养老保险外文翻译文献
养老保险改革最新外文文献翻译
养老保险改革最新外文文献翻译This article aims to compare the endowment insurance system in different countries。
The endowment insurance system is a type of life insurance that XXX in China。
the United States。
and the United Kingdom.In China。
the endowment insurance system is XXX system covers all employees。
XXX。
the system XXX.In the United States。
XXX individuals can choose to participate。
The system has XXX。
it also e individuals.In the United Kingdom。
the endowment insurance system XXX。
it also XXX.Overall。
the study shows that the endowment insurance system varies in different countries and has XXX countries.XXX is a common social problem that is XXX society。
It has XXX to set up a system to support the elderly。
The old-ageinsurance system was XXX。
with the development of social economy。
the system has XXX strata of the elderly。
翰威特-中国养老金改革英文
翰威特-中国养老金改革英文Hannover Re - China Pension Reform: A Comprehensive Analysis IntroductionAs the rapidly aging population of China continues to grow, sustainable and robust pension reform has become a pressing issue. The Chinese government has recognized the need to address this challenge and has launched several initiatives to reform the country's pension system. The Hannover Re Group, a leading global reinsurance company, has been actively involved in researching and analyzing the implications of these reforms. In this report, we provide a comprehensive analysis of the Hanover Re - China pension reform.1. BackgroundChina's demographic landscape is rapidly changing. The aging population has placed enormous strain on the existing pension system, which was designed for a younger population. As a result, the Chinese government introduced the Pension Reform Plan in 2019, with the goal of creating a more sustainable and equitable pension system.2. Basic Pension InsuranceThe Basic Pension Insurance program is the cornerstone of China's pension system. It aims to provide a basic level of financial support to retirees. Under the new reform, the contribution rate for Basic Pension Insurance has increased from 20% to 25%, with employersand employees each contributing 12.5%. This increase in contributions ensures the financial viability of the system and maintains the adequacy of benefits.3. Individual AccountsIn addition to Basic Pension Insurance, the pension reform introduced the Individual Accounts program. Individuals can voluntarily contribute a portion of their income to their individual accounts, which are invested and accumulated over time. The reform expanded the investment options available for individual accounts, allowing participants to invest in a wider range of financial instruments, including stocks and bonds. This change incentivizes individuals to save for retirement while also increasing the potential return on their investments.4. Postponed Retirement AgeTo alleviate the strain on the pension system, the reform raised the retirement age. The retirement age for women increased from 55 to 60 years, and the retirement age for men increased from 60 to 65 years. This change reflects the increasing life expectancy and the need for individuals to work longer and save more for retirement. The reform also introduced a flexible retirement age, allowing individuals to choose to retire at any age between the statutory retirement age and 70 years.5. Coverage ExpansionThe pension reform aims to expand the coverage of the pensionsystem to include more individuals, particularly those working in the informal sector. The reform introduces incentives for employers to provide pension benefits to their employees, including tax incentives and subsidies. This expansion ensures that more individuals have access to retirement savings and benefits, reducing the risk of elderly poverty.6. Challenges and Future OutlookWhile the pension reform has made significant progress, there are several challenges that need to be addressed. One challenge is the management of the Individual Accounts, as the increased investment options require effective supervision and regulation. Additionally, the sustainability of the pension system in the long term remains a concern, as the aging population continues to grow.Looking to the future, the Hanover Re Group believes that continued improvements in the pension system, such as increasing the retirement age further and enhancing financial literacy among the population, will be critical. Additionally, the integration of data analytics and technology can help optimize the management and operation of the pension system, ensuring its long-term sustainability.ConclusionThe Hannover Re - China pension reform is a significant step towards creating a sustainable and equitable pension system for China's aging population. The reform addresses key issues such as increasing retirement age, expanding coverage, and providingbetter investment options for individuals. While challenges remain, the future outlook for China's pension system is promising, with the potential for further improvements and innovations. The Hannover Re Group will continue to monitor and analyze the developments in the Chinese pension system, providing valuable insights for policymakers and stakeholders.7. Impact on the Aging PopulationThe pension reform has a significant impact on the aging population in China. With the increase in retirement age, individuals are required to work longer before accessing their pension benefits. This has both advantages and disadvantages. On one hand, individuals have more time to accumulate savings and assets, which can help support their retirement. On the other hand, it may be challenging for individuals to continue working as they age, especially in physically demanding jobs.The expansion of coverage also benefits the aging population, particularly those working in the informal sector. Many individuals in the informal sector do not have access to formal employment benefits, including pension schemes. The pension reform ensures that these individuals are included in the pension system, providing them with financial security in their old age.8. Economic ImplicationsThe pension reform has several economic implications for China. By increasing the retirement age, the reform encourages individuals to remain in the workforce for longer. This can help mitigate the impact of the aging population on the labor marketand workforce productivity. It also helps alleviate the financial burden on the pension system, as individuals contribute for a longer period before receiving benefits.Additionally, the expansion of coverage has the potential to stimulate domestic consumption and economic growth. As more individuals have access to retirement savings and benefits, they are likely to increase their spending, supporting various sectors of the economy. This increased consumption can help drive economic development and create new job opportunities.9. Insurance and Risk MitigationAs a leading reinsurance company, Hannover Re recognizes the importance of insurance and risk mitigation in the context of pension reform. The pension system is subject to various risks, including longevity risk, investment risk, and inflation risk. An effective reinsurance strategy can help mitigate these risks, ensuring the long-term sustainability of the pension system.Hannover Re provides risk transfer solutions to pension funds and insurance companies, helping them manage and hedge their longevity and investment risks. By transferring these risks to the reinsurance market, pension funds and insurance companies can enhance their financial stability and protect their policyholders' interests.Hannover Re also invests in research and development to develop innovative risk management tools and solutions. This includes leveraging data analytics and technology to improve riskassessment and optimize investment strategies. By harnessing these advancements, Hannover Re aims to enhance the resilience and effectiveness of pension systems, including China's reform efforts.10. International Collaboration and Knowledge SharingThe Hannover Re - China pension reform analysis emphasizes the importance of international collaboration and knowledge sharing in addressing pension system challenges. China can learn from the experiences of other countries that have successfully implemented pension reforms, such as Germany and Sweden.Through partnerships and collaborations with international organizations, policymakers, and stakeholders, China can gain valuable insights and best practices in pension reform. This includes sharing knowledge on pension system design, investment strategies, risk management, and governance. International collaboration can also foster innovation and drive continuous improvement in the Chinese pension system.ConclusionThe Hannover Re - China pension reform analysis provides a comprehensive overview of the reform efforts in China's pension system. The reform addresses critical issues related to sustainability, coverage, retirement age, and investment options. The impact of the reform on the aging population and the economy is significant, with potential benefits for individuals and the overall development of the country.As a leading reinsurance company, Hannover Re is committed to monitoring and analyzing the developments in the Chinese pension system. By providing valuable insights and risk management solutions, Hannover Re contributes to the long-term sustainability and effectiveness of the pension reform. Through international collaboration and knowledge sharing, China can continue to refine and improve its pension system, ensuring the well-being and security of its aging population.。
老龄化和退休养老金外文翻译文献
文献信息文献标题：Active Ageing, Pensions and Retirement in the UK（英国的积极老龄化、养老金和退休）文献作者：Liam Foster文献出处：《Journal of Population Ageing》,2018,11(2):117-132字数统计：英文3829单词，20396字符；中文6752汉字外文文献Active Ageing, Pensions and Retirement in the UK Abstract The ageing population has led to increasing concerns about pensions and their future sustainability. Much of the dominant policy discourse around ageing and pension provision over the last decade has focussed on postponing retirement and prolonging employment. These measures are central to productive notions of ‘active ageing’. Initially the paper briefly sets out the pension developments in the UK. Then it introduces active ageing and active ageing policy, exploring its implications for UK pension provision. It demonstrates that a more comprehensive active ageing framework, which incorporates a life-course perspective, has the potential to assist the UK to respond to the challenges of an ageing population. In doing so it needs to highlight older people as an economic and social resource, and reduce barriers to older people’s participation in society.Keywords: Active ageing, Extending working lives, UK, Longevity, PensionsIntroductionThe world’s population is ageing. The number of people aged 65 or older worldwide is projected to grow from 524 million in 2010 to nearly 1.5 billion in 2050 (World Health Organisation 2012). The age-based dependency ratio is also changing: in Europe there are four people of working age for every person over 65 and by 2060 there will be only two (European Commission 2010). In the UK it is estimated that thepopulation aged over 65 will grow twice as fast as the working age population, accounting for 24% of the population by 2037 (Office for National Statistics 2015). This process of demographic ageing with the accompanying shifts in the ratio of social security contributors to recipients poses a significant challenge to the sustainability of pensions (Hofäcker 2015).The ‘active ageing’ framework has emerged as a key policy resp onse to the challenges of an ageing population (Foster and Walker 2015). Active ageing is concerned with enabling people to remain independent and achieve their potential regardless of age. It emphasises the importance of maximizing health, participation and security in enhancing well-being as people age (World Health Organisation 2002). In addition, it indicates the role older people can play in combating the challenges of an ageing population through delaying exit from employment and maintaining an active life following retirement (European Commission 2014). Pension policies can have an important role in extending working lives in addition to providing an adequate income in retirement and, as such, should be a central component of the active ageing agenda (Foster 2012). Despite this, little attention has been given to the links between the active ageing framework and pensions, especially in the UK (Hinrichs and Aleksandrowicz 2006; Botti et al. 2011).Initially the paper briefly outlines the development of pensions in the UK. Then it considers the emergence of active ageing policy, exploring its implications for UK pensions and extending working lives, before outlining the importance of utilising a life-course approach to active ageing. It shows how an active ageing strategy can assist the UK to respond to the challenges of an ageing population. In doing so it emphasises the need to see older people as an economic and social resource, and reduce barriers to older people’s participation in society.The Development of Pensions in the UKIn the UK the fate of the aged poor became a public issue in the late nineteenth century and a campaign for the introduction of an old age pension began towards the end of 1898. This led to the creation of the 1908 Old Age Pensions Act. Coverage waslimited for financial and moral reasons, with the focus on undeserved poverty. The level of pension was insufficient to tempt those able to continue in full-time work to stop doing so. Following the Second World War, further changes were made to the state pension scheme based on the Beveridge Report (1942). A flat-rate pension, funded through National Insurance (NI) contributions (made by employees and employers), meant older people became more of a distinct social category, defined by age (of pension entitlement) (Walker 1980). This flat-rate pension was supplemented by an occupational pension for those who could afford them or by national assistance for those without further provision.These developments enhanced the connection between ageing and public policy in the UK and were accompanied by a rise in living standards of older people (Walker 2009). However they also contributed to the perception of older people as requiring economic support and enhanced ageist stereotypes of old age as a period of dependency and frailty (Townsend 1981). The developments meant older people were expected to exit the labour force at fixed ages and exchange wages for pensions. Pensions operated as a form of institutionalisation of retirement and management of the labour market (Kohli 2007). Retirement provided a clearly defined ‘normative’ phase of the lifecourse, structurally distinct from paid work, and formed a boundary that produced older people as a distinct group. These developments were underpinned by various types of support created through the welfare state, in addition to the expansion of occupational (defined benefit) pensions (Phillipson et al. 2016).An Active Ageing FrameworkThe concept of active ageing, which lacks a precise universally agreed definition, is a relatively new one, achieving widespread currency only in the past 20 years, largely due to the WHO. It emerged at a time when many countries began to restructure their old age income security systems in response to the challenges presented by an ageing population. These changes also fitted with principles of the active ageing framework which ‘portrayed an active role for older people’ (Walker 2009, p. 79). The emergence of active ageing can be traced back to the activityperspective in the US, during the early 1960s, as the antithesis of disengagement, the mutual withdrawal between ageing persons and society (Foster and Walker 2015). Cumming and Henry (1961) assumed disengagement to be universal and inevitable. However, this theory was criticised as it largely ignored older adults’ perceptions about what engagement entailed, enforcing a deficit model (Hochschild 1975). At that time the key to ‘successful ageing’ was perceived as the continuation of activity in older age (Havighurst 1961; Rowe and Kahn 1987). This approach was predicated