美国历史上100个伟大演讲
50篇伟大的演讲
50篇伟大的演讲1.《葛底斯堡演说》（Abraham Lincoln）：美国总统林肯的著名演说，呼吁国家统一和民权。
2.《独立宣言》（Thomas Jefferson）：美国独立战争时期的重要文献，宣布美国独立和民主原则。
3.《我有一个梦想》（Martin Luther King Jr.）：美国民权运动领袖马丁·路德·金的著名演说，呼吁种族平等和社会正义。
4.《持久和平宣言》（Leonardo da Vinci）：文艺复兴时期的伟大艺术家和科学家列奥纳多·达·芬奇的和平宣言，倡导和平与合作。
5.《权利法案》（美国宪法前十条修正案）：美国宪法的重要组成部分，保障公民的基本权利和自由。
6.《共产党宣言》（Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels）：马克思主义的经典文献，阐述共产主义理想和原则。
7.《泰坦尼克号沉没后的演讲》（John Jacob Astor IV）：泰坦尼克号沉没后，富商约翰·雅各布·阿斯特四世的演讲，鼓舞船员和乘客保持镇静和信心。
8.《让更多人能够发言》（Winston Churchill）：英国首相丘吉尔的演讲，呼吁民主自由和反对纳粹德国的侵略。
9.《我们选择登月》（John F. Kennedy）：美国总统肯尼迪的著名演说，宣布美国将实现人类登月的目标。
10.《我有一个梦想》（Barack Obama）：美国总统奥巴马的著名演说，呼吁平等、公正和团结。
11.《阿房宫赋》（杜牧）：唐朝诗人杜牧的著名散文，描述了秦始皇建造阿房宫的雄伟和荒凉。
12.《岳阳楼记》（范仲淹）：宋朝文人范仲淹的名篇，描绘了岳阳楼的壮丽景色，抒发了忧国忧民的情怀。
13.《少年中国说》（梁启超）：清朝维新派领袖梁启超的演讲，激励了无数中国青年为国家的繁荣和强大而努力奋斗。
14.《血腥的法庭》（埃米琳·潘克赫斯特）：英国妇女参政运动领袖埃米琳·潘克赫斯特的演讲，呼吁女性争取选举权和政治平等。
美国20世纪最伟大的100大演讲...
Elie Wiesel:The Perils of Indifferencedelivered 12 April 1999, Washington, D.C.AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audioMr. President, Mrs. Clinton, members of Congress, Ambassador Holbrooke, Excellencies, friends:Fiftyfour years ago to the day, a young Jewish boy from a small town in the Carpathian Mountains woke up, not far from Goethe's beloved Weimar, in a place of eternal infamy called Buchenwald. He was finally free, but there was no joy in his heart. He thought there never would be again. Liberated a day earlier by American soldiers, he remembers their rage at what they saw. And even if he lives to be a very old man, he will always be grateful to them for that rage, and also for their compassion. Though he did not understand their language, their eyes told him what he needed to know that they, too, would remember, and bear witness.And now, I stand before you, Mr. President CommanderinChief of the army that freed me, and tens of thousands of others and I am filled with a profound and abiding gratitude to the American people. Gratitude is a word that I cherish. Gratitude is what defines the humanity of the human being. And I am grateful to you, Hillary, or Mrs. Clinton, for what you said, and for what you are doing for children in the world, for the homeless, for the victims of injustice, the victims of destiny and society. And I thank all of you for being here.We are on the threshold of a new century, a new millennium. What will the legacy of this vanishing century be? How will it be remembered in the new millennium? Surely it will be judged, and judged severely, in both moral and metaphysical terms. These failures have cast a dark shadow over humanity: two World Wars, countless civil wars, the senseless chain of assassinations (Gandhi, the Kennedys, Martin Luther King, Sadat, Rabin), bloodbaths in Cambodia and Algeria, India and Pakistan, Ireland and Rwanda, Eritrea and Ethiopia, Sarajevoand Kosovo; the inhumanity in the gulag and the tragedy of Hiroshima. And, on a different level, of course, Auschwitz and Treblinka. So much violence; so much indifference.What is indifference? Etymologically, the word means "no difference." A strange and unnatural state in which the lines blur between light and darkness, dusk and dawn, crime and punishment, cruelty and compassion, good and evil. What are its courses and inescapable consequences? Is it a philosophy? Is there a philosophy of indifference conceivable? Can one possibly view indifference as a virtue? Is it necessary at times to practice it simply to keep one's sanity, live normally, enjoy a fine meal and a glass of wine, as the world around us experiences harrowing upheavals?Of course, indifference can be tempting more than that, seductive. It is so much easier to look away from victims. It is so much easier to avoid such rude interruptions to our work, our dreams, our hopes. It is, after all, awkward, troublesome, to be involved in another person's pain and despair. Yet, for the person who is indifferent, his or her neighbor are of no consequence. And, therefore, their lives are meaningless. Their hidden or even visible anguish is of no interest. Indifference reduces the Other to an abstraction.Over there, behind the black gates of Auschwitz, the most tragic of all prisoners were the "Muselmanner," as they were called. Wrapped in their torn blankets, they would sit or lie on the ground, staring vacantly into space, unaware of who or where they were strangers to their surroundings. They no longer felt pain, hunger, thirst. They feared nothing. They felt nothing. They were dead and did not know it.Rooted in our tradition, some of us felt that to be abandoned by humanity then was not the ultimate. We felt that to be abandoned by God was worse than to be punished by Him. Better an unjust God than an indifferent one. For us to be ignored by God was a harsher punishment than to be a victim of His anger. Man can live far from God not outside God. God is wherever we are. Even in suffering? Even in suffering.In a way, to be indifferent to that suffering is what makes the human being inhuman. Indifference, after all, is more dangerous than anger and hatred. Anger can at times be creative. One writes a great poem, a great symphony. One does something special for the sake of humanity because one is angry at the injustice that one witnesses. But indifference is never creative. Even hatred at times may elicit a response. You fight it. You denounce it. You disarm it.Indifference elicits no response. Indifference is not a response. Indifference is not abeginning; it is an end. And, therefore, indifference is always the friend of the enemy, for it benefits the aggressor never his victim, whose pain is magnified when he or she feels forgotten. The political prisoner in his cell, the hungry children, the homeless refugees not to respond to their plight, not to relieve their solitude by offering them a spark of hope is to exile them from human memory. And in denying their humanity, we betray our own. Indifference, then, is not only a sin, it is a punishment.And this is one of the most important lessons of this outgoing century's wideranging experiments in good and evil.In the place that I come from, society was composed of three simple categories: the killers, the victims, and the bystanders. During the darkest of times, inside the ghettoes and death camps and I'm glad that Mrs. Clinton mentioned that we are now commemorating that event, that period, that we are now in the Days of Remembrance but then, we felt abandoned, forgotten. All of us did.And our only miserable consolation was that we believed that Auschwitz and Treblinka were closely guarded secrets; that the leaders of the free world did not know what was going on behind those black gates and barbed wire; that they had no knowledge of the war against the Jews that Hitler's armies and their accomplices waged as part of the war against the Allies. If they knew, we thought, surely those leaders would have moved heaven and earth to intervene. They would have spoken out with great outrage and conviction. They would have bombed the railways leading to Birkenau, just the railways, just once.And now we knew, we learned, we discovered that the Pentagon knew, the State Department knew. And the illustrious occupant of the White House then, who was a great leader and I say it with some anguish and pain, because, today is exactly 54 years marking his death Franklin Delano Roosevelt died on April the 12th, 1945. So he is very much present to me and to us. No doubt, he was a great leader. He mobilized the American people and the world, going into battle, bringing hundreds and thousands of valiant and brave soldiers in America to fight fascism, to fight dictatorship, to fight Hitler. And so many of the young people fell in battle. And, nevertheless, his image in Jewish history I must say it his image in Jewish history is flawed.The depressing tale of the St. Louis is a case in point. Sixty years ago, its human cargo nearly 1,000 Jews was turned back to Nazi Germany. And that happened after the Kristallnacht, after the first state sponsored pogrom, with hundreds of Jewish shops destroyed, synagogues burned, thousands of people put in concentration camps. And that ship, which was already in the shores of the United States, was sent back. I don't understand. Roosevelt was a good man, with a heart. He understood those who needed help. Why didn't he allow these refugees to disembark? A thousand people in America, the great country, the greatest democracy, the most generous of all new nations in modern history. What happened? I don't understand. Why the indifference, on the highest level, to the suffering of the victims?But then, there were human beings who were sensitive to our tragedy. Those nonJews, those Christians, that we call the "Righteous Gentiles," whose selfless acts of heroism saved the honor of their faith. Why were they so few? Why was there a greater effort to save SS murderers after the war than to save their victims during the war? Why did some of America's largest corporations continue to do business with Hitler's Germany until 1942? It has been suggested, and it was documented, that the Wehrmacht could not have conducted its invasion of France without oil obtained from American sources. How is one to explain their indifference?And yet, my friends, good things have also happened in this traumatic century: the defeat of Nazism, the collapse of communism, the rebirth of Israel on its ancestral soil, the demise of apartheid, Israel's peace treaty with Egypt, the peace accord in Ireland. And let us remember the meeting, filled with drama and emotion, between Rabin and Arafat that you, Mr. President, convened in this very place. I was here and I will never forget it.And then, of course, the joint decision of the United States and NATO to intervene in Kosovo and save those victims, those refugees, those who were uprooted by a man, whom I believe that because of his crimes, should be charged with crimes against humanity.But this time, the world was not silent. This time, we do respond. This time, we intervene.Does it mean that we have learned from the past? Does it mean that society has changed? Has the human being become less indifferent and more human? Have we really learned from our experiences? Are we less insensitive to the plight of victims of ethnic cleansing and other forms of injustices in places near and far? Is today's justified intervention in Kosovo, led by you, Mr. President, a lasting warning that never again will the deportation, the terrorization of children and their parents, be allowed anywhere in the world? Will it discourage other dictators in other lands to do the same?What about the children? Oh, we see them on television, we read about them in the papers, and we do so with a broken heart. Their fate is always the most tragic, inevitably. When adults wage war, children perish. We see their faces, their eyes. Do we hear their pleas? Do we feel their pain, their agony? Every minute one of them dies of disease, violence, famine. Some of them so many of them could be saved.And so, once again, I think of the young Jewish boy from the Carpathian Mountains. He has accompanied the old man I have become throughout these years of quest and struggle. And together we walk towards the new millennium, carried by profound fear and extraordinary hope.。
