuspicionandofhate.
Inthebeginning,Iaskedyoutoprayforme.Beforeclosing,Iaskagain yourprayers,forRichardNixonandforhisfamily.MayourformerPres ident,whobroughtpeacetomillions,finditforhimself.MayGodbles sandforthiswonderfulwifeanddaughters,whoseloveandloyaltywil lforeverbeashininglegacytoallwhobearthelonelyburdensoftheWh iteHouse.Icanonlyguessatthoseburdens,althoughIhavewitnessed atclosehandthetragediesthatbefellthreePresidentsandthelesse rtrialsofothers.
Iintend,onMondaynext,torequestoftheSpeakeroftheHouseofRepre
sentativesandthePresidentprotemporeoftheSenatetheprivilegeo
美国总统就职演说辞中委婉语的语用研究
美国总统就职演说辞中委婉语的语用研究委婉语是一种普遍的语言文化现象,是英语不可缺少的一部分。
它出现在人类文明的早期阶段,是为了实现理想的交流而产生的一种语言形式。
它引起了许多语言学家和学者的兴趣,并从语义学,修辞学,文化或者语用学等角度对其进行了研究。
但其中的大部分主要从宏观角度对委婉语进行了研究。
本文的目的是做一些实证分析,以格莱斯的合作原则(CP)和利奇的礼貌原则(PP)为理论基础,研究委婉语在特定领域(美国总统就职演说)中的使用情况,并希望本文能扩大对委婉语进行语用研究的范围。
演讲对人类来说很重要,对总统来说更重要,因为他们处理的是国际国内关系,人们对他们说的话就更为敏感。
他们的演讲可能影响国家之间的关系,甚至影响政府在其人民心目中的形象。
为了满足某种需要,总统们经常使用委婉语作为有效的手段来违反合作原则的某些准则以遵守礼貌原则的准则。
本文试图在美国总统就职演说辞中发现他们是如何违反合作原则的某些准则以达到遵守礼貌原则的准则的。
本文分为四章。
第一章综述委婉语的定义,分类,功能及其构成方式。
第二章论述委婉语的理论基础。
20世纪60年代美国语言哲学家格莱斯提出的合作原则是语用学的理论基石,他认为语言有其自己的逻辑关系。
根据他的理论,与话者必须愿意合作,否则,他们的交谈就不可能进行下去。
合作原则具体来说有四个准则:数量准则,质量准则,关系准则和方式准则。
礼貌原则是英国语言学家利奇在二十世纪八十年代作为面子理论和合作原则的补充而提出的。
它的目的就是减少不礼貌的表达,尽量增加礼貌的表达方式。
包括策略准则、慷慨准则、赞扬准则、谦虚准则、同意准则、同情准则。
第三章从合作原则和礼貌原则的视角分析了四篇美国总统就职演说辞中使用的委婉语。
发现委婉语的使用频率很高,他们违反了合作原则的质量准则,数量准则或者方式准则,但基本上遵守礼貌原则的各项准则。
第四章阐述了研究的意义,并希望对跨文化交际中委婉语的翻译有一定的促进作用。
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1974年美国总统福特就职演说（文章一）：1974年美国总统福特就职演说Vice President Gerald Ford was sworn in as the 38th President of the United States after the resignation of President Nixon. President Ford;s Inaugural Address: [Oath of Office administered by Chief Justice Warren E. Burger] Mr. Chief Justice, my dear friends, my fellow Americans: The oath that I have taken is the same oath that was taken by George Washington and by every President under the Constitution. But I assume the Presidency under extraordinary circumstances never before experienced by Americans. This is an hour of history that troubles our minds and hurts our hearts. Therefore, I feel it is my first duty to make an unprecedented pact with my countrymen. Not an inaugural address, not a fireside chat, not a caign speech -- just a little straight talk among friends. And I intend it to be the first of many. I am acutely aware that you have not elected me as your President by your ballots, and so I ask you to confirm me as your President with your prayers. And I hope that such prayers will also be the first of many. If you have not chosen me by secret ballot, neither have I gained office by any secret promises. I have not caigned either for the Presidency or the Vice Presidency. I have not subscribed to any partisan platform. I am indebted to no man, and only to one woman -- my dearwife -- as I begin this very difficult job. I have not sought this enormous responsibility, but I will not shirk it. Those who nominated and confirmed me as Vice President were my friends and are my friends. They were of both parties, elected by all the people and acting under the Constitution in their name. It is only fitting then that I should pledge to them and to you that I will be the President of all the people. Thomas Jefferson said the people are the only sure reliance for the preservation of our liberty. And down the years, Abraham Lincoln renewed this American article of faith asking, Is there any better way or equal hope in the world? I intend, on Monday next, to request of the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the President pro tempore of the Senate the privilege of appearing before the Congress to share with my former colleagues and with you, the American people, my views on the priority business of the Nation and to solicit your views and their views. And may I say to the Speaker and the others, if I could meet with you right after these remarks, I would appreciate it. Even though this is late in an election year, there is no way we can go forward except together and no way anybody can win except by serving the people;s urgent needs. We cannot stand still or slip backwards. We must go forward now together. To the peoples and the governments of all friendly nations, and I hope that could enpass the whole world, I pledge an uninterrupted and sincere search for peace. America will remain strong and united, but its strength will remaindedicated to the safety and sanity of the entire family of man, as well as to our own precious freedom. I believe that truth is the glue that holds government together, not only our Government but civilization itself. That bond, though stained, is unbroken at home and abroad. In all my public and private acts as your President, I expect to follow my xxtincts of openness and candor with full confidence that honesty is always the best policy in the end. My fellow Americans, our long national nightmare is over. Our Constitution works. Our great Republic is a government of laws and not of men. Here, the people rule. But there is a higher Power, by whatever name we honor Him, who ordaxx not only righteousness but love, not only justice but mercy. As we bind up the internal wounds of Watergate, more painful and more poisonous than those of foreign wars, let us restore the golden rule to our political process, and let brotherly love purge our hearts of suspicion and of hate. In the beginning, I asked you to pray for me. Before closing, I ask again your prayers, for Richard Nixon and for his family. May our former President, who brought peace to millions, find it for himself. May God bless and fort his wonderful wife and daughters, whose love and loyalty will forever be a shining legacy to all who bear the lonely burdens of the White House. I can only guess at those burdens, although I have witnessed at close hand the tragedies that befell three Presidents and the lesser trials of others. With all the strength and all the good sense I havegained from life, with all the confidence of my family, my friends, and my dedicated staff impart to me, and with the good will of countless Americans I have encountered in recent visits to 40 States, I now solemnly reaffirm my promise I made to you last December 6: To uphold the Constitution; to do what is right as God gives me to see the right; and to do the very best I can for America. God helping me, I will not let you down. Thank you. 原文链接：:///thread-2841-1-（1）、（文章二）：美国历届总统1865年4月15日，安德鲁·约翰逊总统：因为总统死亡，约翰逊是第一位由总检察长带领宣誓就任总统的副总统。