on reductionist aims and had the effect of placing an unrealistic expectation on individuals in older age to maintain levels of activity associated with middle age, disregarding functional limitations. Thus, it failed to acknowledge the heterogeneous nature of older age. Productive ageing followed in the US a decade later, focussing on ‘any activity by an older individual that produces goods or services, or develops the capacity to produce goods or services’ (Caro et al. 1993, p. 6), before the global concept of active ageing emerged.Active ageing represents a vision for policy in which facilitating the rights of older people will enable the expanding population to remain healthy (reducing the burden on health and social care systems), stay in employment longer (reducing pension costs), whilst also fully participating in community and political processes. It is concerned with ‘continuing participation in social, economic, cultural, spiritual and civic affairs, not just the ability to be physically active or to participate in the labour force’ (World Health Organisation 2002, p. 12). Therefore, it involves challenging views of older age as characterised by passivity and dependency. It also emphasises the importance of experiences in younger years for determining well-being in later life (Hamblin 2013), highlighting the need for preventative processes throughout the life-course, including providing opportunities to contribute to adequate pension schemes or rewarding periods of caring (Ginn and Macintyre 2013).Pensions and Active AgeingA productivist version of active ageing has focussed on raising the employment rates of older workers through a combination of pension and labour market reforms.Longer working lives are seen as a viable approach to reduce the welfare bill. In 2014 in the UK there were 2.9 million people out of work aged between 50 and the State Pension Age (SPA), the age at which the state pension is received, and the government was spending around £7 billion on out-of-work benefits for people in this age group (Government Office for Science 2016). There are also currently over 1 million people aged 50-SPA who are not working because of sickness or disability (Department for Work and Pensions 2014a). While ‘passive’ programmes tend to discourage the use of early retirement schemes, ‘active’ approaches target employment retention and the reintegration of older workers (Corsi and Samek 2010). Despite considerable increases in older worker’s employme nt in the UK the current employment rate declines from 86% for 50 year olds, to 65% for 60 year olds and 31% for 65 year olds (Government Office for Science 2016). The DWP ( 2014a) suggests that halving the employment gap between older people aged 50-SPA and those in their 40s could have seen income tax and NI receipts 1% (just under £3 billion) higher and GDP up to 1% (£18 billion) higher in 2013.Pension system reforms are seen as fundamental to older workers’ employment, by providing effective incentives and an environment for demand and supply of the labour of older workers (Botti et al. 2011). In the UK policy has encouraged delayed retirement in a number of ways, including increases in the age at which the state pension can be received (in 2008, the UK government announced a phased increase in the SPA to 68 by 2046) and gradually standardising the pension age for men and women. These are practices recently undertaken by a number of EU countries (Foster 2012). In an interview with the Guardian Sarah Harper suggested that if Brexit leads to a significant decline in migration in the UK then a reduction in the ratio of workers to retired people is likely to lead to additional increases in the SPA (Lyons and Hill 2017). The changes in SPA may be difficult for people who have already made employment, saving and retirement decisions based on a particular SPA who are unable to adjust to a higher SPA by working or saving longer. Raising the SPA in line with increasing life expectancy may result in more people with health problems or caring commitments leaving the labour market before they are eligible for the statepension (Price et al. 2015). Leaving work before SPA makes it increasingly difficult to maintain living standards into retirement. For instance a third of people who stopped work aged 50 to SPA between 2008 and 2010 saw their overall household income immediately drop by over a half (Department for Work and Pensions 2014a). Weyman et al. (2012) suggest that it is likely to have the greatest effect on middle to lower-income groups given that they are least likely to be in employment up to SPA. They may be most likely to see the SPA increase as a signal to work slightly longer if possible (Phillipson et al. 2016). For high income groups the state pension represents a relatively marginal factor in their financial planning. They are more likely to have access to occupational pensions and other financial assets.Ensuring an adequate level of income in retirement for all fits with a more comprehensive approach to active ageing as financial resources can enhance the prospect of ‘activity’ in retirement (Foster and Walker 2015). Government sources of income are crucial to maintaining post-retirement living standards (Phillipson et al. 2016). For instance, in 2012/13 state benefits accounted for 44% of pensioners’ incomes, occupational pensions made up 27%, earnings 17%, investment income 7%, and personal pensions (defined contribution (DC) schemes usually set up by an individual which do not stipulate an employer contribution is required) 4% (Department for Work and Pensions 2014b). Cash benefits/state pensions represented 79% of the incomes of retired households in the bottom quartile in 2012 (Macnicol 2015). In the UK state pension provision is still comparatively low compared with its European counterparts, despite recent changes to the state pension scheme (Creighton 2014). The indexation of the Basic State Pension (BSP), a regular payment from the government that begins when people reach the SPA based on an individ ual’s history of payments of NI Contributions, and the means-tested Pension Credit has been improved and a new single tier pension, combining the basic and second (earnings-related) state pensions, was introduced in 2016 at about £155 per week if payable in full. Since no extra money is forthcoming, there will be both gainers and losers, with estimates of gainers varying from 35% of men and 61% of women (Crawford et al. 2013) to 70% of men and 75% of women (Department for Work andPensions 2015). Men and women already over the SPA in April 2016 are ineligible and will continue to receive the state pension in its current form, even where they would have benefitted from the new pension. As such many pensioners, including the oldest old, are excluded from this policy. If existing pensioners had been included, by 2025 this would reduce the projected percentage of pensioners living in relative poverty from around 11% under current policy to around 7%, rather than 10% when just including those reaching the SPA post-2016 (Carrera et al. 2012). Lloyd (2015), using ELSA, found that increasing income in retirement impacts upon retirement satisfaction. Therefore, enhancing the basic level of pension provision could assist older people to finance additional activities, key characteristics of comprehensive active ageing (ILC–UK 2014). Hence the need for a more inclusive approach to basic pension provision which does not exclude the oldest old (Walker 2002).Extending Working LivesIn 2010 the default retirement age (DRA) of 65, which meant that employers could force their employees to retire at the age of 65, was abolished in the UK following a number of countries including Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the USA (certain employers such as the fire service still have a compulsory retirement age). The abolition of the DRA in the UK, a productivist active ageing policy, was seen as an important way of ‘encouraging’ people with inadequate retirement incomes to continue working and contributing to pensions (Botti et al. 2011). An active ageing framework needs to acknowledge the diverse experiences and the lack of choice often associated with retirement decisions. The age at which people retire is influenced by a variety of factors including health, wealth, work decisions including involuntary redundancy, caring obligations and job satisfaction (Brown and Vickerstaff 2011). Pension arrangements, and the availability of other benefits (for instance as alternative retirement vehicles), also influence the timing and nature of retirement. Studies regarding the decision to retire find that people with higher incomes and occupational pensions are able to more freely decide when to retire (and tend to be most likely to either retire early or to continue working past SPA), while those without a privatepension are more likely to leave work involuntarily, because of redundancy, care-giving responsibilities or illhealth (Phillipson et al. 2016; Vickerstaff et al. 2006). There are also differences between those who ‘consider retirement a wel l-earned entitlement, individuals who retire for health reasons, those who are compelled to continue working for financial reasons and older workers who have an inherently positive relationship with employment and would like to continue working’ (Beck 2014, p. 201). As such the extending working lives agenda is a complex one, with choice unevenly distributed and constrained by a myriad of interrelated factors (Porcellato et al. 2010; Lain 2016).Whilst there has been an increase in people working past age 65 in the UK, this largely relates to people being retained in their current jobs rather than undertaking new ones. This is also applicable to self-employed workers where an increase in selfe-mployed individuals aged 65–69 is due to the long-term self-employed remaining in their jobs longer (Phillipson et al. 2016). It may be easier for self-employed workers to work beyond 65 as they are not as confined by organisational rules regarding retirement, have a greater ability to work flexibly and can return to work, having left, without having to convince an employer to rehire them (Lain 2016). Although opportunities to remain in work have improved, it is evident that age discrimination continues in hiring practices (Phillipson et al. 2016). While UK employers often acknowledge the benefits of age diverse workforces, in practice, recruitment trends show they prefer to recruit younger workers (Porcellato et al. 2010; Lain 2016). Stereotypes still exist that older workers: do not want to train; lack creativity; are too cautious; cannot do heavy physical work; and dislike taking orders from younger workers (Walker and Maltby 2012). This is despite evidence which shows older workers are, on average, as effective in their jobs as younger ones (Smeaton et al. 2009). Furthermore, Lain (2012) found that in the early 2000s employees working at age 65–69 who had recently been recruited were disproportionately in low paid, part-time employment which required few qualifications, pointing to the limitations of a productivist active ageing agenda.Active Ageing, Pensions and the Life-CourseWhile active ageing emphasises the need for extending working lives, employment throughout the life-course has considerable implications for pension accumulation. Individuals who have fragmented pension contribution histories are likely to build up smaller pension pots for retirement. Therefore, security in retirement cannot easily be achieved by planning in the immediate run up to retirement (Macnicol 2015). In particular women’s incre ased risk of poverty in older age depends largely on lower accumulation of pension rights throughout the life-course often as a result of their greater likelihood of undertaking caring responsibilities (Corsi and Samek 2010). British women receive 25% less in state pension than men and women’s private pension savings are only half that of men (Pensions Policy Institute 2016). Such disparities between men and women’s pension income are not specific to the UK. For instance, taking the EU as a whole, men are on average entitled to pensions that are 40% higher than women’s (Tinios et al. 2015).Given that active ageing policy is dependent on characteristics and experiences throughout the life-course, policies should not simply be targeted at older age. A lack of pension income in later life is a result of insufficient pension saving in early and middle adult life. Therefore, pension challenges will not be addressed only through expanding working life and delaying pension receipt. A comprehensive active ageing approach needs to take into account pension saving throughout the life-course in order to understand income inequalities in older age. This needs to depart from an outdated notion of a ‘standardised’ or ‘normative’ life-course where exit from the labour market in older age is regulated by pension norms (Loretto and Vickerstaff 2015).While a neoliberal policy approaches may be steering an individual approach to pension saving (Grady 2016), the male breadwinner ideology is still prevalent in pension decision-making and women still undertake greater levels of caring responsibilities at all stages of the life-course (Scott and Clery 2012). Therefore, a comprehensive active ageing strategy needs to recognise the different trajectories women often face and not penalise women (and men) who diverge from traditional male patterns of employment (it is also worth noting that for many men workingpatterns have changed with more frequent movement between employers and an expansion in self-employment). Unfortunately, neoliberal pension policies, which promote individual responsibility for pension provision, do not account for the realities of many women’s (and some men’s) labour market experience. It would be possible to redevelop pension systems in a manner which de-couples retirement income from labour market participation (Strauss 2014) thus avoiding the penalty for caring years incurred in private pensions (Ginn and Macintyre 2013). In effect, we need to move beyond policy that solely reinforce the liberal celebration of better-paid employment in the labour market and explore ways to reward all forms of work including unpaid labour (Strauss 2014). One option is to introduce an unconditional Citizens Pension set at an adequate level. This approach would reduce gendered inequalities in pensions in retirement and provide a greater acknowledgement of the impact of a life-course approach to active ageing.ConclusionActive ageing has the potential to provide a framework for strategies relating to population ageing and pensions, particularly when a life-course approach is employed. Whilst it is important that a comprehensive active ageing approach recognises diversity and cultural differences, there are fundamental characteristics which must be included in an active ageing approach, whether the focus is on the UK, Europe or beyond. Ultimately it can assist with the process of optimising opportunities for health, participation and security (particularly through increasing the BSP) and as a way to enhance well-being as people age (Corsi and Samek 2010). A comprehensive strategy has the potential to assist with the challenges of workforce ageing and pressure on social protection systems, and enhance the experiences of older people (Foster and Walker 2013). It should not only be concerned with paid employment and pensions; the notion of ‘activity’ should involve all meaningful pursuits that contribute to an individual’s well-being, including their family, local community or society.In reality, much of the emphasis on active ageing has been on productivity and attempts to encourage people to work longer (Foster and Walker 2015). This focus islikely to adversely affect particular groups, including the lowest paid, carers and those with disabilities, who may have limited opportunities or choice in relation to employment (Phillipson et al. 2016). Furthermore, a greater emphasis on individual responsibility for pension provision has led to the displacement of risk and responsibility from a collective public level to individual policy-holders in the UK and beyond (McClymont and Tarrant 2016). This is likely to present significant challenges to those with limited access to opportunities to save and exacerbate gender inequalities in pension provision (Ginn and Macintyre 2013). In addition, increasing the SPA in the UK may result in more people with health problems or caring commitments leaving the labour market before they are eligible for the state pension (Price et al. 2015).We need to look beyond narrow productivist notions of active ageing, taking a lifecourse perspective, to ensure people have the income, opportunities and choices required to enhance their well-being in later life. At the same time, active ageing policies, including economic incentives to continue working in later life, need to be accompanied by policies that enable older workers who want to work to remain active in the paid labour market, focusing on i-deals (Loretto 2016). Unless sustainable pension provision with adequate income in retirement is enacted, there is a danger that more individuals will be compelled to work in insecure forms of paid employment or face an insecure retirement (Phillipson 2012; Grady 2016; Lain 2016). Therefore there is a need to develop a more comprehensive approach to active ageing in the UK which supports retirement as a period of financial security.中文译文英国的积极老龄化、养老金和退休摘要人口老龄化使人们越来越担心养老金及其未来的可持续性。