美国历史上最经典演讲Richard M. Nixon
Richard M. NixonThe Great Silent Majoritydelivered 3 November 1969Good evening, my fellow Americans.Tonight I want to talk to you on a subject of deep concern to all Americans and to many people in all parts of the world, the war in Vietnam.I believe that one of the reasons for the deep division about Vietnam is that many Americans have lost confidence in what their Government has told them about our policy. The American people cannot and should not be asked to support a policy which involves the overriding issues of war and peace unless they know the truth about that policy.Tonight, therefore, I would like to answer some of the questions that I know are on the minds of many of you listening to me.How and why did America get involved in Vietnam in the first place?How has this administration changed the policy of the previous Administration?What has really happened in the negotiations in Paris and on the battlefront in Vietnam?What choices do we have if we are to end the war?What are the prospects for peace?Now let me begin by describing the situation I found when I was inaugurated on January 20: The war had been going on for four years. Thirty-one thousand Americans had been killed in action. The training program for the South Vietnamese was beyond [behind] schedule. Five hundred and forty-thousand Americans were in Vietnam with no plans to reduce the number. No progress had been made at the negotiations in Paris and the United States had not put forth a comprehensive peace proposal.The war was causing deep division at home and criticism from many of our friends, as well as our enemies, abroad.In view of these circumstances, there were some who urged that I endthe war at once by ordering the immediate withdrawal of all American forces. From a political standpoint, this would have been a popular and easy course to follow. After all, we became involved in the war while my predecessor was in office. I could blame the defeat, which would be the result of my action, on him -- and come out as the peacemaker. Some put it to me quite bluntly: This was the only way to avoid allowing Johnson¡¯s war to become Nixon¡¯s war.But I had a greater obligation than to think only of the years of my Administration, and of the next election. I had to think of the effect of my decision on the next generation, and on the future of peace and freedom in America, and in the world.Let us all understand that the question before us is not whether some Americans are for peace and some Americans are against peace. The question at issue is not whether Johnson¡¯s war becomes Nixon¡¯s war. The great question is: How can we win America¡¯s peace?Well, let us turn now to the fundamental issue: Why and how did the United States become involved in Vietnam in the first place? Fifteen years ago North Vietnam, with the logistical support of Communist China and the Soviet Union, launched a campaign to impose a Communist government on South Vietnam by instigating and supporting a revolution.In response to the request of the Government of South Vietnam, President Eisenhower sent economic aid and military equipment to assist the people of South Vietnam in their efforts to prevent a Communist takeover. Seven years ago, President Kennedy sent 16,000 military personnel to Vietnam as combat advisers. Four years ago, President Johnson sent American combat forces to South Vietnam.Now many believe that President Johnson¡¯s decision to send American combat forces to South Vietnam was wrong. And many others, I among them, have been strongly critical of the way the war has been conducted.But the question facing us today is: Now that we are in the war, what is the best way to end it?In January I could only conclude that the precipitate withdrawal of all American forces from Vietnam would be a disaster not only for South Vietnam but for the United States and for the cause of peace.For the South Vietnamese, our precipitate withdrawal would inevitably allow the Communists to repeat the massacres which followed theirtakeover in the North 15 years before. They then murdered more than 50,000 people and hundreds of thousands more died in slave labor camps.We saw a prelude of what would happen in South Vietnam when the Communists entered the city of Hue last year. During their brief rule there, there was a bloody reign of terror in which 3,000 civilians were clubbed, shot to death, and buried in mass graves.With the sudden collapse of our support, these atrocities at Hue would become the nightmare of the entire nation and particularly for the million-and-a half Catholic refugees who fled to South Vietnam when the Communists took over in the North.For the United States this first defeat in our nation¡¯s history would result in a collapse of confidence in American leadership not only in Asia but throughout the world.Three American Presidents have recognized the great stakes involved in Vietnam and understood what had to be done.In 1963 President Kennedy with his characteristic eloquence and clarity said,"We want to see a stable Government there," carrying on the [a] struggle to maintain its national independence." We believe strongly in that. We are not going to withdraw from that effort. In my opinion, for us to withdraw from that effort would mean a collapse not only of South Vietnam but Southeast Asia. So we¡¯re going to stay there."1President Eisenhower and President Johnson expressed the same conclusion during their terms of office.For the future of peace, precipitate withdrawal would be a disaster of immense magnitude. A nation cannot remain great if it betrays its allies and lets down its friends. Our defeat and humiliation in South Vietnam without question would promote recklessness in the councils of those great powers who have not yet abandoned their goals of worlds conquest. This would spark violence wherever our commitments help maintain the peace -- in the Middle East, in Berlin, eventually even in the Western Hemisphere. Ultimately, this would cost more lives. It would not bring peace. It would bring more war.For these reasons I rejected the recommendation that I should end the war by immediately withdrawing all of our forces. I chose instead tochange American policy on both the negotiating front and the battle front in order to end the war fought on many fronts. I initiated a pursuit for peace on many fronts. In a television speech on May 14, in a speech before the United Nations, on a number of other occasions, I set forth our peace proposals in great detail.We have offered the complete withdrawal of all outside forces within one year. We have proposed a cease fire under international supervision. We have offered free elections under international supervision with the Communists participating in the organization and conduct of the elections as an organized political force. And the Saigon government has pledged to accept the result of the election.We have not put forth our proposals on a take-it-or-leave-it basis. We have indicated that we¡¯re willing to discuss the proposals that have been put forth by the other side. We have declared that anything is negotiable, except the right of the people of South Vietnam to determine their own future.At the Paris peace conference Ambassador Lodge has demonstrated our flexibility and good faith in 40 public meetings. Hanoi has refused even to discuss our proposals. They demand our unconditional acceptance of their terms which are that we withdraw all American forces immediately and unconditionally and that we overthrow the government of South Vietnam as we leave.We have not limited our peace initiatives to public forums and public statements. I recognized in January that a long and bitter war like this usually cannot be settled in a public forum. That is why in addition to the public statements and negotiations, I have explored every possible private avenue that might lead to a settlement.Tonight, I am taking the unprecedented step of disclosing to you some of our other initiatives for peace, initiatives we undertook privately and secretly because we thought we thereby might open a door which publicly would be closed.I did not wait for my inauguration to begin my quest for peace. Soon after my election, through an individual who was directly in contact on a personal basis with the leaders of North Vietnam, I made two private offers for a rapid, comprehensive settlement. Hanoi¡¯s replies called in effect for our surrender before negotiations. Since the Soviet Union furnishes most of the military equipment for North Vietnam, Secretary of State Rogers, my assistant for national security affairs, Dr.Kissinger, Ambassador Lodge and I personally have met on a number of occasions with representatives of the Soviet Government to enlist their assistance in getting meaningful negotiations started. In addition, we have had extended discussions directed toward that same end with representatives of other governments which have diplomatic relations with North Vietnam.None of these initiatives have to date produced results. In mid-July I became convinced that it was necessary to make a major move to break the deadlock in the Paris talks. I spoke directly in this office, where I¡¯m now sitting, with an individual who had known Ho Chi Minh on a personal basis for 25 years. Through him I sent a letter to Ho Chi Minh.I did this outside of the usual diplomatic channels with the hope that with the necessity of making statements for propaganda removed, there might be constructive progress toward bringing the war to an end.Let me read from that letter to you now:¡°Dear Mr. President:I realize that it is difficult to communicate meaningfully across the gulf of four years of war. But precisely because of this gulf I wanted to take this opportunity to reaffirm in all solemnity my desire to work for a just peace. I deeply believe that the war in Vietnam has gone on too long and delay in bringing it to an end can benefit no one, least of all the people of Vietnam. The time has come to move forward at the conference table toward an early resolution of this tragic war. You will find us forthcoming and open-minded in a common effort to bring the blessings of peace to the brave people of Vietnam. Let history record that at this critical juncture both sides turned their face toward peace rather than toward conflict and war."I received Ho Chi Minh¡¯s reply on August 30, three days before his death. It simply reiterated the public position North Vietnam had taken at Paris and flatly rejected my initiative. The full text of both letters is being released to the press.In addition to the public meetings that I have referred to, Ambassador Lodge has met with Vietnam¡¯s chief negotiator in Paris in 11 private sessions. And we have taken other significant initiatives which must remain secret to keep open some channels of communications which may still prove to be productive.But the effect of all the public, private, and secret negotiations whichhave been undertaken since the bombing halt a year ago, and since this Administration came into office on January 20th, can be summed up in one sentence: No progress whatever has been made except agreement on the shape of the bargaining table.Well, now, who¡¯s at