养老保险(英文表达)
语料库之保险1.养老保险: endowment insurance例句：The draft regulation was released on Monday by the Ministry of Human Resources and Social Security to ensure conditional transfers of the country's three types of social endowment insurances and to benefit the potential 750 million residents who joined at least one of the three programs.人社部周一发布的办法草案是为了确保我国三种不同养老保险体系可有条件转换，以惠及7.5亿参保人员。
Endowment insurance就是“养老保险”，我国有三种不同的养老保险体系，分别为basic endowment insurance for the urban working group（城镇职工基本养老保险）、new rural social endowment insurance for rural residents（新型农村社会养老保险），以及social endowment insurance for non-working urban residents（针对城镇无业人员的社会养老保险）。
三个体系中的premium（缴费）和领到的pension（养老金）也有所不同。
《办法》提出，只要缴费满15年，参保人员无论是从新农保或城居保转入职保，还是从职保转入新农保或城居保，都将个人账户（individual accounts）全部储存额随同转移，包括government subsidies（政府补贴）。
我们平时所说的“五险一金”除了endowment insurance（养老保险）外，还有medical insurance （医疗保险）、unemployment insurance （失业保险）、employment injury insurance （工伤保险）、maternity insurance （生育保险），以及housing fund （住房公积金）。
一个关于养老改革的外文文献综述
一个关于养老改革的外文文献综述——基于人口结构、决策环境以及新自由主义的视角内容提要：本文以养老改革为话题对国外学者的相关研究作了一个文献综述，主要从人口结构、决策环境以及新自由主义三个方面展开。
通过文献研究发现，人口老龄化是一个全球性问题，该问题的存在及恶化会给养老保险体系以及宏观经济带来严重的冲击。
各国政府为应对人口老龄化危机，分别从参数或结构上对本国的养老保险体系进行了改革。
而具有不同政治偏好和利益诉求的政党及工会组织，则通过选举制度和经济制度等平台，左右着本国的养老改革进程。
全球化背景下，新自由主义者所倡导的市场化、私有化以及行政干预最小化等观念，通过世界银行等国际组织的推波助澜，对各国的养老改革产生了越来越深刻的影响，比如其推崇的“多支柱养老改革方案”，能得到越来越多国家的欢迎便是最好的明证。
关键词：老龄化养老保险现收现付制基金制一、引言养老保险作为最基本的社会再分配力量之一，在保障老年人的退休生活和缩小社会贫富差距方面发挥着重要作用。
随着覆盖面和积累资产规模的扩大，其对经济增长所产生的影响力也在逐步增强。
无论是参保者个人还是政府，都非常关注养老保险制度的有效性和可持续性。
人口结构的变化是影响制度有效性和可持续性的关键因素。
人口老龄化不但会影响参保者的养老金收益，还会影响工作一代的养老负担，对于改善养老保险体系在代际再分配方面的公平性和在财政预算上的可持续性非常不利。
基于此，各国为应对日益严峻的老龄化形势，纷纷对本国的养老保险体系进行了调整，或进行参数上的改革，或进行结构上的改革。
养老改革不但与全民退休生活息息相关，更事关不同社会阶层之间的利益分配，其改革方案应当充分考虑到不同阶层的政治偏好和利益诉求。
一个国家的政治决策生活中，不同社会阶层的成员主要通过政党以及工会等组织，来表达其对养老改革方案的期望和诉求。
而各国的政治制度和经济制度则是这些期望和诉求得以表达的平台，从而形成了养老改革的决策环境。
毕业设计(论文)外文参考资料及译文-养老院[管理资料]
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毕业设计（论文）外文参考资料及译文译文题目：养老院学生姓名：学号：专业：行政管理所在学院：人文学院指导教师：职称：讲师2011 年 3 月 29日养老院养老院分为疗养院，专业护理组（首尔大学），护理院或疗养院。
这是一个需要护理和日常活动有不便的人居住的地方。
居住在这里的居民包括身体或精神残疾的老人和成年人，住在疗养院的人如果发生意外或疾病也会被进行物理治疗。
居民的法律权利取决于机构的法律地位。
美国在美国，一个“专业护理机构”或“民营护理机构”是指一个注册参加并可以医疗保险报销的机构。
联邦医疗保险方案主要是为那些在工作时为社会保障和医疗保险做出贡献的老年人而设的，护理基金是指给予那些得到认证并参与了医疗报销的养老院的资金。
联邦医疗补助计划是为每个国家提供医疗及相关服务，并为那些所谓的“穷人”实施的。
所谓的“穷人”是指每个国家确定的给予老人，残疾人或儿童医疗补助的资格（如儿童的健康保险计划 -芯片和母婴保健和食品方案）。
每个国家开办的养老院，都受到国家法律和法规的保护。
护养院可以选择参加医疗保险或医疗补助。
如果他们通过一项调查（检查），他们得到许可，也受到联邦法律和法规的保护。
全部或部分护理之家可参加医疗保险或医疗补助。
在美国，护理安老院参加医疗保险或医疗补助须有职业护士每天24小时值班。
至少每天8小时，每周7天，必须有一个注册护士值班。
护养院的管理由持牌护理之家管理员管理。
不像美国护理没有标准化的培训和管理人员发牌规定，但大多数州都要求有联邦许可证，许多州，如加利福尼亚州有他们自己的系统管理员执照。
到2005年4月18日，美国共有16094家有许可的养老院，低于2002年12月12日，德尔的16516家。
有些国家已经给能够在社区生活但需要帮助的老人和其他成年人提供不同的照料。
例如，康涅狄格安老院或安老院是由公共卫生国务院授权。
这些安老院提供24小时监管，提供了更多的“如家“的环境。
许多人实际上已转化为住房，提供一个住宅社区，促进了独立的生活方式和给予他人需要的某种形式的援助，以促进更好的在社区生活服务护理之家提供的服务包括护士，护理助手和助理服务，物理，职业及语言治疗师，社会工作者及康乐助理和食宿。
养老保险改革最新外文文献翻译
文献出处：Cude B. The comparative study of Endowment insurance system [J]. International Journal of Consumer Studies, 2016, 15(3):57-67.原文The comparative study of Endowment insurance systemCude BAbstractPopulation aging is a common social problem facing today's world, a growing number of elderly population affects the population structure of society. How to set up this part of people's life, already became the various countries' imminent tasks. Old-age insurance system is in this situation, and constantly develop and change. Is it was originally set up in order to guarantee laborers at the labor out areas or lose the basic life after labor. Is the protection of laborer aged life? With the development of social economy, the reformation of endowment insurance are guaranteed scope expanding gradually to the various social strata of the elderly, security content is more detailed and perfect. The three countries of east Asia in the old-age insurance system has a long development process, has accumulated a lot of experience .Especially in Japan, as the aging population big country, the establishment of endowment insurance system for more than 50 years, has formed a complete old-age insurance system, until the whole world is in east Asia is very representative. South Korea in the aspect of endowment insurance has decades of reform and development, although in some respects and Japan's endowment insurance is similar, but also has its own characteristic, its according to their own actual situation to form a set of suitable own endowment insurance system. Singapore is the old-age insurance system in the world one of the typical country representative.Keywords: East Asia; Endowment insurance; Comparative study1 IntroductionEndowment insurance is a major project of social insurance, plays a very important role in the social security system, all countries in the world attach great importance to the construction and development of endowment insurance system. So-called endowment insurance (or endowment insurance system) is "the state and society according to certain laws and regulations, in order to solve the laborer to terminate the labor obligations stipulated by the state of working age limits, or lose labor ability for old quit the labor post after the basic life and establish a social insurancesystem." This concept mainly includes the following meanings: on the second floor "endowment insurance as prescribed by the applicable objects are those that reach the legal age of old people. They are no longer participate in social production activities, or production activities is not the main content of their social life. The purpose of the endowment insurance is to withdraw from the labor in the field of old people provide the basic life need, let them have a stable life of the elderly. Endowment insurance is the social insurance as the means to achieve the goal of security."2 The type of endowment insuranceAt present, more than 160 countries and regions around the world have established the system of different types of endowment insurance, can be roughly divided into three patterns: traditional endowment insurance, the country as a whole model endowment insurance and deposit endowment insurance.2.1 Traditional endowment insuranceTraditional endowment insurance system, is the main mode of endowment insurance, common practice in many countries in the world. It is also known as insurance fund type of endowment insurance, or employment correlation of endowment insurance. The pattern of old-age insurance system originated in Germany in 1889 promulgated the social insurance law "the elderly and disabled, after being adopted by developed countries and the east and western industrialized countries have become the mainstream in today's world of endowment insurance mode. Germany and Japan, the United States also became the representative of this type of endowment insurance. Traditional endowment insurance legislation forcing employees to join, the compulsory employers and employees, respectively the contribution rate of pay insurance fees in accordance with the relevant provisions. Countries as backing of endowment insurance, funding policy in fiscal, tax and interest. That is to say, in this pattern pension raise is borne by employers, employees, and the national two parties jointly, which accounts for most of the employer and employee, countries only a supplementary role2.2 Countries as a whole model endowment insuranceCountries as a whole mode can be divided into two categories, namely welfare pension insurance and the national endowment insurance. Welfare pension insurance, the endowment insurance of the welfare state, just as its name implies is the welfare state is generally take the endowment insurance system. Implement the pattern is the earliest, and Sweden is the most typicalrepresentative. Countries national endowment insurance model is based on theory of state insurance, endowment insurance is set up and implement in former Soviet Union in Eastern Europe, Mongolia and the socialist countries such as North Korea. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, basically have no state shall practice a system of this type of endowment insurance.2.3 Deposit endowment insuranceDeposit endowment insurance, also known as the mandatory saving mode and countries the pattern is relatively small, is typical representative of Singapore's central provident fund system and Chile's completely oil increase the pension system. The characteristics of this model is that the cost of the endowment insurance fully borne by individuals and businesses, countries will not be directly funded, but through relevant policy give preferential. Set up individual account, pay the insurance fees and interest is accumulated in the personal account, one-time or hire out during retirement. The pension payment associated with individual pay insurance premium and wage income. Pension management and operations, unified management by the state set up by the institution, or non-governmental organizations authorized by the state.3 Pension insurance system in East Asia3.1 Japan's pension insurance systemOn the whole, Japan's pension insurance is mainly composed of two levels: the first level is the national pension, that is, the basic pension insurance, which is the government operations and forced citizens to join. Its insured object covers all three major categories of insurance system in Japan's pension system: non employees (self-employed, farmers and students), employees of public and private sectors, and spouses of private sector employees. The second level is divided into large and medium-sized private enterprise employees and civil servants must join the pension and annuity Freemasonry two types. This is also the government forced to implement, the premium and personal income linked. Welfare pension insurance for the second class of insured employees in the private sector and the second class participants, and Masonic annuity insurance covers the insured of the second kind in civil servants (government civil servants and teachers). Thus, these two types of annuity is actually the first level and the second level of the combination of pension insurance. They provide not only the basic old-age insurance benefits for their own insurance, but also provide income related pension insurance. The first level of pension insurance together with the public pension. The second level is selected by individuals or enterprises freewelfare pension fund and enterprise annuity. In the system mainly includes the national pension fund, welfare pension funds and tax eligibility annuity, also known as nonpublic pension.3.2 South Korean pension insurance systemSouth Korea's pension insurance system, also known as the pension system, by public and private pension two major components. Among them, the public pension according to the insured object can be divided into civil servants, soldiers, private schools to teach workers Object of special pensions, and the general working people as the object of the national pension. The private pension includes the pension system, personal pension and housing pension system. Residential pension system, also known as reverse mortgage, South Korea is a new rise of the new pension model similar to the mortgage, is not a pension insurance. The system began in July 2007, by the name of "South Korea housing finance companies," public agencies responsible for the implementation of. The content of the system is very simple, is more than 65 years of age can be owned by the residential mortgage, the South Korean residential financial companies to borrow a monthly pension, in fact, living expenses until their death. As a result of the housing as collateral, the old man is not required to repay the monthly mortgage loans, residential finance companies will be sold after the death of the mortgage to repay the loan, or by the residential successor to pay off the debt after the return of residential.3.3 Singapore Central Provident Fund SystemSingapore is also in the British colonial rule of the period of December 1953 n through the provident fund act, and in July 1955 promulgated the Central Provident Fund Act, the establishment of the central provident fund. And the formal implementation of the system was started in 1957. According to the requirements of the Central Provident Fund Act, the central provident fund system provided by the employer and the employee together in a certain proportion of wages to pay the corresponding insurance, and build a central insurance fund. The central provident fund is responsible for maintaining and increasing the value of the fund, until the workers retire or because of various reasons and lose the old ability to pay for a one-time payment to himself or his family, to protect their basic life, the central provident fund established at the beginning, is only a simple pension system, designed to participate in the civil service pension insurance system and other pension funds of all employees in Singapore to provide pension and social security. Its purpose is to make Singapore employees can save for a guaranteed retirement.With the development of society and the improvement of people's living standards, the central provident fund system is no longer a simple pension savings, and gradually evolved into a comprehensive, including pension, housing, medical system. At the same time, the Singapore government also according to the specific circumstances of each period, the development of a number of provisions or supplementary measures to gradually improve the scope of the expansion of the fund to meet the needs of the society at that time. Now the Singapore Central Provident Fund system is divided into four aspects: retirement protection, medical security and family security. The retirement protection is the main, but also the study of the pension insurance system in this paper. At first, the scope of the central provident fund system of endowment insurance plan only limit in the same employer and time in more than a month of workers employed, not including temporary workers and independent workers, now has been extended to monthly income of $50 or more employees and a number of independent labor. The payment of provident fund is shared by the employer and the employee. The government does not grant any subsidy. It is a compulsory savings plan. There is no fixed value of the fund's contribution rate, the Singapore government will adjust the rate of the situation according to the economic development and the growth of the national wage. According to the relevant data show that from 2000-2008, the fund's contribution rate is basically stable at the level of 30%-36%. Provident fund in accordance with the purpose, respectively, in the ordinary accounts, special accounts and medical savings accounts. Among them, the special account is a retirement account, for the protection of old age after retirement.译文养老保险制度比较研究Cude B摘要人口老龄化是当今世界各国共同面临的社会问题,越来越多的老年人口影响着社会的人口结构。
养老服务外文文献
(Aging 14: 265-270, 2002). ©2002, Editrice KurtisABSTRACT. Japan implemented a new social insurance scheme for the frail and elderly, Long-Term-Care In-surance (LTCI) on 1 April 2000. This was an époque-ma king event in the history of the Ja pa nese public health policy, because it meant that in modifying its tra-dition of family care for the elderly, Japan had moved to-ward socialization of care. One of the main ideas behind the establishment of LTCI was to “de-medicalize” and ra-tiona lize the ca re of elderly persons with disa bilities characteristic of the aging process. Because of the aging of the society, the Japanese social insurance system re-quired a fundamental reform. The implementation of LTCI constitutes the first step in the future health reform in Ja pa n. The LTCI scheme requires ea ch citizen to take more responsibility for finance and decision-making in the social security system. The introduction of LTCI is also bringing in fundamental structural changes in the Japanese health system. With the development of the In-tegra ted Delivery System (IDS), a lterna tive ca re ser-vices such as assisted living are on-going. Another im-portant social change is a community movement for the hea lthy longevity. For exa mple, a va riety of public health and social programs are organized in order to keep the elderly healthy and active as long as possible. In this article, the author explains on-going structural changes in the Japanese health system. Analyses are fo-cused on the current debate for the reorganization of the hea lth insura nce scheme for the a ged in Ja pa n a nd community public health services for them.(Aging Clin Exp Res 2002; 14: 265-70)©2002, Editrice KurtisBACKGROUNDIt is important to understand the background factors of the recent reform of the health care system. The first fac-tor is the rapid greying of the Japanese society. In 1970, the population of 65+ was 7% of the total, and after only 25 years, in 1994, it had doubled to become 14. If we compare this increase from 7 to 14% with other countries, France required 125 years and the USA 75 years. Fur-thermore, according to the official demographic forecasts, the proportion of the aged will continue to increase to reach 25.8% in 2025; this means that Japan must prepare for a highly aged society in a very short period. The second fac-tor is both demographic and sociological. With fewer chil-dren being born (Total Fertility Rate was 1.3 in 1998), more women working, and a changing attitude toward family re-sponsibilities, the traditional system of informal care giving is widely perceived as inadequate to take care of the in-creasing number of the frail elderly. In fact, about 40% of the households with elderly people are now so-called “aged households”, that is, a single old person’s household or an old couple’s household. This situation naturally requires the socialization of care. The third factor is a financial crisis of the social security fund. In 1997, Japan’s total medical ex-penditure was 27 trillion yen, of which 60% were consumed by hospital services. About 46% of the hospital patients were 65+, and 43% of the elderly patients stayed in the hospital for more than 6 months. One of the reasons for this long hospital stay is the shortage of skilled nursing fa-cilities and home care services. The average health ex-penditure per capita of the elderly is about 5 times more than that of the young generation. Furthermore, it is esti-mated that the Japanese public pension system that adopts the pension benefit imposition principle will be in crisis in the near future because of the maturation of the scheme. It is said that the introduction of LTCI is the first and impor-tant step of a radical reform of the social security system in Japan, which is comparable to the Ädel reform imple-mented in Sweden since 1992 (1).THE JAPANESE HEALTH SYSTEMThe medical insurance schemeJapan’s universal health insurance system, which cov-ers the entire population, is segmented according to workplace and living place. The type of company one Aging Clinical and Experimental ResearchThe health and social system for the aged in JapanShinya MatsudaDepartment of Preventive Medicine and Community Health, University of Occupational and Environmental Health, Kitakyushu, JapanKey words: Care management, community services, disabled elderly, home care, integrated delivery system, Japan, long-term care insurance, systems of care.Correspondence: S. Matsuda, M.D., Department of Preventive Medicine and Community Health, University of Occupational and Envi-ronmental Health, Iseigaoka 1-1, Yahatanishi-ku, Kitakyushu 807-8555, Japan.E-mail: smatsuda@med.uoeh-u.ac.jpReceived and accepted June 7, 2002.works for determines the insurance society to which one belongs and the financial contributions one must make. Al-though thousands of independent societies exist, they are all integrated into the uniform framework mandated by the national government. The Japanese health fi-nancing system for all societies is based upon fee-for-service reimbursement under a uniform national price schedule. Various health insurance funds, both public and semi-public, collect the premium from their clients, and reimburse the cost for the medical facilities ac-cording to the type and volume of provided services. The health insurance scheme is categorized into three basic groups according to age and employment status: Em-ployee’s Medical Insurance scheme (EMI) for employees and their dependents, National Health Insurance scheme (NHI) for self-employed persons, farmers, retired per-sons, and their dependents, and a special pooling fund for the elderly. Because the Japanese system is portable, Japanese residents can receive medical services at any medical facility with a modest co-payment.Before 1982, there were only the EMI and the NHI schemes. The EMI scheme is applicable only to em-ployees and their family members; therefore, retired persons automatically joined the NHI scheme. It is quite natural that the elderly need more medical services even though their income is less than before retirement. As a result, the government is obliged to support the NHI fi-nancially to an enormous extent, resulting in an im-mense deficit. To cope with this situation, the govern-ment promulgated the Health and Medical Service Law for the Elderly in which a special medical insurance scheme for the aged was created.Figure 1 shows the scheme for the elderly. The most important point is that the cost sharing between EMI and NHI was introduced under the principle of national sol-idarity in order to stabilize the financial basis of the fund. The fund created in each municipality receives 70% of the cost from EMI and NHI according to the es-tablished calculation formula, 20% from the national gov-ernment, 5% from the prefecture, and the rest from the local municipality. Another important characteristic of the scheme is its co-payment rule. For the co-payment of the user, an elderly patient is required to pay 10% of total cost.The LTCI schemeFigure 2 describes the LTCI scheme (2). The new system is different from the former placement system inS. Matsuda(Aging 14: 265-270, 2002). ©2002, Editrice KurtisFigure 1 - Structure of medical care under the Health Service Law for the elderly. In each municipal government, a special medical insurance fund for the elderly is organized. The fund gathers 70% of the cost for the medical services from EMI and NHI, 20% from the national government, 5% from the prefecture and the rest from the community. The scheme adopts a cost sharing based on the national solidarity principle.various points, such as financing method, eligibility re-quirement and co-payment.Financing systemThe budget of the insurance is based on 50% from the general tax and another 50% from the premium of the in-sured person. There are two types of insured persons: the first category are 65+, and the second one are those be-tween the ages of 40 and 64. The first category of insured persons is asked to pay a premium deducted from the pen-sion, or direct payment according to their pension status. In the case of the second category of insured persons, his/her premium is withheld from the medical insurance premium. The average premium for the year 2000-2002 is about 3000 yen (25 US$; 1US$=120 yen) per month.EligibilityThe benefit includes LTC services such as home help and bathing service, and nursing home, as well as the use of medical services such as visiting nurses and institutional care in long-term care hospitals. There is a difference in eligibility requirements between the first and the second category of insured persons. For the former, there is no requirement related to the causes of dependency, but for the second, eligibility is limited to the 15 aging-type disabilities (e.g., Alzheimer’s disease, stroke, etc). The el-igibility process begins with the individual or his/her family applying to the insurer (usually municipal gov-ernment). A two-step assessment process follows, and de-termines the limit of benefit. The first step is an on-site assessment using the 85 items of a standardized ques-tionnaire, each with a choice of three or four levels, plus space for comments on any particular aspects. The 85 items are analyzed by an official computer program to classify the applicant into one of 6 levels of dependency, or to reject eligibility. The lightest level is “assistance re-quired” which is subject to preventive services; the oth-er five levels are called “care required”. The second step is an assessment conference by health care profes-sionals. The conference reviews the classification made by the computer program by taking into account the de-scriptive statement plus a report from the applicant’s fam-Systems of care in Japan(Aging 14: 265-270, 2002). ©2002, Editrice KurtisFigure 2- System of Long-Term Care Insurance in Japan.ily doctor. The eligibility decision is then communicated to the applicant within 30 days of applying. If dissatisfied, the applicant may appeal to an agency of re-evalua-tion at the prefecture level.Each eligibility level entitles the applicant to an ex-plicitly defined monetary amount of services. In the case of institutional care, about 1.4 times higher amounts are set for each level. The recipient has to pay 10% of the cost as co-payment. Theoretically, users are free to choose services, but in practice, the care manager who sets up a care plan, and a weekly time schedule of services, intervenes in this process and co-ordinates the services for the applicant.The services covered by the LTCI scheme are as fol-lows:1) Home care: home help services, visiting nurse ser-vices, visiting bathing service, visiting rehabilitation services, etc.2) Respite care: day care services, medical day care ser-vices, short-stay services.3) Institutional care: nursing home, health service facilityfor the aged (rehabilitation facility), and geriatric ward under the LTCI scheme.It should be noted that institutional care in the health service facility for the aged and geriatric ward (only facil-ities under the LTCI scheme), and medical day care ser-vices, visiting nurse services, and visiting rehabilitation ser-vices are included in the LTCI scheme. These services were formerly covered by the medical insurance scheme.Care management: The heart of integrated care In policies concerning integrated care for the disabled elderly, care management has become an important top-ic for consideration. Standardized care, continuity of care, flexibility of care, and finely tuned co-ordination be-tween the different kinds of care providers are a central part of care management in order to realize high-quality care for the disabled aged, and enable them to continue to live independently in their own homes for as long as possible. This is the most important reason why the Japanese LTCI scheme has formalized the care man-agement process. A care manager is entrusted with the entire responsibility of planning all care and services for individual clients. According to the results of a needs as-sessment of the client and his/her wish, a care plan is drawn up. The care manager organizes the care specified in the care plan, works with the client, supervises and eval-uates the care process (monitoring). When necessary, the care plan is adjusted. In this way, the care manager plays a pivotal role in the LTCI scheme.The financial effects of LTCIOne of the main objectives of the introduction of LTCI was to reduce the financial burden of the social se-curity fund. However, the most recent reports showed that the reduction due to LTCI was very limited, and that the total health expenditures for the aged had increased by 0.30% more than expected (3); one of the main fac-tors for this increase was an increase in the use of insti-tutional care. Before the introduction of LTCI, access to nursing homes was strictly limited by the placement system; previously, users paid fees according to the in-come-dependent sliding scale, thus users belonging to the middle and upper classes had to pay almost all of the to-tal cost. The introduction of LTCI and a 10% co-payment opened the doors of nursing homes to all possible users regardless of their economic and social situation. In-deed, the waiting list for institutional care under the LTCI scheme has now become very long. Institutional care costs about 1.4 times more than home care, i.e., in the case of care required level 1, the amount of month-ly benefit is about 225,000 yen (1,875 US$) for a user in a nursing home, and 165,800 yen (1,382 US$) for a user of home care. Therefore, an increase in the use of institutional care means an increase in the financial bur-den of the insurer. Thus, it is an urgent task for the gov-ernment to develop high-quality home care services, and facilitate the shift from institutional to home care. Volume control at the local level, differentiation of user’s fee (higher co-payment for institutional care), and the in-troduction of cash allowances for home care service users represent possible solutions for limiting the volume of institutional services.PREVENTIVE ACTIVITIES AND HEALTHPROMOTIONThe health care reform debate often focuses on ques-tions associated with the supply of services, such as mea-sures to organize, finance and deliver health care in a cost-effective manner. Less attention has been paid to key as-pects of the demand side, in particular how the need for medical services might be reduced by improving the health of the population. In most countries, public health services have been kept quite separate from the medical sector, although it is widely recognized that the two sectors must work together to improve the health of the popula-tion. In order to make the social insurance scheme sus-tainable in the coming aged society, it is pivotal to integrate preventive and health promotion activities into the health care system. In this perspective, the Japanese government and insurers have been making a great effort as follows.Preventive activity under the Health and Medical Law for the ElderlyAccording to this law, the municipality is required to organize various kinds of preventive activities and health promotion programs. These activities include annual health checkups, health education, community reha-bilitation services, and home visits by public health nurses. The expenditures required for these activities areS. Matsuda(Aging 14: 265-270, 2002). ©2002, Editrice Kurtisborne one third each by the state, the prefectural gov-ernment, and the municipalities, although individuals are charged part of the cost for the health checkup. Preventive activity under the LTCI scheme According to the LTCI law, the care services under the LTCI scheme are available only for the frail elderly. Be-sides these services, each municipality organizes pre-ventive services for the elderly who are non-eligible under the LTCI scheme. According to our 3-year follow-up study, about 90% of slightly disabled elderly with muscu-loskeletal problems, such as back pain and knee problems,will become dependent if they do not receive any pre-ventive services, such as arrangement of housing condi-tions and rehabilitation programs (4). Preventive inter-ventions help maintain quality of life and functional au-tonomy, as well as control expenditures. To evaluate necessary preventive services, we developed an assess-ment tool for slightly frail aged