fault? It¡¯s become clear that the obstacle in negotiating an end to the war is not the President of the United States. It is not the South Vietnamese Government. The obstacle is the other side¡¯s absolute refusal to show the least willingness to join us in seeking a just peace. And it will not do so while it is convinced that all it has to do is to wait for our next concession, and our next concession after that one, until it gets everything it wants.There can now be no longer any question that progress in negotiation depends only on Hanoi ¡¯s deciding to negotiate -- to negotiate seriously.I realize that this report on our efforts on the diplomatic front is discouraging to the American people, but the American people are entitled to know the truth -- the bad news as well as the good news -- where the lives of our young men are involved.Now let me turn, however, to a more encouraging report on another front. At the time we launched our search for peace, I recognized we might not succeed in bringing an end to the war through negotiations. I therefore put into effect another plan to bring peace -- a plan which will bring the war to an end regardless of what happens on the negotiating front. It is in line with the major shift in U. S. foreign policy which I described in my press conference at Guam on July 25. Let me briefly explain what has been described as the Nixon Doctrine -- a policy which not only will help end the war in Vietnam but which is an essential element of our program to prevent future Vietnams.We Americans are a do-it-yourself people -- we¡¯re an impatient people. Instead of teaching someone else to do a job, we like to do it ourselves. And this trait has been carried over into our foreign policy. In Korea, and again in Vietnam, the United States furnished most of the money, most of the arms, and most of the men to help the people of those countries defend their freedom against Communist aggression.Before any American troops were committed to Vietnam, a leader of another Asian country expressed this opinion to me when I was traveling in Asia as a private citizen. He said: ¡°When you are trying to assist another nation defend its freedom, U.S. policy should be to help them fight the war, but not to fight the war for them.¡±Well in accordance with this wise counsel, I laid down in Guam three principles as guidelines for future American policy toward Asia. First, the United States will keep all of its treaty commitments. Second, we shall provide a shield if a nuclear power threatens the freedom of a nation allied with us, or of a nation whose survival we consider vital to our security. Third, in cases involving other types of aggression we shall furnish military and economic assistance when requested in accordance with our treaty commitments. But we shall look to the nation directly threatened to assume the primary responsibility of providing the manpower for its defense.After I announced this policy, I found that the leaders of the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam, South Korea, other nations which might be threatened by Communist aggression, welcomed this new direction in American foreign policy.The defense of freedom is everybody¡¯s business -- not just America¡¯s business. And it is particularly the responsibility of the people whose freedom is threatened. In the previous Administration, we Americanized the war in Vietnam. In this Administration, we are Vietnamizing the search for peace.The policy of the previous Administration not only resulted in our assuming the primary responsibility for fighting the war, but even more significant did not adequately stress the goal of strengthening the South Vietnamese so that they could defend themselves when we left.The Vietnamization plan was launched following Secretary Laird¡¯s visit to Vietnam in March. Under the plan, I ordered first a substantial increase in the training and equipment of South Vietnamese forces. In July, on my visit to Vietnam, I changed General Abrams¡¯s orders, so that they were consistent with the objectives of our new policies. Under the new orders, the primary mission of our troops is to enable the South Vietnamese forces to assume the full responsibility for the security of South Vietnam. Our air operations have been reduced by over 20 per cent.And now we have begun to see the results of this long-overdue change in American policy in Vietnam. After five years of Americans going into Vietnam we are finally bringing American men home. By December 15 over 60,000 men will have been withdrawn from South Vietnam, including 20 percent of all of our combat forces. The South Vietnamese have continued to gain in strength. As a result, they've been able to take over combat responsibilities from our American troops.Two other significant developments have occurred since this Administration took office. Enemy infiltration, infiltration which is essential if they are to launch a major attack over the last three months, is less than 20 percent of what it was over the same period last year. And most important, United States casualties have declined during the last two months to the lowest point in three years.Let me now turn to our program for the future. We have adopted a plan which we have worked out in cooperation with the South Vietnamese for the complete withdrawal of all U.S. combat ground forces and their replacement by South Vietnamese forces on an orderly scheduled timetable. This withdrawal will be made from strength and not from weakness. As South Vietnamese forces become stronger, the rate of American withdrawal can become greater.I have not, and do not, intend to announce the timetable for our program, and there are obvious reasons for this decision which I¡¯m sure you will understand. As I¡¯ve indicated on several occasions, the rate of withdrawal will depend on developments on three fronts. One of these is the progress which can be, or might be, made in the Paris talks. An announcement of a fixed timetable for our withdrawal would completely remove any incentive for the enemy to negotiate an agreement. They would simply wait until our forces had withdrawn and then move in.The other two factors on which we will base our withdrawal decisions are the level of enemy activity and the progress of the training programs of the South Vietnamese forces. And I am glad to be able to report tonight progress on both of these fronts has been greater than we anticipated when we started the program in June for withdrawal. As a result, our timetable for withdrawal is more optimistic now than when we made our first estimates in June.Now this clearly demonstrates why it is not wise to be frozen in on a fixed timetable. We must retain the flexibility to base each withdrawal decision on the situation as it is at that time, rather than on estimates that are no longer valid. Along with this optimistic estimate, I must in all candor leave one note of caution. If the level of enemy activity significantly increases, we might have to adjust our timetable accordingly.However, I want the record to be completely clear on one point. At the time of the bombing halt just a year ago there was some confusion as to whether there was an understanding on the part of the enemy thatif we stopped the bombing of North Vietnam, they would stop the shelling of cities in South Vietnam.I want to be sure that there is no misunderstanding on the part of the enemy with regard to our withdrawal program. We have noted the reduced level of infiltration, the reduction of our casualties and are basing our withdrawal decisions partially on those factors. If the level of infiltration or our casualties increase while we are trying to scale down the fighting, it will be the result of a conscious decision by the enemy. Hanoi could make no greater mistake than to assume that an increase in violence will be to its advantage.If I conclude that increased enemy action jeopardizes our remaining forces in Vietnam, I shall not hesitate to take strong and effective measures to deal with that situation. This is not a threat. This is a statement of policy which as Commander-in-Chief of our armed forces I am making and meeting my responsibility for the protection of American fighting men wherever they may be.My fellow Americans, I am sure you can recognize from what I have said that we really only have two choices open to us if we want to end this war. I can order an immediate precipitate withdrawal of all Americans from Vietnam without regard to the effects of that action. Or we can persist in our search for a just peace through a negotiated settlement, if possible, or through continued implementation of our plan for Vietnamization, if necessary -- a plan in which we will withdraw all of our forces from Vietnam on a schedule in accordance with our program as the South Vietnamese become strong enough to defend their own freedom.I have chosen this second course. It is not the easy way. It is the right way. It is a plan which will end the war and serve the cause of peace, not just in Vietnam but in the Pacific and in the world.In speaking of the consequences of a precipitous withdrawal, I mentioned that our allies would lose confidence in America. Far more dangerous, we would lose confidence in ourselves. Oh, the immediate reaction would be a sense of relief that our men were coming home. But as we saw the consequences of what we had done, inevitable remorse and divisive recrimination would scar our spirit as a people.We have faced other crises in our history and we have become stronger by rejecting the easy way out and taking the right way in meeting our challenges. Our greatness as a nation has been our capacity to do what has to be done when we knew our course was right. I recognize that someof my fellow citizens disagree with the plan for peace I have chosen. Honest and patriotic Americans have reached different conclusions as to how peace should be achieved. In San Francisco a few weeks ago, I saw demonstrators carrying signs reading, ¡°Lose in Vietnam, bring the boys home.¡± Well, one of the strengths of our free society is that any American has a right to reach that conclusion and to advocate that point of view.But as President of the United States, I would be untrue to my oath of office if I allowed the policy of this nation to be dictated by the minority who hold that point of view and who try to impose it on the nation by mounting demonstrations in the street. For almost 200 years, the policy of this nation has been made under our Constitution by those leaders in the Congress and the White House elected by all the people. If a vocal minority, however fervent its cause, prevails over reason and the will of the majority, this nation has no future as a free society.And now, I would like to address a word, if I may, to the young people of this nation who are particularly concerned, and I understand why they are concerned, about this war. I respect your idealism. I share your concern for peace. I want peace as much as you do. There are powerful personal reasons I want to end this war. This week I will have to sign 83 letters to mothers, fathers, wives, and loved ones of men who have given their lives for America in Vietnam. It's very little satisfaction to me that this is only one-third as many letters as I signed the first week in office. There is nothing I want more than to see the day come when I do not have to write any of those letters.I want to end the war to save the lives of those brave young men in Vietnam. But I want to end it in a way which will increase the chance that their younger brothers and their sons will not have to fight in some future Vietnam some place in the world.And I want to end the war for another reason. I want to end it so that the energy and dedication of you, our young people, now too often directed into bitter hatred against those responsible for the war, can be turned to the great challenges of peace, a better life for all Americans, a better life for all people on this earth.I have chosen a plan for peace. I believe it will succeed. If it does not succeed, what the critics say now won¡¯t matter. Or if it does succeed, what the critics say now won¡¯t matter. If it does not succeed, anything I say then won¡¯t matter.I know it may not be fashionable to speak of patriotism or national destiny these days, but I feel it is appropriate to do so on this occasion. Two hundred years ago this nation was weak and poor. But even then, America was the hope of millions in the world. Today we have become the strongest and richest nation in the world, and the wheel of destiny has turned so that any hope the world has for the survival of peace and freedom will be determined by whether the American people have the moral stamina and the courage to meet the challenge of free-world leadership.Let historians not record that, when America was the most powerful nation in the world, we passed on the other side of the road and allowed the last hopes for peace and freedom of millions of people to be suffocated by the forces of totalitarianism.So tonight, to you, the great silent majority of my fellow Americans, I ask for your support. I pledged in my campaign for the Presidency to end the war in a way that we could win the peace. I have initiated a plan of action which will enable me to keep that pledge. The more support I can have from the American people, the sooner that pledge can be redeemed. For the more divided we are at home, the less likely the enemy is to negotiate at Paris.Let us be united for peace. Let us also be united against defeat. Because let us understand -- North Vietnam cannot defeat or humiliate the United States. Only Americans can do that.Fifty years ago, in this room, and at this very desk, President Woodrow Wilson spoke words which caught the imagination of a war-weary world. He said: ¡°This is the war to end wars.¡± His dream for peace after World War I was shattered on the hard reality of great power politics. And Woodrow Wilson died a broken man.Tonight, I do not tell you that the war in Vietnam is the war to end wars, but I do say this: I have initiated a plan which will end this war in a way that will bring us closer to that great goal to which -- to which Woodrow Wilson and every American President in our history has been dedicated -- the goal of a just and lasting peace.As President I hold the responsibility for choosing the best path for that goal and then leading the nation along it.I pledge to you tonight that I shall meet this responsibility with all of the strength and wisdom I can command, in accordance with your hopes,mindful of your concerns, sustained by your prayers. Thank you and good night.。
美国经典英文演讲100篇_0
美国经典英文演讲100篇各位读友大家好，此文档由网络收集而来，欢迎您下载，谢谢篇一：美国经典英文演讲100篇Black Power美国经典英文演讲100篇:”Black Power”Stokely CarmichaelBlack Powerdelivered October 1966, Berkeley, CA[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio. (2)]Thank you very much. It’s a privilege and an honor to be in the white intellectual ghetto of the West. We wanted to do a couple of things before we started. The first is that, based on the fact that SNCC, through the articulation of its program byits chairman, has been able to win elections in Georgia, Alabama, Maryland, and by ourappearance here will win an election in California, in 1968 I’m going to run for President of the United States. I just can’t make it, ‘cause I wasn’t born in the United States. That’s the only thing holding me back.We wanted to say that this is a student conference, as it should be, held on a campus, and that we’re not ever to be caught up in the intellectual masturbation of the question of Black Power. That’s a function of people who are advertisers that call themselves reporters. Oh, for my members and friends of the press, my self-appointed white critics, I was reading Mr. Bernard Shaw two days ago, and I came across a very important quote which I think is most apropos for you. He says, “All criticism is a[n] autobiography.” Digyourself. Okay. The philosophers Camus and Sartre raise the question whether or not a man can condemn himself. The black existentialist philosopher who is pragmatic, Frantz Fanon, answered the question. He said that man could not. Camus and Sartre was not. We in SNCC tend to agree with Camus and Sartre, that a man cannot condemn Were he to condemn himself, he would then have to inflict punishment upon himself. An example would be the Nazis. Any prisoner who -- any of the Nazi prisoners who admitted, after he was caught andincarcerated, that he committed crimes, that he killed all the many people that he killed, he committed suicide. The only ones who were able to stay alive were the ones who never admitted that they committed a crimes [sic] against people -- that is, the ones who rationalized that Jews were not human beings and deserved to bekilled, or that they were only following orders.On a more immediate scene, the officials and the population -- the white population -- in Neshoba County, Mississippi -- that’s where Philadelphia is -- could not -- could not condemn [Sheriff] Rainey, his deputies, and the other fourteen men that killed three human beings. They could not because they elected Mr. Rainey to do precisely what he did; and that for them to condemn him will be for them to condemn themselves.In a much larger view, SNCC says that white America cannot condemn herself. And since we are liberal, we have done it: You standcondemned. Now, a number of things that arises from that answer of how do you condemn yourselves. Seems to me that the institutions that function in this country are clearly racist, and that they’re built uponracism. And the question, then, is how can black people inside of this country move? And then how can white people who say they’re not a part of those institutions begin to move? And how then do we begin to clear away the obstacles that we have in this society, that make us live like human beings? How can we begin to build institutions that will allow people to relate with each other as human beings? This country has never done that, especially around the country of white or black.Now, several people have been upset because we’ve said thatintegration was irrelevant when initiated by blacks, and that in fact it was a subterfuge, an insidious subterfuge, for the maintenance of white supremacy. Now we maintain that in the past six years or so, this country has been feeding us a “thalidomide drug of integration,” and that some negroes have been walking down adream streettalking about sitting next to white people; and that that does not begin to solve the problem; that when we went to Mississippi we did not go to sit next to Ross Barnett2; we did not go to sit next to Jim Clark3; we went to get them out of our way; and that people ought to understand that; that we were never fighting for the right to integrate, we were fighting against white supremacy.Now, then, in order to understand white supremacy we must dismiss the fallacious notion that white people can give anybody their freedom. No man can give anybody his freedom. A man is born free. You may enslave a man after he is born free, and that is in fact what thiscountry does. It enslaves black people after they’re born, so that the only acts that white people can do is to stop denying black people their freedom; that is, theymust stop denying freedom. They never give it to anyone.Now we want to take that to its logical extension, so that we could understand, then, what its relevancy would be in terms of new civil rights bills. I maintain that every civil rights bill in this country was passed for white people, not for black people. For example, I am black.I know that. I also know that while I am black I am a human being, and therefore I have the right to go into any public place. White people didn’t know that. Every time I tried to go into a place they stopped me. So some boys had to write a bill to tell that white man, “He’s a human being; don’t stop him.” That bill was for that white man, not for me. I knew it all the time. I knew it all the time.I knew that I could vote and that that wasn’t a privilege; it was my right. Every time I tried I was shot, killed or jailed,beaten or economically deprived. So somebody had to write a bill for white people to tell them, “When a black man comes to vote, don’t bother him.” That bill, again, was for white people, not for black people; so that when you talk about open occupancy, I know I can live anyplace I want to live. It is white people across this country who are incapable of allowing me to live where I want to live. You need a civil rights bill, not me. I know I can live where I want to live.So that the failures to pass a civil rights bill isn’t because of Black Power, isn’t because of the Student Nonviolent CoordinatingCommittee; it’s not because of the rebellions that are occurring in the major cities. It is incapability of whites to deal with their own problems inside their own communities. That is the problem of the failure of the civil rights bill.And so in a larger sense we must then ask, How is it that black people move? And what do we do? But the question in a greater sense is, How can white people who are the majority -- and who are responsible for making democracy work -- make it work? They have miserably failed to this point. They have never made democracy work, be it inside the United States, Vietnam, South Africa, Philippines, South America, Puerto Rico. Wherever American has been, she has not been able to make democracy work; so that in a larger sense, we not only condemnthe country for what it’s done internally, but we must condemn it for what it does externally. We see this country trying to rule the world, and someone must stand up and start articulating that this country is not God, and cannot rule the world.Now, then, before we move on weought to develop the white supremacy attitudes that were either conscious or subconscious thought and how they run rampant through the society today. For example, the missionaries were sent to Africa. They went with the attitude that blacks were automatically inferior. As a matter of fact, the first act the missionaries did, you know, when they got to Africa was to make us cover up our bodies, because they said it got them excited. We couldn’t go bare-breasted any more because they got excited.Now when the missionaries came to civilize us because we were uncivilized, educate us because we were uneducated, and give us some -- some literate studies because we were illiterate, they charged a