persons; we applied this in-strument in a group of 199 frail elderly persons in a municipality of Fukuoka prefecture, and allocated suitable services, such as rehabilitation services and home assis-tance services. Among the 199 aged persons, only five entered the LTCI scheme during one year. As the users regarded the services as alternatives of the LTCI scheme,they thought it unnecessary to apply for LTCI. Thus,this program has the effect of preventing the development of dependency and the inappropriate use of the LTCI pro-gram. In fact, the municipal office estimated that about 40million yen were saved by this preventive program.Programs for social participation of the elderly The Japanese elderly have a strong desire to partic-ipate actively in society for various reasons, including the maintenance of their health, making contributions to the society, and finding fulfillment in life. For example,75% of men and 40% of women aged 60 to 64 were working in 1998 (5); they continued to work in order to maintain their health and have fulfillment in life, not on-ly for economic needs. Furthermore, the number of elderly who are participating in life-long learning and vol-unteer activity is increasing. Today, it has become a very important task for the municipality to provide full support in offering information and places for such activities for the elderly.CONCLUSIONS: TOWARDS REFORM OF THE MEDICAL CARE INSURANCE SYSTEM The government announced that an official plan of medical care reform for the elderly will be established with-in the fiscal year 2002. In fact, 90% of health insur-ance societies were deficit in the fiscal year 2001, and it is forecast that the reserve fund for Government-managed Health Insurance will run dry in 2002. Thus, today we face a crucial moment for the reform of the system.With the rapid greying of the society and because of economic stagnation, the Japanese government is trying to restructure the health system. The introduction of the LTCI scheme is the first step in the health system reform of Japan. One of the main purposes of the introduction of LTCI is to de-medicalize the care for the disabledSystems of care in Japan(Aging 14: 265-270, 2002). ©2002, Editrice KurtisM e d i c a l I n s u r a n c eL T C IMedical InsuranceLTCINew definition of medical chronic careFigure 3 -Expected change in the health care delivery structure in Japan.a Special middle-term care wards for complex diseases such as neural Parkinsonism.aged, and to integrate medical and social care. In order to respond to this managerial change, many small and medium size private hospitals have become so-called In-tegrated Delivery Systems (IDS). In fact, the past decade has witnessed considerable growth in the development of IDSs in the Japanese health care sector. They provide a wide range of services from acute health care to long-term care including intramural and extramural care for the aged. Because the Japanese tariff schedule for the acute care hospital adopts “the-length-of-stay dependent sliding scale”, the acute care facility receives a reduced pay-ment for the patients over a critical length of stay. There-fore, it is very important for the management of the acute care facility to have the long-term care services re-ceive the patients after the acute phase of care. At the first stage of IDS development in Japan, many private acute care hospitals constructed or bought the long-term care fa-cilities in order to ameliorate managerial efficiency. Fur-thermore, as the Japanese government has been trying to develop home care services as a substitute for institutional care services since the 1990s, these facilities have de-veloped extramural health services, such as visiting nurs-ing services, visiting rehabilitation, day care services, short-stay services, and so on. This is the second stage of development of the Japanese IDS. The government has offered several financial incentives in order to develop the home care services, such as low interest loans, subsi-dies, and relatively higher tariff schedules.According to the results of the first large study on the Japanese IDS by Niki (6), about half of them are or-ganized on the basis of small size hospitals. The financial state of these IDSs is generally good. According to our three in-depth case studies of IDSs in Japan (7-9), by re-ducing the average length of stay in the core-acute care hospital, the IDSs made a profit both in the acute and chronic care sectors. Especially the average profit rate of long-term care facilities was very high; about 15%. Con-sidering this situation, Niki concluded that the IDSs would be winners in the future health care market in Japan (6).Furthermore, some IDSs are now managing the assisted living facilities designed for the disabled elderly. The out-patient divisions of the core-hospital or affiliated clinics are functioning as home doctors for the clients and at the same time as an entrance for the IDS. This type of IDS is highly appreciated by users because it offers them assur-ance and safety at a reasonable cost. In conclusion, as Ni-ki pointed out (6), the IDS will become a very important social infrastructure for the future aged society in Japan.Figure 3 shows a possible future change in the Japanese health system. With the introduction of the DRG based payment scheme in 2003, the number of acute care hospitals will decrease. Some of the former acute care hospitals will change their mission to inter-mediate care, i.e., rehabilitation and palliative care for ter-minal cancer patients, or to long-term care. Under the ac-tual fee schedule for the long-term care facility, the pub-lic insurance scheme covers both hotel fee and care fee. However, it is predicted that the hotel fee will be re-moved from public insurance benefits. This change will in-crease the demand for home care services and alternative institutional care, such as assisted living. The coming ten years will be a very dynamic and critical period for the future health system of Japan.REFERENCES1.Andersson G, Karlberg I. Integrated care for the elderly. The back-ground and effects of the reform of Swedish care of the elderly.International Journal of Integrated Care 2000; 1.2.Matsuda S, Okochi J, Takahashi T, Takamuku K. Problems re-garding the patient classification system in the long-term care in-surance of the aged in Japan. Casemix Quarterly 2001; 3: 15-22.3.Shakai Hoken Junpo (A ten days report on social security).2001; No.2004: 32-33 (in Japanese).4.Matsuda S. Study on estimation of the necessary volume ofhome care services for the frail elderly in the community. Ki-takyushu: UOEH, 2000 (in Japanese).5.ILO. 1998-1999 edition of Yearbook of Labor Statistics (Japan).Tokyo: ILO, 2000.6.Niki R. Hoken-Iryo-Fukusi Fukugotai (Integrated Delivery System).Tokyo: Igaku shoin, 1998 (in Japanese).7.Matsuda S. The Report on Integrated Delivery System. Tokyo:Saiseikai, 1999 (in Japanese).8.Matsuda S. The First Report on Integrated Delivery System inJapan. Tokyo: Institute for Health Economics and Policy, 1999 (in Japanese).9.Matsuda S. The Second Report on Integrated Delivery System inJapan. Tokyo: Institute for Health Economics and Policy, 2000 (in Japanese).S. Matsuda(Aging 14: 265-270, 2002). ©2002, Editrice Kurtis。
养老金外文翻译_
Protecting underfunded pensions: the role of guarantee fundsRUSSELL W. COOPERPEF, 2 (3): 247–251, 2003.f 2003 Cambridge UniversityPress247Kingdom保护资金不足的养老金：担保资金的作用罗素· W · 库珀PEF，2（3）： 247–251，2003年。
f 2003 剑桥大学出版社摘要有雇主的退休金是一个补偿支付给劳动者的发达经济体，是共同的和极其重要的组成部分的公共和私营部门。
许多私人养老金资金不足，工人暴露损失的风险，因他们的用人单位停止运作，不能满足支付退休金的责任。
在本文中，我们将研究担保资金的作用，即为工人提供抵御因公司资金不足而导致福利退休金计划失败的风险。
如果实行私有化以预计养老金资金不足，我们首先考虑私人担保基金的可能性操作和探索公款一些潜在的优势。
总体而言，我们的确发现，公共资金和私人资金在提供保险方面都有一定的优势。
然而，由于需要事前溢价金资本市场不完善，以及依赖于事后捐款的资金，私人担保基金可能在战略上具有很大的不确定性。
而公共基金却可以克服这种协调性的问题。
然而，诸如美国养老金福利担保公司管理的公共基金可导致以下几个问题：（一）使本就资金不足的养老金更加缺少积累；（二）在参与市场的时候扭曲自己的决定；（三）在养老金投资组合风险过高的资产中纳入企业的决策。
在某些情况下，担保基金是不是福利的改善。
1、引言在美国，由保险养老金福利担保公司（PBGC）私人部门养老金的资金不足问题，并不和那些在20世纪80年代的储蓄和贷款机构中的危险一样。
有许多专家关注这方面问题：资金不足的计划失败暴露了保险覆盖范围并不全面以及与纳税人潜在显著的损失两个方面的问题.最近的一个由劳伦斯·怀特（1993）发起的关于通用汽车公司资金不足的讨论突出强调了一些担心，即：尽管联邦退休金福利担保公司是一家在一个基金破产是会按指定最大的数额支付养老金的公司，它有紧张的理由。
外文翻译--提高公共养老基金投资绩效
外文出处Cyprus Economic Policy Review外文作者Gregorio Impavido, Ronan O’Connor and Dimitri Vitta原文一：Improving the Investment Performance of Public Pension Funds: Lessons for the Social Insurance Fund of Cyprus from theExperience of Four OECD Countries12. Concluding remarksThe newly created public pension funds of Canada, Ireland and New Zealand share many common characteristics. They all have small professional boards, are independent of government, and operate with a very high level of transparency and public accountability. They all have regular sources of funding as well as long investment horizons and they have been charged with a commercial mandate to seek high investment returns with a prudent level of risk. The boards of directors are responsible for setting the strategic asset allocation and executive management for implementing the chosen strategy.The GPFG of Norway shares all these features, except that it is not independent of government. Its asset allocation is determined by the Ministry of Finance and approved by Parliament. However, the adoption of the 4-pecent fiscal rule, whereby only 4 percent of the total value of the fund can be used in any one year to finance the structural deficit of the government, has placed a strict limit on the use of the fund for current political objectives. A practical aspect of the different composition of the board is that, despite being the largest and having the longest investment horizon, the Norwegian fund has persistently adopted the most conservative asset allocation of all four funds.Two of the public pension funds (CPPIB and NZSF) have appointed internal chief executives. Management of the Irish fund has been assigned to the National Treasury Management Agency (NTMA), which also manages the public debt of Ireland. In Norway, executive management of the fund has been entrusted to Norges Bank. The latter created a special investment management unit, NBIM, which has discharged its duties as manager in the same professional way as the executivemanagers of the other three funds.All four funds were initially set up to operate with a small complement of skilled staff, build diversified portfolios of global equities and bonds, and effectively act as managers of managers, focusing on passive indexed management through external managers. This romantic idea did not last long. Passive indexed management was soon complemented with enhanced indexing, which allows transactions that respond to special pricing opportunities, and customized indexing, which limits exposure to index-dominating companies and also allows investments in smaller local companies that are not included in the main market index. Then passive management was brought in-house, followed after a while with developing internal active management. The role of external managers was gradually limited to implementing active overlay programs, seeking excess returns through performance-based contracts.A major shift in investment strategy occurred with decisions to expand allocations to private equity, real estate and other alternative assets. These investments involve non-passive management, although they rely for the most part on external managers. Three of the funds have already authorized substantial increases in such allocations, while in Norway the case for investments in alternative assets is under evaluation. The Canadian fund has also pursued principal investing, management of infrastructure projects, and short-term trading. For its part, the New Zealand fund has become involved in operating large timber investments.Alternative asset classes promise high returns and their valuation is not exposed to the high volatility of securities traded on public markets. But they are a far cry from the original perception of passive indexed management through external managers. An important implication of these changes has been a large expansion of staff, especially by the Canadian and Norwegian funds.The investment performance of the four funds has been positive in real terms but far from spectacular. This is explained by the poor returns of global equity markets in the first few years of the new millennium following the bursting of the high tech bubble in early 2000. The New Zealand fund, which started operations after the rebounding of equity markets, has reported much higher investment returns than theother three funds. Excess returns relative to their benchmarks have been realized by all funds. However, the growing emphasis on alternative asset classes, which are not ‘marked-to-market’ but are rather ‘marked-to-model’, weakens the relevance of the benchmarks.In conclusion, despite the clear and significant departure from the original concept of external passive management, the experience of the four public funds has been positive. Governance and public accountability are strong in all countries. Their example has already been followed in several other OECD countries and is likely to be copied in a growing number of developing countries where public pension funds continue to play an important role. However, care needs to be taken to ensure that the more active approach to management and the emphasis on alternative asset classes do not cause a derailment of the fundamental objective of these funds, which is to help finance the anticipated large increase in public pension outlays over the next 20 to 50 years. As the investment horizon of these funds becomes shorter, asset allocation strategies would need to be adjusted to favor more liquid instruments that are easier to value.13. Lessons for other countriesAt the risk of some repetition and oversimplification we summarize below the main lessons for other countries. These are presented as a checklist of policy issues.Preconditions: Public pension funds should be established only if they can rely on regular transfers of funds and can operate with long investment horizons. Care should be taken to avoid a large level of public debt; in other words, countries that have high levels of public debt should give priority to a reduction in their debt level before they start transferring resources to a public pension fund. The size of the public pension fund should not be too large relative to the national economy and the local financial markets. Global diversification should be encouraged. Countries, which already have public pension funds and seek to modernize their investment operations, should also address questions regarding their relative size and should consider changing other parameters to ensure that their public pension fund does not acquire a dominant position in the local economy and financial market. Needless to add, theability to enforce high standards of fund governance is crucial to the success of the new approach to public pension fund management.Objective: The public pension fund should have a clear and unequivocal commercial mandate. The mandate should be to seek to maximize long term investment returns, subject to a prudent level of risk, and after taking fully into account the structure of its liabilities and the length of its investment horizon.Legal Status: The public pension fund should ideally be established as a separate legal entity and not as a general government agency. This would imply that it should not be treated as a budgetary unit and its assets should be legally segregated from the general government.Institutional Independence: The public pension fund should be independent from government and should be insulated from political interference. However, the fund should be required to operate with a very high level of public transparency and should be subject to full public accountability to Parliament and its main stakeholders.Funding Sources: The public pension fund should have access to stable and long-term sources of funding. Ideally, funding should be in the form of regular transfers either from the surplus of worker contributions over pension benefits or directly from the budget. Funding could be supplemented with ad hoc transfers from privatization revenues or other financial transactions.Board of Directors: The public pension fund should have a small board of experts (less