price. The missionaries came with the Bible, and we had the land. When they left, they had the land, and we still have the Bible. And that has been the rationalizationfor Western civilization as it moves across the world and stealing and plundering and raping everybody in its path. Their one rationalization is that the rest of the world is uncivilized and they are in fact civilized. And they are un-civil-ized.And that runs on today, you see, because what we have today is we have what we call “modern-day Peace Corps missionaries,” and they come into our ghettos and they Head Start, Upward Lift, Bootstrap, and Upward Bound us into white society, ‘cause they don’t want to face the real problem which is a man is poor for one reason and one reason only: ‘cause he does not have money -- period. If you want to get rid of poverty, you give people money -- period.And you ought not to tell me about people who don’t work, and you can’t give people money without working, ‘cause if that were true, you’d have to startstopping Rockefeller, Bobby Kennedy, Lyndon Baines Johnson, Lady Bird Johnson, the whole of Standard Oil, the Gulf Corp, all of them, including probably a large number of the Board of Trustees of this university. So the question, then, clearly, is not whether or not one can work; it’s Who has power? Who has power to make his or her acts legitimate? That is all. And that this country, that power is invested in the hands of white people, and they make their acts legitimate. It is now, therefore, for black people to make our acts legitimate.Now we are now engaged in a psychological struggle in this country, and that is whether or not black people will have the right to use the words they want to use without white people giving their sanction to it; and that we maintain, whether they like it or not, we gonna use the word “Black Power” -- and let themaddress themselves to that; but that we are not going to wait for white people to sanction Black Power. We’re tired waiting; every time black people move in this country, they’re forced to defend their position before they move. It’s time that the people who are supposed to be defending their position do that. That’s white people. They ought to start defending themselves as to why they have oppressed and exploited us.Now it is clear that when this country started to move in terms of slavery, the reason for a man being picked as a slave was one reason -- because of the color of his skin. If one was black one wasautomatically inferior, inhuman, and therefore fit for slavery; so that the question of whether or not we are individually suppressed is nonsensical, and it’s a dowight lie. We are oppressed as a group because we are black, not becausewe are lazy, not because we’re apathetic, not because we’re stupid, not because we smell, notbecause we eat watermelon and have good rhythm. We are oppressed because we are black.And in order to get out of that oppression one must wield the group power that one has, not the individual power which this country then sets the criteria under which a man may come into it. That is what is called in this country as integration: “You do what I tell you to do and then we’ll let you sit at the table with us.” And that we are saying that we have to be opposed to that. We must now set up criteria and that if there’s going to be any integration, it’s going to be a two-way thing. If you believe in integration, you can come live in Watts. You can send your children to the ghetto schools. Let’s talk about that. If you believe in integration,then we’re going to start adopting us some white people to live in our neighborhood.So it is clear that the question is not one of integration or segregation. Integration is a man’s ability to want to move in there by himself. If someone wants to live in a white neighborhood and he is black, that is his choice. It should be his rights. It is not because white people will not allow him. So vice versa: If a black man wants to live in the slums, that should be his right. Black people will let him. That is the difference. And it’s a difference on which this country makes a number of logical mistakes when they begin to try to criticize the program articulated by SNCC.篇二：美国经典英文演讲一百篇!练口语和演讲的好材料,值得收藏!!!美国经典英文演讲一百篇！练口语和演讲的好材料，值得收藏！！！梁志埠的日志? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?????????????????·美国20世纪经典英语演讲100篇（MP3+文本）·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address to Congress ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:WeShall Overcome ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Shuttle’’Challenger’’Disaster Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Checkers ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I Have a Dream ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Civil Rights Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time to Break Silence-Beyond Vietnam ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Keynote Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Atoms for Peace ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Truman Doctrine ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Inaugural Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Arsenal of Democracy ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Acres of Diamonds ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Silent Majority ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Oklahoma Bombing MemorialAddress ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Crisis of Confidence ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1992 DNC Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:On Vietnam and Not Seeking Re-Election ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Cambodian Incursion Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Eulogy for Robert Francis Kennedy ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Black Power ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Chappaquiddick ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:40th Anniversary of D-Day Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination Acceptance.. ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Marshall Plan ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Whisper of AIDS ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(下) ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I’ve Been to the Mountaintop ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement on the Articles of Impeachment ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Keynote Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Houston Ministerial Association Speech ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Ballot or the Bullet ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1976 DNC Keynote Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Inaugural Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television News Coverage? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Against Imperialism ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Four Freedoms ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:American University Commencement Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Fireside Chat ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Evil Empire ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time for Choosing ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Ich bin ein Berliner ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Duty, Honor,Country ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Remarks on the Assassination of MLKing ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Message to the Grassroots ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Address on Taking the Oath of Office ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1980 DNC Address ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement to the Senate Judiciary... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television and the Public Interest ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination ... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Religious Belief and Public Morality ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Vice-Presidential Nomination... ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Truth and Tolerance in America ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Society ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(上) ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Brandenburg GateAddress篇三：美国经典英文演讲100篇Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech美国经典英文演讲100篇:Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech...delivered 2 December 1964, The University of California at Berkeley[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio]You know, I just wanna say one brief thing about something the previous speaker said. I didn’t wanna spe nd too much time on that ‘cause I don’t think it’s important enough. But one thing is worth considering.He’s the -- He’s the nominal head of an organization supposedly representative of the undergraduates. Whereas in fact under the current director it derives -- its authority is delegated power from the Administration. It’s totally uepresentativeof the graduate students andBut he made the following statement (I quote): “I would ask all those who are not definitely committed to the FSM2 cause to stay away from demonstration.” Alright, now listen to this: “For all upper division students who are interested in alleviating the TA shortage problem, I would encourage you to offer your services to Department Chairmen and Advisors.” That has two things: A strike breaker and a fink. I’d like to say -- like to say one other thing about a union problem. Upstairs you may have noticed they’re ready on the 2nd floor of Sproul Hall, Locals 40 and 127 of the Painters Union are painting the inside of the 2nd floor of Sproul Hall. Now, apparently that action had been planned some time in the past. I’ve tried to contact those unions. Unfortunately -- and [it] tears my heart out -- they’re asbureaucratized as the Administration. It’s difficult to get through toanyone in authority there. Very sad. We’re still -- We’re still making an attempt. Those people up there have no desire to interfere with what we’re doing. I would ask that they be considered and that they not be heckled in any way. And I think that -- you know -- while there’s unfortunately no sense of -- no sense of solidarity at this pointbetween unions and students, there at least need be no -- you know -- excessively hard feelings between the two groups.Now, there are at least two ways in which sit-ins and civil disobedience and whatever -- least two major ways in which it can occur. One, when a law exists, is promulgated, which is totally unacceptable to people and they violate it again and again and again till it’s rescinded, appealed.Alr ight, but there’s another way. There’s another way. Sometimes, the form of the law is such as to render impossible its effective violation -- as a method to have it repealed. Sometimes, the grievances of people are more -- extend more -- to more than just the law, extend to a whole mode of arbitrary power, a whole mode of arbitrary exercise of arbitrary power.And that’s what we have here. We have an autocracy which -- which runs this university. It’s managed. We were told the following: IfPresident Kerr actually tried to get something more liberal out of the Regents in his telephone conversation, why didn’t he make somepublic statement to that effect? And the answer we received -- from a well-meaning liberal -- was the following: He said, “Wou ld you ever imagine the manager of a firm making a statementpublicly in opposition to his Board of Directors?” That’s the answer.Well I ask you to consider -- if this is a firm, and if the Board of Regents are the Board of Directors, and if President Kerr in fact is the manager, then I tell you something -- the faculty are a bunch of employees and we’re the raw material! But we’re a bunch of rawmaterials that don’t mean to be -- have any process upon us. Don’t mean to be made into any product! D on’t mean -- Don’t mean to end up being bought by some clients of the University, be they the government, be they industry, be they organized labor, be they anyone! We’re human beings!And that -- that brings me to the second mode of civil disobedience. There’s a time when the operation of the machine becomes so odious, makes you so sick at heart that you can’t take part! Youcan’t even passively take part! And you’ve got to put your bodies upon the gears and upon the wheels, upon the levers, upon all the apparatus -- and you’ve got to make it stop! And you’ve got to indicate to the peoplewho run it, to the people who own it -- that unless you’re free the machine will be prevented from working at all!!That doesn’t mean -- I know it will be interpreted to mean,unfortunately, by the bigots who run The Examiner, for example -- That doesn’t mean that you have to break anything. One thousand people sitting down some place, not letting anybody by, not [letting] anything happen, can stop any machine, including this machine! And it will stop!!We’re gonna do the following -- and the greater the number of people, the safer they’ll be and the more effective it will be. We’re going, once again, to march up tothe 2nd floor of Sproul Hall. And we’re gonna conduct our lives for awhile in the 2nd floor of Sproul Hall. We’ll show movies, for example. We tried to get -- and [they] shut them off. Unfortunately, that’s tied up in the court because of a lot of squeamish moral mothers for a moral America and other people on the outside. The same people who get all their ideas out of the San Francisco Examiner. Sad, sad. But, Mr. Landau -- Mr. Landau has gotten us some other films.Likewise, we’ll do something -- we’ll do something which hasn’toccurred at this University in a good long time! We’re going to have real classes up there! They’re gonna be freedom schools conducted up there! We’re going to have classes on [the] 1st and 14thamendments!! We’re gonna spend our time learning about the things this University is afraid that we know! We’regoing to learn about freedom up there, and we’re going to learn by doing!!Now, we’ve had some good, long rallies. [Rally organizers inform Savio that Joan Baez has arrived.] Just one moment. We’ve had som e good, long rallies. And I think I’m sicker of rallies than anyone else here. She’s not going to be long. I’d like to introduce one last person -- one last person before we enter Sproul Hall. Yeah. And the person is Joan Baez.《美国经典英文演讲100篇》各位读友大家好，此文档由网络收集而来，欢迎您下载，谢谢。
美国20世纪经典英语演讲100篇
美国20世纪经典英语演讲100篇（MP3+文本）∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address to Congress∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Address∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:We Shall Overcome∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Shuttle’’Challenger’’Disaster Address∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Checkers∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I Have a Dream∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Civil Rights Address∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time to Break Silence-Beyond Vietnam∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Keynote Address∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Atoms for Peace∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Truman Doctrine∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Inaugural Address∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Arsenal of Democracy∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Acres of Diamonds∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Silent Majority∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Oklahoma Bombing Memorial Address∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Crisis of Confidence∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1992 DNC Address∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:On Vietnam and Not Seeking Re-Election∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Cambodian Incursion Address∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Eulogy for Robert Francis Kennedy∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Black Power∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Chappaquiddick∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:40th Anniversary of D-Day Address∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination Acceptance..∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Marshall Plan∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Whisper of AIDS∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(下)∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I’ve Been to the Mountaintop∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement on the Articles of Impeachment ∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Keynote Address∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Houston Ministerial Association Speech∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Ballot or the Bullet∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1976 DNC Keynote Address∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Inaugural Address∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television News Coverage∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Against Imperialism∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Four Freedoms∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:American University Commencement Address∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Fireside Chat∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Evil Empire∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time for Choosing∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Ich bin ein Berliner∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Duty, Honor, Country∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Remarks on the Assassination of MLKing ∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Message to the Grassroots∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Address on Taking the Oath of Office ∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech...∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1980 DNC Address∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement to the Senate Judiciary...∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television and the Public Interest ∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination ...∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Religious Belief and Public Morality ∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Vice-Presidential Nomination...∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Truth and Tolerance in America∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Society∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(上)∙·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Brandenburg Gate Address。
史上最伟大的十大演讲稿
史上最伟大的十大演讲稿演讲，是一种通过口头表达来传达思想、观点和情感的艺术形式。
在人类历史长河中，有许多伟大的演讲，它们激励着人们前行，引领着时代的潮流。
下面，让我们一起来回顾一下史上最伟大的十大演讲稿。
第一，马丁·路德·金的《我有一个梦想》。
这是美国民权运动领袖马丁·路德·金在1963年8月28日在华盛顿林肯纪念堂前发表的演讲。
他以“我有一个梦想”开头，表达了对种族平等和和平的向往，激励了无数人投身民权运动。
第二，温斯顿·丘吉尔的《我们应该为什么而战》。
1940年6月18日，英国首相温斯顿·丘吉尔在英国下议院发表了这篇演讲，号召全国人民为了自由和正义而战。
他的坚定信念和慷慨激昂的演讲，鼓舞了整个英国民众。
第三，肯尼迪的《问不是你的国家能为你做什么，而是你能为你的国家做什么》。
1961年1月20日，美国总统约翰·肯尼迪在就职演说中发表了这段著名的演讲。
他号召美国人民为国家的繁荣和安全做出贡献，激励了一代又一代的美国人。
第四，马克思·路德·金的《非暴力抵抗》。
这是印度独立运动领袖马克思·路德·金在1930年3月12日在达尔班发表的演讲。
他倡导非暴力抵抗，号召印度人民抵制英国殖民统治，最终取得了独立。
第五，林肯的《葛底斯堡演说》。
1863年11月19日，美国总统亚伯拉罕·林肯在葛底斯堡国家公墓为战争死难者发表了这篇演讲。
他以“我们的祖先在这个大陆上创造了一个新国家”开头，表达了对美国民主和自由的坚定信念。
第六，曼德拉的《自由在我们手中》。
1994年5月10日，南非总统纳尔逊·曼德拉在就职演说中发表了这篇演讲。
他号召南非人民团结一致，共同建设一个自由、平等的国家，激励了整个南非社会。
第七，乔治·华盛顿的《告别演说》。
1796年9月19日，美国第一任总统乔治·华盛顿发表了这篇演讲。
20世纪美国100大演讲
American Rhetoric Top 100 Speeches of the 20th Century by DecadeDecade SpeakerTitle/Text/MultiMedia AudioDuration1900-19101900-1925 Russell H. Conwell"Acres of Diamonds"mp3-ExcerptPDF FLASH08 Aug 1900 William Jennings Bryan"Against Imperialism"mp3-ExcerptPDF FLASH14 Apr 1906Theodore Roosevelt"The Man with the Muck-rake"PDF FLASH10 Oct 1906 Mary Church Terrell "What it Means to be Colored in the...U.S." PDF FLASH23 May 1908 Eugene Victor Debs"The Issue"1911-192004 Mar 1913 Thomas Woodrow WilsonFirst Inaugural AddressPDF FLASH21 Jun 1915Anna Howard Shaw"The Fundamental Principle of a Republic" PDF FLASH07 Sep 1916 Carrie Chapman Catt "The Crisis"PDF FLASH02 Apr 1917 Thomas Woodrow Wilson War MessagePDF FLASH09 Jul 1917 Emma GoldmanAddress to the JuryPDF FLASH06 Oct 1917 Robert Marion La Follette "Free Speech in Wartime"PDF FLASH?? Nov 1917 Carrie Chapman Catt Address to the U.S. Congress PDF FLASH08 Jan 1918 Thomas Woodrow Wilson "The Fourteen Points"PDF FLASH14 Sep 1918 Eugene Victor Debs 1918 Statement to the Court PDF FLASH06 Sep 1919 Thomas Woodrow Wilson "For the League of Nations"PDF FLASH25 Sep 1919 Thomas Woodrow WilsonLeague of Nations Final AddressPDF FLASH1921-1930Sep-Oct 1920 Crystal Eastman "Now We Can Begin"1921-1922Margaret Higgins Sanger"The Morality of Birth Control" PDF FLASHAug 1924 Clarence Seward Darrow "Mercy for Leopold and Loeb"PDF FLASHMar 1925 Margaret Higgins Sanger"The Children's Era"1931-194023 Sep 1932 Franklin Delano RooseveltCommonwealth Club AddressPDF FLASH04 Mar 1933 Franklin Delano Roosevelt First Inaugural Address mp3PDF FLASH12 Mar 1933 Franklin Delano Roosevelt First Fireside Chat mp3PDF FLASH23 Feb 1934 Huey Pierce Long "Every Man a King"PDF FLASH07 Mar 1935 Huey Pierce Long "Share Our Wealth"PDF FLASH03 Sep 1937 John Llewellyn Lewis "The Rights of Labor"PDF FLASH04 Jul 1939 Henry Louis ("Lou") Gehrig Farewell to Baseball AddressPDF FLASH29 Dec 1940 Franklin Delano Roosevelt"The Arsenal of Democracy"mp3PDF FLASH1941-195008 Dec 1941Franklin Delano RooseveltPearl Harbor Address to the Nation mp3PDF FLASH 06 Jan 1941 Franklin Delano Roosevelt"The Four Freedoms"mp3PDF FLASH12 Mar 1947Harry S. Truman"The Truman Doctrine" mp3PDF FLASH05 Jun 1947George Catlett Marshall"The Marshall Plan"mp3PDF FLASH14 Jul 1948Hubert Horatio Humphrey1948 DNC Address Off-site Audio PDF FLASH09 Dec 1948Anna Eleanor Roosevelt Adopting the Declaration of Human Rights mp3PDF FLASH28 Dec 1948Anna Eleanor Roosevelt"The Struggle for Human Rights"PDF FLASH01 Jun 1950Margaret Chase Smith"Declaration of Conscience"PDF FLASH10 Dec 1950William Cuthbert Faulkner Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech Real Audio PDF FLASH1951-196019 Apr 1951(General) Douglas MacArthur