than 10) rather than representatives of stakeholders or ex officio appointees. There should be a sufficient number of directors with adequate expertise and experience on financial matters, investment policies and portfolio management. To ensure the appointment of high caliber professionals, a nominating committee should be created to identify a short list of candidates from which the Minister of Finance would make director appointments. To promote continuity, director appointments should be staggered. Appointments should be for fixed terms and could be renewed for a stated number of terms (2 or 3), while removals should only be permitted for just cause. The process of director removal should be clearly stipulated in the relevant act.Board Committees: The Board of Directors should create several key committees with clear terms of reference and areas of responsibility. These should include an audit committee, a governance committee, and an investment committee. Outside experts could be recruited to serve on these committees along side board directors.Governance Policies: The Board of Directors should establish clear guidelines on corporate governance, including rules on conflicts of interest and ethical conduct by directors and senior managers of the fund. It should also establish clear policies on its role in promoting good practices of corporate governance in investee companies. These should emphasize transparency and public disclosure and full respect of shareholder rights.Internal Controls: The Audit Committee of the Board should establish clear policies on internal control systems and should especially institute a separation of investment decision making from back-office operations, such as confirmation and settlement of transactions, record keeping, and measurement and attribution of investment performance and risk.Investment Policy and Strategic Asset Allocation: The Investment Committee could undertake the fundamental analysis of options but the Board of Directors should be responsible for approving the investment policy and asset allocation strategy. This should be based on the investment horizon of the fund and should take into account the expected returns and risk levels of different types of instruments. The structure of liabilities should also be taken into account. Initially, passive management of investments in listed equities and bonds could be favored but over time consideration could also be given to active management and investment in unlisted securities, including alternative asset classes, such as private equity, real estate and infrastructure projects. Even with passive management, customized and enhanced indexing should be adopted at an early stage to mitigate risks and increase returns.In contrast, principal investing and assumption of managerial responsibilities in individual companies or projects should be avoided unless there are strong reasons and well-documented safeguards in favor of such initiatives. The strategic asset allocation should be subjectto regular reviews and should be modified in the light of experience and changing market conditions.Executive Management: The Board of Directors should have responsibility for appointing a Chief Executive Officer and approving the selection of top management, including a chief accountant, an internal auditor, and an actuary (if necessary). Alternatively, it could opt for appointing an external agency for the executive management of the fund. An external management agency should specialize in managing long-term investment assets and should employ staff with long experience and relevant skills in the markets in which the assets of the fund are to be invested. It should also recruit staff that is experienced in selecting, managing and monitoring the performance of external asset managers. The management agency should also develop sophisticated information systems to track the performance of asset managers.Selection of External Service Providers: The Board of Directors should be responsible for the selection and termination of various providers of external services, including a global custodian, a transition manager (if necessary), external asset managers, external auditors, and external consultants. Clear and detailed selection criteria should be adopted, while the performance of external asset managers should be monitored and evaluated by reference to well-constructed benchmarks that properly reflect the level of risk of particular assets. The Board of Directors should opt for using specialist external consultants in setting the asset allocation strategy and determining the selection criteria for other service providers.The appointment of a reputable global custodian is a particularly important decision because global custodians play a very critical role in the segregation and safekeeping of assets and in monitoring the performance of external asset managers.Transparency and Public Disclosure: The Board should abide by a very high level of transparency and public disclosure. It should publish audited annual financial statements, quarterly performance reviews as well as internal and external governance and other audit reviews. It should publish its investment policy objectives and all its corporate and internal control guidelines. Its chairperson should be required to report periodically to relevant Parliamentary committees.译文：提高公共养老基金投资绩效：四个经合组织国家为塞浦路斯社会保险基金提供的经验教训12. 结束语新创建的加拿大、爱尔兰和新西兰的公共养老基金有许多共同的特征。
在快速的人口老龄化背景下对社会养老保险面临的风险分析大学毕业论文英文文献翻译
毕业设计（论文）外文文献翻译文献、资料中文题目：在快速的人口老龄化背景下对社会养老保险面临的风险分析文献、资料英文题目：The Analysis of the Risks Faced by China’s Social Endowment Insurance under theBackground of Rapid Aging Population 文献、资料来源：文献、资料发表（出版）日期：院（部）：专业：劳动与社会保障班级：姓名：学号：指导教师：翻译日期： 2017.02.14在快速的人口老龄化背景下对社会养老保险面临的风险分析摘要：随着人口老龄化加剧，社会养老保险在我国的压力增长速度超过以往任何时候都更加迅速。
同时，也有一些实际问题和缺点在中国目前的社会养老保险制度。
而这一切都将提高的风险固有的金融，基金投资和运作的养老保险制度的领域。
在同时，它会导致制度和政策领域的新风险。
因此，只有通过加强风险管理和积极响应社会养老保险的风险，可以政府不断完善社会养老保险制度。
关键词：人口老龄化，社会养老保险，风险，对策引言根据国际社会的定义，在一个国家或地区，如果人口年龄超过60岁以上的人口占总人口的10%以上，或超过65岁的人口占全国人口的7%以上，占全国人口总数的以上地区可以被视为一个老龄化社会。
老年人口比例越大，程度越高人口老龄化。
随着科学技术的发展和医疗卫生技术的不断进步，以及人们越来越重视身体健康，全球人口老龄化正在迅速增长人口正在增长。
因此，它给社会经济发展带来了各种各样的影响。
许多各国都面临着人口老龄化的挑战。
在世界范围内，它已成为一个全球和战略社会问题。
我国已进入老龄化社会，早在2000年人口老龄化背景我国养老保险制度面临的严峻挑战，如何分析养老保险的风险我国保险业，并提出有效措施，以降低风险是值得研究的。
本文在分析我国人口老龄化和养老保险现状的基础上，分析了我国人口老龄化和养老保险的现状，论文分析了养老保险国家的风险，提出了相应的对策和措施为我国养老保险制度的发展提供了建议。
会计养老金准则-----外文翻译(原文 译文)
会计养老金准则-----外文翻译(原文+译文)外文翻译原文1The logic of pension accounting2. Pensions as an expense2.1. Early approaches to pension accountingIn the USA and UK, private-sector employer-sponsored pension arrangements began to appear in the second half of the 19th century, and were often associated with large organizations such as railways, insurance companies and banks Hannah, 1986: 10?12; Chandar and Miranti,2007: 206. Accounting for these arrangements was often very simple. The cost recognized by the employer was effectively the cash paid in a given period. Some schemes operated on a ‘pay-as-you-go’ basis, where the employer made no advance provision for retirement benefits. In this case, the cost each period equaled the benefits paid. In a scheme where the employer made contributions to an external fund invested in securities, out of which benefits would be paid, or made notional contributions to an internal account, the cost would be the contributions arising in each period, possibly augmented by interest on notional contributions if these were not used to purchase securities. However, manyemployers granted pensions to enable employees to retire, even though no advance provision had been made.The ‘expense-as-you-pay’accounting for pensions was rationalized through the ‘gratuity theory’ of retirement benefits McGill et al., 2004: 16.This theory proposed that retirement benefits were awarded to retirees at the discretion of the employer, ‘as a kindly act on the part of an employer towards old retainers who have served him faithfully and well’ Pilch and Wood, 1979: 2. Paying a pension was not necessarily an act of pure benevolence, because it could allow an employer to retire an employee who was no longer performing adequately, without incurring public criticism. The gratuity theory implied that the employer received an efficiency gain when superannuated employees retired, and that the appropriate point at which to recognize the cost of pensions was as the pensions were paid. If the employer wanted to earmark some earnings in a distinct pension reserve before employees retired, then this would be regarded as an appropriation of profit rather than as an expense. Even in structured pension schemes, the employer might include clauses denying the existence of an enforceable contract, stressing that pension benefits were paid entirely at the employer’s discretion and could be discontinued at any time Stone, 1984: 24.However, the gratuity theory rapidly came under challenge from the view that pens ions constitute ‘deferred pay’, and that employeesin effect sacrifice current income in exchange for the expectation of income in the future. On this basis, early accounting theorists such as Henry Rand Hatfield suggested that employers should include in operating expenses ‘the amount necessary to provide for future pensions’ Hatfield, 1916: 194. A number of commentators observed that the calculation of such an expense was potentially highly complex, but they suggested that the calculations fell within the domain of actuaries Stone, 1984: 26.Members of the actuarial profession had already been involved in advising on appropriate contribution rates for pension schemes involving either external or internal ‘notional’ funding. In accounting terms, the employer would measure the annual cost of pension provision either directly in terms of amounts calculated by actuaries, if the route of internal funding was followed, or through the contributions themselves determined by actuaries to an external pension fund. In the case of external funding, cost would be equal to contributions due for the period, and, other than short-term accruals,pension expense would be based on cash payments or other assets transferred to the pension fund.2.2. The beginnings of accounting regulationEarly authoritative accounting pronouncements endorsed this essentially cash-based approach to pension cost determination. The Committee on Accounting Procedure of the American Institute of Certified Public Accountants AICPA issued Accounting Research Bulletin No. 47Accountingfor Costs of Pension Plans in 1956, and expressed the view that ‘costs based on current and futureservices should be systematically accrued during the expected period of active service of the covered employees’ CAP, 1956. On closer analysis, ‘systematic accrual’ implied that employers would use the method recommended by the actuary for funding the pension plan to determine the pension expense in respect of current service. This approach was endorsed by the Accounting Principles Board APB in their Opinion No. 8 Accounting for the Cost of Pension Plans, issued in 1966. APB 8 is entirely cost-based ? there are references to ‘balance-sheet pensio n accruals’ and ‘balance-sheet pension prepayments or deferred charges’ but no explanation of these terms or how they are to be determined. Much of the Opinion addresses not the issue of determining ‘normal cost’ ‘the annual cost assigned, under the actuarial cost method in use, to years subsequent to the inception of a pension plan or to a particular valuation date’ but rather ‘past service cost’ ‘pension cost assigned under the actuarial cost method in use, to years prior to the inception of a pension pla n’ and ‘prior service cost’ ‘pension cost assigned, under the actuarial cost method in use, to years prior to the date of a particular actuarial valuation’. The Opinion goes to great lengths to provide guidance on how these components of pension cost should be recognized,recommending spreading of the costs over a period up to 40 years. A number of features of the accounting treatment of pension costs need to be highlighted. First although it is not made explicit, there is an under-lying desire to arrive at a pension expense in each period that is not materially different from the employer’s contributions to the pension fund. APB 8 notes ‘the amount of the pension cost determined under this Opinion may vary from the amounfunded’ APB, 1966: para. 43, but this situation is not analyzed in detail. For unfunded pension plans, costs are to be determined using an actuarial cost method. The criteria for the selection of an appropriate actuarial cost method are that the method is‘rational and systematic and should be consistently applied so that it results in a reasonable measure of pension cost from year to year’.Author: Christopher J. NapierNationality: EnglishOriginate from: The CPA Journal译文一养老金会计的逻辑2养老金费用2.1早先的养老金会计在19世纪后期的美国和英国，出现了私人部门雇主赞助的养老金计划，主要集中于铁路公司和保险业、银行业等大型机构Hannah, 1986: 10?12; Chandar and Miranti,2007: 206。
社会工作专业养老金问题毕业论文外文文献翻译及原文
毕业设计（论文）
外文文献翻译
文献、资料中文题目：养老金问题
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翻译日期： 2017.02.14
本科生毕业设计 (论文)
外文翻译
注：1. 指导教师对译文进行评阅时应注意以下几个方面：①翻译的外文文献与毕业设计（论文）的主题是否高度相关，并作为外文参考文献列入毕业设计（论文）的参考文献；②翻译的外文文献字数是否达到规定数量（3 000字以上）；③译文语言是否准确、通顺、具有参考价值。
2. 外文原文应以附件的方式置于译文之后。
中国的社会保障 外文原文及译文
SOCIAL SECURITY REFORM IN CHINA: ISSUES AND OPTIONSSummaryAs part of its far-reaching reform of the overall economy, China has successfully initiated fundamental reforms of the social security system over the past decade, establishing a structure consistent with the needs of a market economy. The combination of a social pool and individual accounts in the mandatory system provides a structure which addresses the basic objectives of a pension system –poverty relief, income redistribution, insurance and consumption smoothing. Outside the mandatory system, enterprise annuity schemes, individual retirement plans, and other pension schemes organised by industries or localities are further essential components. These voluntary pensions can accommodate different needs, tastes and jobs, particularly necessary in a country as large and diverse as China. Thus the three elements of the present reformed system, if properly designed and administered, complement and strengthen one another, and together can serve as the basic structure of China’s pension system for the coming decades.In the course of implementation, however, problems have emerged. Fragmented organisation and limited coverage contribute to financing difficulties and to incompleteness of social insurance. The deficits contribute to the ‘empty individual accounts’ –empty because local governments often use the contributions made by workers to their individual accounts to finance deficits in the social pool. Moreover, a system has not been developed for organising investments in capital markets by individual accounts. Nor are the capital markets in a satisfactory condition for such investments. Over time these problems will be a vicious circle, as the deficits are likely to persist, requiring continuing l arge fiscal subsidies, while ‘empty accounts’ and other systemic problems continue to undermine the credibility of the system, making further implementation enforcing compliance and extension of coverage –increasingly difficult. The emergingproblems are therefore serious and should be addressed urgently.This report by an international team of economists and social security experts is an attempt to address the key challenges faced by the Chinese pension system today. The full report contains 23 recommendations for further reforms, as well as a brief summary of the economic principles and international experience that form the basis for these recommendations. The next section briefly discusses the principles of pension design. The last section presents the team’s keyrecommendations.I. Principles of Pension DesignObjectives of a Pension SystemRetirement pensions allow a person to transfer consumption from his productive middle years tohis older years in retirement. They also provide insurance, mainly in the form of annuities, weekly or monthly payments to the individual for the rest of his life. Since the length of life isuncertain, such annuities are a form of pooling against the risk of individuals outliving theirpension savings.For a government, pension systems have additional objectives. They canredistribute incomes on a lifetime basis, complementing the role of progressive taxes on annual income. This can be achieved, for instance, by paying low earners pensions which are a higher percentage of their previous earnings. Pension systems can also redistribute across generations, for instance by imposing a higher contribution rate on the present generation, thereby allowing future generations to have higher pensions or to pay lower contributions. Finally, poverty relief targeted at the elderly, through minimum or citizen’s pensions, can be particularly efficient compared to a general system of poverty relief for the entire population. The latter creates some disincentives to work and a country may not be able to afford it.Issues of Pension DesignMany different structures can combine to address the objectives of pensions, but design must avoid large distortions which contribute little, if anything, to the achievement of core objectives. For instance, labour mobility is essential for an efficient labour market. To avoid unduly discouraging mobility, pensions should be portable for workers moving from job to job and place to place. Portability is achieved most readily when the system has a uniform structure across the covered population, both across localities and across sectors.An important feature of pension design is the degree of funding, i.e. whether contributions are used for current pension payments (‘pay as you go’ – PAYG), or to accumulate assets from which pensions in the future are paid (Funding). Funding may or may not be desirable, depending on the circumstances of each country. The degree to which contributions are used to accumulate assets for the pension system can affect the level of national savings and thus the rate of growth. Funding may also improve the efficiency with which savings are channelled into investment. This is more likely in countries with developing financial institutions, if increased investment encourages reform of regulatory and supervisory capacity to improve the functioning of capital markets. However, greater recourse to capital markets with poor regulation and insufficient improvement can increase the risk and lower the return to investment. Finally, funding means increased contributions by the current generation of workers so that future generations may enjoy lower contributions or higher benefits, and thus it involves income redistribution from this generation to future generations.A desirable characteristic of a pension system is that it has the capacity to evolve in a straightforward way as incomes rise, overall economic reforms proceed and administrative capacity grows.International ExperienceThere is a wide range of pension designs across countries and many ways to design good systems. Most countries have a combination of different pension schemes. The simplest scheme is a tax-financed citizen’s pension, available to everyone beyond a given age, as in the Netherlands and New Zealand. Alternatively, there can be a guaranteed minimum income, available to all poor elderly people on the basis of an income test, as in many countries. A most common element internationally is a national defined-benefit (DB) scheme, in which a worker receives a pension based on his wage history and his age on first receipt of benefits. With funded defined-contribution (DC) schemes, also known as funded individual accounts,pensions are paid from a fund built over the years from members’ contributions. Countries with DC systems can use publicly organised investment (as in Singapore) or private, regulated financial intermediaries (as in Chile). A recent innovation internationally is the notional definedcontribution (NDC) schemes of Sweden and Italy, which have many properties of the DC element in individual accounts but with no funding. These various elements are assembled in different ways and with different relative sizes across countries. Thus, internationally, there is no single, dominant system.II. Options for Further ReformsOn the basis of economic principles and lessons from international experience, our full report makes a number of recommendations for further reform of the pension system in China, of which the most important are discussed in the section below. National Pensions Administration Pooling lies at the core of the redistributive and risk-sharing elements of pensions. Given the size and diversity of China, national pooling of the mandatory pension schemes is particularly important. The following measures will help achieve this. There should be a single set of regulations on mandatory pensions, preferably in the form of legislation that is enforceable. The rules on contributions and benefits should be set centrally by formula, though they should include room for regional variation in basic benefit levels, to reflect disparities both in price evels and living standards. Variation must be compatible with a national system for portability of pension rights and hence labour mobility.There should be a single national pensions administration.A single administration which receives all pension revenues and delivers pensions is essential to achieve national pooling. A necessary element is a national database with information on each worker’s account, both to foster a national labour market and to control the pension spending of localities (which could otherwise pay pensions at whatever level they wanted out of the national pool). The national pensions administration should be part of central government and funded from the central government budget. The pensions administration should administer both the basic pension and individual accounts. Contributions should be collected by the tax authority. The contributions base should be changed to match a definition of earnings to be used also in determining income-tax liability, with the contribution rate adjusted so that total contributions are broadly unaffected by the change.Reforms of the Individual AccountsIndividual accounts should be organised on a notional defined contribution (NDC) basis. NDC pensions are a recent innovation internationally, used by countries seeking to retain the usefulness of defined contributions without the necessity of funding. Each worker accumulates a notional individual account, comprising his contributions over the years, which is each year credited by the pensions administration with a notional interest rate defined by law. At retirement, each worker receives a pension based actuarially on his accumulation. Basing individual accounts on the NDC approach has sign ificant advantages in China’s current circumstances. It offers consumption smoothing to today’s contributors in a similar way to funded DC schemes, and hence maintains the purpose of individual accounts. But, because nofund is built up, it does not requir e today’s (poorer) workers to make larger contributions so that future (richer) generations of workers can make smaller contributions, thus avoiding unsatisfactory intergenerational redistribution. It does not require the considerable private-sector financial and administrative capacity of funded schemes, since it is run by the public authorities. It is less risky for workers, since the rate of return avoids the short-run volatility of assets in the capital market; this is particularly important at a time when banking and financial-market institutions are still developing. Finally, the NDC approach will not require an increase in the contribution rate, or an increase in subsidies from the central Budget, as will be necessary if the ‘empty’ individual account s are to be funded under the present scheme. By regularising the encouragement and regulation of voluntary supplementary pensions, there can be adequate capital-market 。
养老保险制度中英文对照外文翻译文献
养老保险制度中英文对照外文翻译文献（文档含英文原文和中文翻译）翻译:重新引入代际均衡：波兰养老保险制度摘要：波兰于1999 年通过了新的养老金制度。
这种新的养老保险制度允许波兰，以减少退休金支出（占GDP 的百分比），而不是增加它-正如预计的经合组织其他大多数国家。
本文介绍了概念背景的新系统的设计。
新系统的长期目的是确保人口代际平衡，不论情况。
这需要稳定的国内生产总值的份额分配给整个退休一代。
传统的养老金制度的目的，相反，在稳定的份额人均国内生产总值退休人员。
在人口结构的变化观察到，在过去的一夫妻几十年，这历史性的尝试，以稳定为首占GDP 的比重为退休人员严重的财政问题和经济增长负外部性，如观察许多国家。
许多国家曾试图改革其养老金制度不同的方法来尝试解决这些不断增加的费用问题。
虽然波兰改革采用了其他地方应用技术，它的设计不同于典型的做法和教训，结果是有希望的所有经合组织国家。
本文介绍了这一理论和实际应用另一种方法，因此，新的波兰养老保险制度主要特点设计。
导言人口结构的转型与政策过于短视一起造成了严重的问题在全世界许多国家地区的养老金。
传统的要素养老金制度的设计包括对捐款的薄弱环节和利益缺乏超过该系统的成本控制。
这些因素列入养老保险制度导致爆炸的设计成本，造成了负增长的外部因素和导致失业率持续高企。
因此，养老金改革的追求现已在世界各地，特别是在欧洲的政策议程的顶部。
然而，很少有国家能够在引进根本性的改革面积到了这个时候养老金。
在这种情况下，改革的定义是至关重要的。
对于本文的目的，“改革”是指改变系统，以消除而不是仅仅在边缘玩的贡献率- 结构性效率低下和退休年龄调整为短期财政和系统的参数政治传统的养老金制度已被证明是低效率的提供与社会保障。
在同一时间试图治愈这些系统阻碍了缺乏共识什么可以取代传统的制度。
讨论这问题涉及混乱的思想背景下产生的讨论参与者，以及从这些概念作为过度使用“支付即用即付”与“资金”，即“公” 与“私”，而在同一时间，忽略了数重要的经济问题。
公共养老金的英文作文
公共养老金的英文作文The Role and Importance of Public Pension Systems.Public pension systems are a crucial component ofsocial security, providing financial security toindividuals during their retirement. These systems are typically funded by contributions from employees, employers, and the government, and they aim to ensure that retirees have adequate income to maintain their standard of living.Background and Evolution.The concept of public pensions dates back to ancient times, when communities would provide support to their elderly members. However, modern public pension systemshave evolved significantly over the centuries. Initially, they were based on a pay-as-you-go model, where current workers' contributions were used to pay benefits to retirees. Over time, however, this model has given way to more sustainable funding mechanisms, such as predefinedcontribution plans or hybrid systems.Types of Public Pension Systems.There are several types of public pension systems, each with its own unique characteristics and funding mechanisms. Some common types include:1. Defined Benefit Plans: These plans promise aspecific pension amount based on factors like salary and years of service. The risk of investment fluctuations is borne by the employer or the government.2. Defined Contribution Plans: These plans specify a contribution amount that the employee, employer, or both, must make. The employee's final pension amount depends on the investment returns on these contributions.3. Hybrid Plans: These combine features of both defined benefit and defined contribution plans, aiming to balance risk and reward.Funding Mechanisms.Public pension systems are typically funded through a combination of sources. Employee and employer contributions are a significant source of funding, especially in defined contribution plans. Governments also contribute to these systems, either through direct subsidies or by providing tax incentives.Challenges and Solutions.Despite their importance, public pension systems face numerous challenges. One of the primary challenges is ensuring their financial sustainability, particularly in the face of changing demographics and economic conditions. Rising life expectancies and declining fertility rates have put pressure on pension systems, as there are fewer workers contributing to the system relative to the number of retirees.To address these challenges, many countries have implemented reforms to their public pension systems. Thesereforms aim to improve sustainability by increasing contributions, reducing benefits, or changing the funding mechanisms. Some countries have also introduced private pension schemes to complement the public system, providing individuals with additional retirement savings.Conclusion.Public pension systems play a crucial role in ensuring financial security for individuals during their retirement. However, to maintain their sustainability and effectiveness, it is essential to address the challenges they face. A balanced approach, combining contributions from multiple sources and implementing reforms where necessary, can help ensure that public pension systems continue to provide adequate support to retirees in the future.。
养老金会计外文翻译文献
养老金会计外文翻译文献(文档含英文原文和中文翻译)原文：New Accounting Rules for Defined Benefit Pension Plans MARCH 2008 - Issued in September 2006, Statement of Financial Accounting Standards (SFAS) 158, Employers’ Accounting for Defined Benefit Pension and Other Postretirement Plans—An Amendment of FASB Statements No. 87, 88, 106, and 132(R), significantly changes the balance-sheet reporting for defined benefit pension plans. Before SFAS 158, the effects of certain events, such as plan amendments or actuarial gains and losses, were granted delayed balance-sheet recognition. As a result, a plan’s funded status (plan assets minus obligations) was rarely reported on the balance sheet. SFAS 158 requires companies to report their plans’ funded status as either an asset or a liabil ity on their balancesheets, which will cause reported pension liabilities to rise significantly. Although SFAS 158 also applies to postretirement benefit plans other than pensions and to not-for-profit entities, the focus below is on for-profit businesses with defined benefit pension plans.Balance-Sheet Reporting Under SFAS 158Under SFAS 87, prepaid or accrued pension cost, which is the net of a firm’s pension assets, liabilities, and unrecognized amounts, is reported on the balance sheet. SFAS 158 arguably improves financial reporting by more clearly communicating the funded status of defined benefit pension plans. Previously, this information was reported only in the detailed pension footnotes.Under SFAS 158, companies with defined benefit pension plans must recognize the difference between the plan’s projected benefit obligation and its fair value of plan assets as either an asset or a liability. The projected benefit obligation is the actuarial present value of the benefits attributed by the pension plan benefit formula for services already provided. As a result, the complex and conceptually unsound ―minimum pension liability‖ rules, which are used when the accumulated benefit obligation is less than the fair value of pension plan assets, has been eliminated. (The accumulated benefit obligation is similar to the projected benefit obligation but does not include expected future salaryincreases in the calculation of the present value of actuarial benefits.) In addition, the unrecognized prior service costs and actuarial gains and losses that were previously relegated to the footnotes are now recognized on the balance sheet, with an offsetting amount in accumulated other comprehensive income under shareholders’ equity.Income Reporting Under SFAS 158SFAS 158 does not change the computation of periodic pension cost, which remains a function of service cost, interest cost, expected return on pension plan assets, and amortization of unrecognized items. It does, however, impact the reporting of comprehensive income. Specifically, actuarial gains or losses and prior service costs that arise during the period are recognized as components of comprehensive income. In addition, the amortization of actuarial gains or losses, prior service costs, and transition amounts recognized before implementing SFAS 158 require a reclassification adjustment to comprehensive income. Applying SFAS 158Exhibit 1 presents pension footnote data for three companies: Lockheed Martin, Glatfelter, and AMR Corp. Lockheed Martin represents a classic example of a scenario SFAS 158 is designed to eliminate: namely, reporting a pension asset when the pension plan is actually underfunded. Specifically, Lock heed Martin’s pension obligation($28,421 million) exceeds its plan assets ($23,432 million), meaning the plan is underfunded by the difference, $4,989 million. Previously, Lockheed Martin’s unrecognized net losses and unrecognized prior service costs (totaling $7,108 million) enabled it to report a pension asset of $2,119 million ($7,108 – $4,989).The data for Glatfelter and AMR in Exhibit 1 indicate other likely scenarios under SFAS 158. Glatfelter, while overfunded by $155.3 million, would reduce its reported pension asset by $90 million under SFAS 158. Although AMR currently recognizes a pension liability of $882 million, SFAS 158 would require AMR to significantly increase its reported pension liability to $3,225 million.An Illustration of the Transition to SFAS 158The following example uses the actual 2005 data from Exhibit 1 to illustrate how each of these companies would record the transition to the new rules. Because SFAS 158 is generally first