Farewell Address to Congress mp3PDF FLASH26 Jul 1952Adlai Ewing Stevenson Presidential Nomination Acceptance Address mp3PDF FLASH23 Sep 1952Richard Milhous Nixon"Checkers"mp3PDF FLASH02 Feb 1953Elizabeth Gurley Flynn Statement at the Smith Act Trial PDF FLASH08 Dec 1953Dwight David Eisenhower"Atoms for Peace"mp3PDF FLASH09 Jun 1954Joseph N. Welch"Have You No Sense of Decency"mp3PDF FLASH12 Sep 1960John Fitzgerald Kennedy Houston Ministerial Association Speech mp3PDF FLASH1961-197017 Jan 1961Dwight David Eisenhower Farewell Address mp3PDF FLASH20 Jan 1961John Fitzgerald Kennedy Inaugural Address mp3PDF FLASH09 May 1961Newton Norman Minow"Television and the Public Interest" mp3PDF FLASH12 May 1962(General) Douglas MacArthur"Duty, Honor, Country" mp3PDF FLASH10 Jun 1963John Fitzgerald Kennedy American University Commencement Address mp3PDF FLASH11 Jun 1963John Fitzgerald Kennedy Civil Rights Address mp3PDF FLASH22 Oct 1962John Fitzgerald Kennedy Cuban Missile Crisis Address mp3PDF FLASH26 Jun 1963John Fitzgerald Kennedy"Ich bin ein Berliner"mp3PDF FLASH28 Aug 1963Martin Luther King, Jr. "I Have A Dream"mp3PDF FLASH03 Apr 1964Malcolm X"The Ballot or the Bullet"mp327 Oct 1964Ronald Wilson Reagan"A Time for Choosing"mp3PDF FLASH22 May 1964Lyndon Baines Johnson"The Great Society"mp3PDF FLASH16 Jul 1964Barry Morris Goldwater Presidential Nomination Acceptance Address mp3PDF FLASH10 Nov 1963Malcolm X"Message to the Grassroots"27 Nov 1963Lyndon Baines Johnson"Let Us Continue"mp3PDF FLASH02 Dec 1964Mario Savio"Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech/An End to History"mp3PDF FLASH15 Mar 1965Lyndon Baines Johnson"We Shall Overcome"mp3PDF FLASH?? Oct 1966Stokely Carmichael"Black Power"mp3PDF FLASH10 Mar 1968Cesar Estrada Chavez Speech on Ending His 25 Day Fast31 Mar 1968Lyndon Baines Johnson On Vietnam and Not Seeking Re-Election mp3PDF FLASH04 Apr 1967Martin Luther King, Jr."A Time to Break Silence"mp3PDF FLASH03 Apr 1968Martin Luther King, Jr. "I've Been to the Mountaintop"Real Audio PDF FLASH04 Apr 1968Robert Francis Kennedy Remarks on the Assassination of MLK mp3PDF FLASH08 Jun 1968Edward Moore Kennedy Eulogy for Robert Francis Kennedy mp3PDF FLASH25 Jul 1969Edward Moore Kennedy"Chappaquiddick" mp3PDF FLASH 03 Nov 1969Richard Milhous Nixon"The Great Silent Majority" mp3PDF FLASH13 Nov 1969Spiro Theodore Agnew"Television News Coverage"mp3-ExcerptPDF FLASH30 Apr 1970 Richard Milhous NixonCambodian Incursion Address mp3PDF FLASH10 Aug 1970 Shirley Anita St. Hill Chisholm"For the Equal Rights Amendment"PDF FLASH1971-198025 Jul 1974 Barbara Charline JordanStatement on the Articles of Impeachment mp3PDF FLASH08 Aug 1974Richard Milhous NixonResignation Speechmp3PDF FLASH09 Aug 1974 Gerald Rudolph Ford Address on Taking the Oath of Officemp3PDF FLASH08 Sep 1974 Gerald Rudolph Ford National Address Pardoning Richard M. Nixon mp3-ExcerptPDF FLASH12 Jul 1976 Barbara Charline Jordan 1976 DNC Keynote Address mp3PDF FLASH15 Jul 1979 Jimmy Earl Carter "A Crisis of Confidence"mp3PDF FLASH12 Jul 1980 Edward Moore Kennedy1980 DNC Addressmp3PDF FLASH1981-199020 Jan 1981 Ronald Wilson ReaganFirst Inaugural Address mp3PDF FLASH08 Mar 1983 Ronald Wilson Reagan "The Evil Empire"mp3PDF FLASH22 May 1983 Ursula Kroeber Le Guin "A Left-Handed Commencement Address"PDF FLASH03 Oct 1983 Edward Moore Kennedy "Truth and Tolerance in America"mp3PDF FLASH06 Jun 1984 Ronald Wilson Reagan 40th Anniversary of D-Day Address mp3PDF FLASH17 Jul 1984 Jesse Louis Jackson 1984 DNC AddressPDF FLASH17 Jul 1984 Mario Matthew Cuomo 1984 DNC Keynote Address mp3PDF FLASH19 Jul 1984 Geraldine Anne Ferraro Vice-Presidential Nomination Acceptance Speech mp3PDF FLASH13 Sep 1984 Mario Matthew Cuomo "Religious Belief and Public Morality"28 Jan 1986 Ronald Wilson Reagan Shuttle ''Challenger'' Disaster Address mp3PDF FLASH12 Jun 1987 Ronald Wilson ReaganBrandenburg Gate Addressmp3PDF FLASH18 Jul 1988 Dorothy Ann Willis Richards1988 DNC Keynote Address mp3PDF FLASH20 Jul 1988Jesse Louis Jackson1988 DNC AddressPDF FLASH01 Jun 1990 Barbara Pierce Bush1990 Wellesley College Commencement Address mp3PDF FLASH1991-200011 Oct 1991 Anita Faye HillStatement to the Senate Judiciary Committee mp3PDF FLASH14 Jul 1992 Elizabeth Glaser1992 DNC Addressmp3PDF FLASH19 Aug 1992 Mary Fisher"A Whisper of AIDS"mp3PDF FLASH23 Apr 1995 William Jefferson Clinton Oklahoma Bombing Memorial Address mp3PDF FLASH05 Sep 1995 Hillary Diane Rodham ClintonWomen's Rights Are Human Rights mp3PDF FLASH 12 Apr 1999Eliezer ("Elie") Wiesel"The Perils of Indifference"mp3PDF FLASH/top100speechesbydecade.html /caoxinqun。
美国经典英文演讲100篇
美国经典英文演讲100篇篇一：最伟大的100篇英文演讲排名 Top100 speechesTop100 speeches 美国20世纪最伟大演讲100篇Rank 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25SpeakerMartin Luther King, Jr. John Fitzgerald Kennedy Franklin Delano Roosevelt Franklin Delano Roosevelt Barbara Charline Jordan Richard Milhous Ni某on Malcolm 某 Ronald Wilson Reagan John Fitzgerald Kennedy Lyndon Baines Johnson Mario Matthew Cuomo Jesse Louis Jackson Barbara Charline Jordan (General) Douglas MacArthur Martin Luther King, Jr. Theodore Roosevelt Robert Francis Kennedy Dwight David Eisenhower Thomas Woodrow Wilson (General) Douglas MacArthur Richard Milhous Ni某on John Fitzgerald Kennedy Clarence Seward Darrow Russell H. Conwell Ronald Wilson ReaganTitle/Te某t/MultiMediaI Have A Dream Inaugural Address First Inaugural Address Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation 1976 DNC Keynote Address CheckersThe Ballot or the BulletShuttle Challenger Disaster Address Houston Ministerial Association Speech We Shall Overcome 1984 DNC Keynote Address 1984 DNC AddressStatement on the Articles of Impeachment Farewell Address to Congress Ive Been to the Mountaintop The Man with the Muck-rake Remarks on the Assassination of MLK Farewell Address War Message Duty, Honor, Country The Great Silent Majority Ich bin ein Berliner Mercy for Leopold and Loeb Acres of Diamonds A Time for ChoosingAudiomp3 mp3 mp3.1 mp3.2 mp3 mp3 mp3 TranscriptPDF F FLASHPDF FLASHPDF FLASHPDF F FLASH PDF F FLASHmp3mp3mp3-E某cerpt26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35Huey Pierce Long Anna Howard Shaw Franklin Delano Roosevelt Ronald Wilson Reagan Ronald Wilson Reagan Franklin Delano Roosevelt Harry S. Truman William Cuthbert Faulkner Eugene Victor Debs Hillary Diane Rodham ClintonEvery Man a KingThe Fundamental Principle of a Republic The Arsenal of Democracy The Evil Empire First Inaugural Address First Fireside Chat The Truman Doctrine Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech 1918 Statement to the Court Womens Rights are Human Rightsmp3mp3PDF F FLASH PDF FLASHPDF FLASH36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50Dwight David Eisenhower John Fitzgerald Kennedy Dorothy Ann Willis Richards Richard Milhous Ni某on Thomas Woodrow Wilson Margaret Chase Smith Franklin Delano Roosevelt Martin Luther King, Jr. William Jennings Bryan Barbara Pierce Bush John Fitzgerald Kennedy John Fitzgerald Kennedy Spiro Theodore Agnew Jesse Louis Jackson Mary FisherAtoms for PeaceAmerican University Commencement Address 1988 DNC Keynote Address Resignation Speech The Fourteen Points Declaration of Conscience The Four Freedoms A Time to Break Silence Against Imperialism1990 Wellesley College Commencement Address Civil Rights Address Cuban Missile Crisis Address Television News Coverage 1988 DNC Address A Whisper of AIDSmp3PDF FLASHOff-Site.mp3 mp3 mp3.1 mp3.2PDF FLASH51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74Lyndon Baines Johnson George Catlett Marshall Edward Moore Kennedy Adlai Ewing Stevenson Anna Eleanor Roosevelt Geraldine Anne Ferraro Robert Marion La Follette Ronald Wilson Reagan Mario Matthew Cuomo Edward Moore Kennedy John Llewellyn Lewis Barry Morris Goldwater Stokely Carmichael Hubert Horatio Humphrey Emma Goldman Carrie Chapman Catt Newton Norman Minow Edward Moore Kennedy Anita Faye Hill Thomas Woodrow Wilson Hey Louis (Lou) Gehrig Richard Milhous Ni某on Carrie Chapman Catt Edward Moore KennedyThe Great Society The Marshall PlanTruth and Tolerance in America Presidential Nomination Acceptance Address The Struggle for Human RightsVice-Presidential Nomination Acceptance Speech Free Speech in Wartime 40th Anniversary of D-Day Address Religious Belief and Public Morality Chappaquiddick The Rights of LaborPresidential Nomination Acceptance Address Black Power 1948 DNC Address Address to the Jury The CrisisTelevision and the Public Interest Eulogy for Robert Francis Kennedy Statement to the Senate Judiciary Committee League of Nations Final Address Farewell to Baseball Address Cambodian Incursion Address Address to the U.S. Congress 1980 DNC Addressmp3 mp3PDF F FLASHPDF F FLASHmp3mp3Off-Site mp3PDF FLASHPDF F FLASHmp3mp3mp3PDF F FLASH75 Lyndon Baines Johnson On Vietnam and Not Seeking Re-Election76 Franklin Delano Roosevelt Commonwealth Club Address 77 Thomas Woodrow Wilson First Inaugural Address78 Mario Savio Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech/An End to History 79 Elizabeth Glaser 1992 DNC Address 80 Eugene Victor Debs The Issue 81 Margaret Higgins Sanger Childrens Era82 Ursula Kroeber Le Guin A Left-Handed Commencement Address 83 Crystal Eastman Now We Can Begin 84 Huey Pierce Long Share Our Wealth85 Gerald Rudolph Ford Address on Taking the Oath of Office 86 Cesar Estrada Chavez Speech on Ending His 25 Day Fast 87 Elizabeth Gurley Flynn Statement at the Smith Act Trial 88 Jimmy Earl Carter A Crisis of Confidence 89 Malcolm 某 Message to the Grassroots 90 William Jefferson Clinton Oklahoma Bombing Memorial Address 91 Shirley Anita St. Hill Chisholm For the Equal Rights Amendment 92 Ronald Wilson Reagan Brandenburg Gate Address 93 Eliezer (Elie) Wiesel The Perils of Indifference94 Gerald Rudolph Ford National Address Pardoning Richard M. Ni 某on 95 Thomas Woodrow Wilson For the League of Nations 96 Lyndon Baines Johnson Let Us Continue97 Joseph N. Welch Have You No Sense of Decency 98 Anna Eleanor Roosevelt Adopting the Declaration of Human Rights 99 Robert Francis Kennedy Day of Affirmation100John Forbes KerryVietnam Veterans Against the WarPDF FLASHmp3mp3PDF FLASHPDF FLASH mp3PDF FLASHPDF FLASHmp3mp3PDF FLASH篇二：美国20世纪100个经典英文演讲MP3RankSpeakerTitle/Te某tAudio1Martin Luther King, Jr. I Have A Dreammp3 Stream2John Fitzgerald KennedyInaugural Addressmp3Stream3Franklin Delano RooseveltFirst Inaugural Addressmp3Stream4Franklin Delano RooseveltPearl Harbor Address to the Nationmp3Stream5Barbara Charline Jordan1976 DNC Keynote Addressmp3Stream6Richard MilhousNi某onCheckersmp3 Stream7Malcolm 某The Ballot or theBulletmp3.1 mp3.28Ronald Wilson ReaganShuttle Challenger Disaster Addressmp3 Stream9John Fitzgerald KennedyHouston Ministerial Association Speechmp3 Stream10Lyndon Baines JohnsonWe Shall Overcomemp3 Stream11Mario Mathew Cuomo1984 DNC Keynote Addressmp3 Stream12Jesse Louis Jackson1984 DNC Addressmp3.1 mp3.2 mp3.313Barbara Charline JordanStatement on the Articles ofImpeachmentmp3 Stream14(General) Douglas MacArthurFarewell Address to Congressmp3 Stream15Martin Luther King, Jr. Ive Been tothe Mountaintopmp3 Stream16TheodoreRooseveltThe Man with the Muck-rake17Robert FrancisKennedyRemarks on the Assassination of MLKingmp3 Stream18Dwight David EisenhowerFarewell Addressmp3 Stream19Woodrow Thomas