effective for fiscal years ending after December 15, 2006, the actual numbers these companies record upon transition to SFAS 158 will differ from those in this example. For simplicity, the illustration ignores tax effects.Exhibit 1 shows that each of the three companies reports additional minimum liabilities and related intangible assets on its balance sheet. These items are eliminated under SFAS 158. In addition, pension assetsand liabilities and accumulated other comprehensive income are adjusted so that their ending balances conform to the amounts required under SFAS 158. The necessary journal entries to accomplish the transition, using 2005 data, are presented in Exhibit 2.Exhibit 3 shows the balance-sheet reporting for each company after posting the entries in Exhibit 2, and exposes several important points. First, each company reports its funded status as either a pension asset or liability. Second, the balance in accumulated other comprehensive income equals the amount of previously unrecognized items. In this example, and likely for many companies with defined benefit plans, the amount of this contra-shareholders’ equity will increase under SFAS 158, even potentially generating negative shareholders’ equity. The transition to SFAS 158 might impose costs on leveraged firms due to the increased likelihood of tightening restrictive debt covenants. Finally, the balance-sheet presen tation, and each company’s funded status, should be easier to understand after SFAS 158 is implemented.Subsequent Application of SFAS 158SFAS 158 does not impact the amount of periodic pension cost reported on the income statement, but it does impact the reporting of comprehensive income. For example, assume that after implementingSFAS 158 Lockheed Martin were to report the financial results in Exhibit 4. Again, these amounts are for illustrative purposes only.Exhibit 5 shows the required journal entries. The first entry records the service cost, interest cost, and expected return on plan assets components of periodic pension cost. The second entry reclassifies the amortization items from accumulated other comprehensive income to periodic pension cost, and the third entry adjusts the pension liability and accumulated other comprehensive income for the difference in actual pension returns above expectations during the year.Author: Kenneth W. ShawNationality: ColumbiaOriginate from: The CPA Journal翻译：设定收益制养老金会计新准则2008年3月SFAS颁布了158号《雇主对既定福利养老金和其他退休后计划的会计处理》对FASB第87、88、106号准则做了修订，显著改变了资产负债表对设定收益制下养老金的列报。
有关机构养老的的文献
有关机构养老的的文献机构养老是一种养老方式，针对老年人提供社区或机构的生活和服务支持。
这种养老方式在全球范围内越来越受欢迎，并成为许多国家老龄化社会面临的挑战的应对之策。
以下是关于机构养老的文献： 1. 《机构养老：全球现状与趋势》(Institutional Elder Care: Global Status and Trends)。
该文献对全球范围内机构养老的现状和趋势进行了概述，并探讨了机构养老的优势和挑战。
2. 《机构养老的服务质量评估》(Service Quality Assessment of Institutional Elder Care)。
该文献介绍了如何评估机构养老的服务质量，包括评估指标、方法和工具。
3. 《机构养老的居住环境设计与规划》(Design and Planning of Residential Environment for Institutional Elder Care)。
该文献重点介绍机构养老的居住环境设计与规划，包括建筑设计、室内设计、景观设计等方面。
4. 《机构养老的护理服务模式》(Nursing Service Models for Institutional Elder Care)。
该文献探讨了机构养老的护理服务模式，包括人员配备、护理技术和管理等方面。
5. 《机构养老对老年人身心健康的影响》(The Impact of Institutional Elder Care on the Physical and Mental Health of Elderly People)。
该文献研究了机构养老对老年人身心健康的影响，包括生理健康、心理健康和社交支持等方面。
总之，机构养老是一种重要的养老方式，相关的文献研究可以为机构养老的服务和管理提供重要的参考和指导。
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养老保险外文翻译文献(文档含中英文对照即英文原文和中文翻译)原文：Reintroducing Intergenerational Equilibrium: Key Concepts behind the New Polish Pension SystemAbstractPoland adopted a new pension system in 1999. This new pension system allows Poland to reduce pension expenditure (as a percent of GDP), instead of increasing it as is projected for the majority of other OECD countries. This paper presents the conceptual background of the new system design. The new system’s long-term bjective is to ensure intergenerational equilibrium irrespective of the demographic situation. This requires stabilisation of the share of GDP allocated to the entire retiredgeneration. Traditional pension systems aim, instead, at stabilisation of the share of GDP per retiree. The change in demographic structure observed over the past for a couple of decades and this historic attempt to stabilise the share of GDP per retiree led to severe fiscal problems and negative externalities for growth, as observed in numerous countries. Many countries have tried to reform their pension systems in different ways to try to resolve the issue of these ever-increasing costs. Although the Polish reform uses a number of techniques applied elsewhere, its design differs from the typical approaches –and the lessons and results are promising for all OECD countries. This paper presents the theoretical and practical application of this alternative approach and as such, the key features of the new Polish pension system design.IntroductionDemographic transition together with myopic policies has caused severe problems in the area of pensions in many countries around the world. Elements of traditional pension systems’ design include a weak link of benefits to contributions and the lack of control over costs of the system. Inclusion of these elements in the pension system design led to the explosion of costs, caused negative externalities for growth and contributed to persistently high unemployment. As such, the quest for pension reform is now on the top of policy agendas around the world, and especially in Europe. However, very few countries have been able to introduce fundamental reforms in the area of pensions to this time. In this case, the definition of reform is crucial. For the purposes of this paper, “reform” means changing t he system in order to remove tructural inefficiencies – and not just playing at the margins with contribution rates a nd retirement ages to adjust the system’s parameters for short-term fiscal and political reasons.Traditional pension systems have proven to be inefficient in providing societies with social security. Atthe same time attempts to cure these systems are hampered by a lack of consensus on what could replace the traditional system. Discussions on this issue involve confusion stemming from the ideological context of the discussion participants, as well as from overuse of such concepts as “pay-as-you-go” versus“funding”, or “public” versus “private”, while at the same time ignoring a number of important economic issues.Furthermore, economists have traditionally ignored pensions. Designing and running pension systems was left to non-economists, who were not extensively concerned with how to finance pensions in the long-term or with how to counteract these pension systems’ negative externalities. The new Polish pension system belongs to very small number of successful attempts to apply modern thinking in the area of pensions. This does not mean – as some may assume – giving up social security goals. Rather, the key idea was to give up the inefficient methods of delivering social security in order to save its goals and principles.This paper consists of two parts. The first focuses on a discussion of general issues that need to be addressed when designing a pension system. These issues are presented in a way that goes beyond the traditional way of thinking on pensions. In regards to this second part of the paper, it is important to point out that most countries in the current EU member states and candidate countries have pension systems that are essentially the same at the basic policy level. As such, the solutions in one member state or candidate country can be expected to be the same. Like European states such as France, Germany, Italy, the Czech Republic, Hungary and other European states, Poland and Sweden over the past decades and until the late 1990’s developed inefficient, costly pension systems. As such, in part two of the paper we shall examine how Poland has now successfully implemented the approach presented in the first part of the paper, and created a fundamentally strong and neutral pension system.Selected general issuesPension system design has to take into account a number of issues. Their full presentation and discussion goes beyond the scope of this paper This paper presents only a list of the issues for consideration and the most important observations. The pension system: externalities versus neutrality The description of a pension system depends strongly on both the aggregated and individual viewpoint.From the aggregated perspective, the pension system is a way of dividing current GDP between a part kept by the working generation and a part allocated to the retired generation. From the individual perspective, the pension system is a way of income allocation over a person’s life cycle. The above holds irrespective to the technical method applied or the ideological viewpoint. The pension system –as defined above –is not necessarily pay-as-you-go or funded. Such features stem from technical elements additionally applied on the top of the pension system, rather than from the system itself. If the pension system design assumes anonymous participation and a substantial scale of redistribution then we usually call this system pay-as-you-go. If the pension system design uses financial markets, then we usually call it funded. However, these two typically used concepts do not exhaust all possible combinations of anonymous versus individualised participation and financial versus non-financial pension system design techniques used. The dualistic pay-as-you-go versus funded approach leaves aside the combination of individual participation in a system that does not use financial markets. This approach also neglects the fact that using financial markets means investment (pension portfolio consists of private equities) or deferring taxes (pension portfolio consists of government bonds), which is obviously not the same. Adding redistribution or financial markets to the pension system generates externalities. These externalities can be positive and negative. Redistribution within the pension system can generate positive externalities if the system isinexpensive, namely the part of GDP allocated to the retired generation is not large. If the redistribution is large, then it generates negative externalities, such as contributing to persistently high unemployment and weak growth. Using financial markets causes positive externalities for growth if the pension system spends contribution money on investment. If the contributions are spent on government debt they may lead to negative externalities similar to those of large redistributive system, namely more tax distortions. This can happen if the rate of return on government debt is persistently above the rate of GDP growth. There exists yet another option, namely to bring the pension system as close toeconomic neutrality as possible. This option requires, among other things, combining individual participation in the system with dividing GDP between generations based on real economy developments, such as has been done in Poland and Sweden.Demographic structure: consequences of the change .Irrespective of the pension system design technique used, the pension system exchanges a right of the retired generation for a part of the product of the working generation. The exchange can be organised in various ways and also the rights can be expressed in various ways. In particular, the rights can be either traded in the financial markets, or defined in relation to some economic variables, or just based on political promise. In all of these cases there is a kind of market for pension rights. The working generation finances contributions in order to purchase the rights; the retired generation sells the rights in order to get a part of the product of the working generation. The various types of pension systems create an institutional framework for this market.Key features of the new Polish pension systemThe new Polish pension system design is a good example of applying the above described way of thinking in practice. The system named“Security through Diversity” started on 1 January 1999. It entirely replaced previous regulations on oldage pensions for majority of working population. Designing the new system from scratch provided the unique opportunity to avoid complicating the system. Instead, the new system design is simple and transparent. The main goal was to design a system that can be neutral or at least close to neutrality for economic growth irrespective of population ageing. The design of the new system does not copy any other pension system existing elsewhere. Strong similarity can be found only to the new Swedish pension system based on similar principles and started on the same day.16 At the same time, within this general framework the new Polish system uses a number of technical concepts developed in other countries. This brief presentation of the new Polish pension system focuses on the general economic design of the system, while leaving aside most technical details.The following bullets help in grasping the essence of the concept of the new Polish system design.Focusing on the universal part of the pension system;Separation of the old-age part of social security from the non-old-age parts of social security ; and segmenting the flows of revenue;Termination of the part of the previous system;Creation of a new pension system, entirely based on individual accounts; Accrual accounting within the system;Splitting each person’s OA contributions between two accounts (first account –NDC, second account – FDC);Annuitisation of account values at the moment of retirement;Minimum pension supplement on the top of both annuities if their sum is belowcertain level (financed out of the state budget).It should be strongly stressed that both accounts are annuitised at the same moment and play exactly the same role within social security. In particular there is no such element of the system as a “basic state pension”. Social redistribution exists but it has been moved out from the pension system. The sole role of the pension system is providing working generation with an efficient method of income allocation over their life cycle. The contribution rate for the entire social security system has not changed. However workers’ salaries were “grossed up” in order to introduce to them the idea that they pay part of the contribution and to build their awareness of the overall cost of the pension system. As such, since 1 January 1999 both workers and employers share the cost of contributions without any real change in the size of the total contributions. The whole operation affected percentages but not real flows of money. Thus the new system is based on the same contribution inflow as the previous system.Final remarksProviding people with social security –including financing consumption of the retired generation out of the product of the working generation - is very high on the list of social priorities in most countries. It is especially important in European societies. However, the inefficiency of traditional pension systems put achieving this goal at risk. Social and populist rhetoric suggests to the public that changes within the pension system are dangerous for social goals. In reality, for most countries in the world, it is just the opposite. The longer the traditional pension systems are held up, the more socially damaging effects will be created. Poland belongs to a non-numerous group of countries that are prepared for one of the most difficult challenges of our time, namely the ageing of the population. The new pension system will not only stop the increase of costs of the pension system but will alsoallow for their reduction. This will leave more resources available for development, which, in turn, will contribute to stronger growth and the increase of living standards of both the working and the retired generation. The example of the new Polish pension system, as well as the Swedish one, is interesting for yet another reason. This type of system contributes to labour mobility, which is particularly needed in Europe. Free movement of labour cannot be achieved if moving from one country to another affects expected retirement income. As such, aiming at pension system neutrality will be more and more important for European integration.译文：重新引入代际均衡：波兰养老保险制度摘要波兰于1999年通过了新的养老金制度。