WilsonWar Message20(General) Douglas MacArthurDuty, Honor, Countrymp3Stream21Richard Milhous Ni某onThe Great Silent Majoritymp3Stream22John Fitzgerald KennedyIch bin ein Berlinermp3Stream23Clarence Seward DarrowMercy for Leopold and Loeb24Russell H. ConwellAcres of Diamondsmp3 Stream25Ronald Wilson ReaganA Time for Choosingmp3Streamw26Huey Pierce LongEvery Man a King27Anna Howard ShawThe Fundamental Principle of a Republic28Franklin Delano RooseveltThe Arsenal of Democracymp3 Stream29Ronald Wilson ReaganThe Evil Empiremp3 Stream30Ronald Wilson ReaganFirst Inaugural Addressmp3Stream31Franklin Delano RooseveltFirst Fireside Chatmp3Stream32Harry S. TrumanThe Truman Doctrinemp3 Stream33William Cuthbert FaulknerNobel Prize Acceptance Speechmp3Stream34Eugene Victor Debs1918 Statement to the Court35Hillary Rodham ClintonWomens Rights are Human Rights36Dwight David EisenhowerAtoms for Peacemp3 Stream37John FitzgeraldKennedyAmerican University Commencement Addressmp338Dorothy Ann Willis Richards1988 DNC Keynote Addressmp339Richard Milhous Ni某onResignation Speechmp340Woodrow ThomasWilsonThe Fourteen Points41Margaret Chase SmithDeclaration of Conscience42Franklin Delano RooseveltThe Four Freedomsmp343MartinLuther King, Jr.A Time to Break Silencemp344Mary Church TerrellWhat it Means to be Colored in the... Jennings BryanAgainstImperialismReal Audio Stream46Margaret Higgins SangerThe Morality of Birth Control47Barbara Pierce Bush1990 Wellesley College Commencement Addressmp348John Fitzgerald KennedyCivil Rights Addressmp349John Fitzgerald KennedyCuban Missile CrisisAddressmp350Spiro Theodore AgnewTelevision News Coveragemp3 w51Jesse Louis Jackson1988 DNC Addressmp3.1mp3.252Mary FisherA Whisper of AIDSmp353Lyndon Baines JohnsonThe Great Societymp3 Stream54George Catlett MarshallThe MarshallPlanmp355Edward Moore KennedyTruth and Tolerance in Americamp356Adlai Ewing StevensonPresidential Nomination AcceptanceAddress57Anna Eleanor RooseveltThe Struggle for HumanRights58Geraldine AnneFerraroVice-Presidential Nomination Acceptance Speechmp359Robert Marion La FolletteFreeSpeech in Wartime60Ronald Wilson Reagan40th Anniversary of D-Day Addressmp361Mario Mathew CuomoReligious Belief and PublicMorality62Edward MooreKennedyChappaquiddickmp363John Llewellyn LewisThe Rights ofLabor64Barry Morris GoldwaterPresidential Nomination Acceptance Addressmp365Stokely CarmichaelBlackPower66Hubert Horatio Humphrey1948 DNC Address67Emma GoldmanAddress to the Jury68Carrie Chapman CattThe Crisis69Newton Norman MinowTelevision and the Public InterestReal AudioStream70Edward Moore KennedyEulogy for Robert Francis Kennedymp3 Stream71Anita Faye HillStatement to the Senate Judiciary Committeemp372Woodrow Thomas WilsonLeague of Nations FinalAddress73Hey Louis (Lou) GehrigFarewell to BaseballAddressmp374Richard Milhous Ni某onCambodian IncursionAddressmp375CarrieChapman CattAddress to the U.S.Congresssw76Edward Moore Kennedy1980 DNC Addressmp377Lyndon Baines JohnsonOn Vietnam and Not Seeking Re-Electionmp378Franklin Delano RooseveltCommonwealth ClubAddress79Woodrow Thomas WilsonFirst Inaugural Address80Mario SavioAn End toHistory81Elizabeth Glaser1992 DNC Addressmp382Eugene Victor DebsThe Issue83Margaret Higgins SangerThe Childrens Era84Ursula Le GuinA Left-Handed CommencementAddress85Crystal EastmanNow We Can Begin86Huey Pierce LongShare Our Wealth87Gerald Rudolph FordAddress on Taking the Oath of Officemp388Cesar Estrada ChavezSpeech on Ending His 25 Day Fast89Elizabeth Gurley FlynnStatement at the Smith Act Trial90Jimmy Earl CarterA Crisis of Confidencemp391Malcolm 某Message to the Grassrootsmp392William Jefferson ClintonOklahoma Bombing Memorial Addressmp393Shirley Anita St. Hill ChisholmFor the Equal RightsAmendment94Ronald Wilson ReaganBrandenburg GateAddressmp395Eliezer (Elie) WieselThe Perils ofIndifferencemp396Gerald Rudolph FordNational Address Pardoning Richard M.Ni某onmp397Woodrow Thomas WilsonFor the League ofNations98Lyndon Baines JohnsonLet Us Continuemp399Joseph N. WelchHave You No Sense of Decencymp3100Anna EleanorRooseveltAdopting the Declaration of Human Rightsmp3From：/wzylc/ /df888/ b某/slpylc/ b某/wl某e/ /yfgj/ 篇三：经典英文演讲100篇13Barbara Jordan: Statement on the Articles of ImpeachmentIf the impeachment provision in the Constitution of the United States will not reach the offenses charged here, then perhaps that18th century Constitution should be abandoned to a 20th century paper shredder. Mr. Chairman, I join my colleague Mr. Rangel in thanking you for giving the junior members of this committee the glorious opportunity of sharing the pain of this inquiry. Mr. Chairman, you are a strong man, and it has not been easy but we have tried as best we can to give you as much assistance as possible.Earlier today, we heard the beginning of the Preamble to theConstitution of the United States, We, the people. Its a veryeloquent beginning. But when that document was completed, on the seventeenth of September in 1787, I was not included in that We, the people. I felt somehow for many years that George Washington and Ale 某ander Hamilton just left me out by mistake. But through the process of amendment, interpretation, and court decision, I have finally been included in We, the people.Today I am an inquisitor. An hyperbole would not be fictional and would not overstate the solemnness that I feel right now. My faith in the Constitution is whole; it is complete; it is total. And I am not going to sit here and be an idle spectator to the diminution, the subversion, the destruction, of the Constitution.Who can so properly be the inquisitors for the nation as therepresentatives of the nation themselves? (Federalist, no. 65). The subject of its jurisdiction are those offenses which proceed from the misconduct of public men. That is what we are talking about. In other words, the jurisdiction comes from the abuse of violation of some public trust. It is wrong, I suggest, it is a misreading of theConstitution for any member here to assert that for a member to vote for an article of impeachment means that that member must be convinced that the president should be removed from office. The Constitution doesnt say that. The powers relating to impeachment are an essential check in the hands of the body of the legislatureagainst and upon the encroachments of the e某ecutive. The division between the two branches of the legislature, the House and theSenate, assigning to the one the right to accuse and to the other theright to judge, the framers of this Constitution were very astute. They did not make the accusers and the judges the same person.We know the nature of impeachment. We have been talking about it awhile now. It is chiefly designed for the president and his high ministers to somehow be called into account. It is designed tobridle the e某ecutive if he engages in e某cesses. It is designed as a method of national inquest into the public men. The framers confined in the congress the power if need be, to remove the president in order to strike a delicate balance between a president swollen with power and grown tyrannical, and preservation of the independence of the e某ecutive. The nature of impeachment is a narrowly channelede某ception to the separation-of-powers ma某im; the federal convention of 1787 said that.The framers limited impeachment to high crimes and misdemeanors and discounted and opposed the term maladministration. It is to be used only for great misdemeanors, so it was said in the North Carolina ratification convention. And in the Virginia ratificationconvention: We do not trust our liberty to a particular branch. We need one branch to check the others.The North Carolina ratification convention: No one need be afraid that officers who commit oppression will pass with immunity.Prosecutions of impeachments will seldom fail to agitate the passions of the whole community, said Hamilton in the Federalist Papers, no.65. And to divide it into parties more or less friendly or inimical to the accused. I do not mean political parties in that sense.The drawing of political lines goes to the motivation behindimpeachment; but impeachment must proceed within the confines of the constitutional term high crimes and misdemeanors. Of theimpeachment process, it was Woodrow Wilson who said that nothing short of the grossest offenses against the plain law of the land will suffice to give them speed and effectiveness. Indignation so great as to overgrow party interest may secure a conviction; but nothing else can.Common sense would be revolted if we engaged upon this processfor petty reasons. Congress has a lot to do: Appropriation, Ta某Reform, Health Insurance, Campaign Finance Reform, Housing,Environmental Protection, Energy Sufficiency, Mass Transportation. Pettiness cannot be allowed to stand in the face of such overwhelming problems. So today we are not being petty. We are trying to be big because the task we have before us is a big one. This morning, in a discussion of the evidence, we were told that the evidence which purports to support the allegations of misuse of the CIA by the President is thin. We are told that that evidence isinsufficient. What that recital of the evidence this morning did not include is what the President did know on June the 23rd, 1972. The President did know that it was Republican money, that it was money from the Committee for the Re-Election of the President, which was found in the possession of one of the burglars arrested on June the 17th. What the President did know on the 23rd of June was the prior activities of E. Howard Hunt, which included his participation in the break-in of Daniel Ellsbergs psychiatrist, which included Howard Hunts participation in the Dita Beard ITT affair, which includedHoward Hunts fabrication of cables designed to discredit the Kennedy administration.We were further cautioned today that perhaps these proceedings ought to be delayed because certainly there would be new evidence forthcoming from the president of the United States. There has not even been an obfuscated indication that this committee would receiveany additional materials from the President. The committee subpoenais outstanding, and if the president wants to supply that material, the committee sits here. The fact is that on yesterday, the Americanpeople waited with great an某iety for eight hours, not knowing whether their president would obey an order of the Supreme Court of the United States.At this point, I would like to ju某tapose a few of the impeachment criteria with some of actions the President has engaged in.Impeachment criteria: James Madison, from the Virginiaratification convention. If the president be connected in any suspicious manner with any person and there be grounds to believethat he will shelter him, he may be impeached.We have heard time and time again that the evidence reflects the payment to defendants of money. The president had knowledge that these funds were being paid and these were funds collected for the 1972 presidential campaign. We know that the president met with Mr. Hey Petersen twenty-seven times to discuss matters related to Watergate and immediately thereafter met with the very persons who were implicated in the information Mr. Petersen was receiving and transmitting to the president. The words are if the president be connected in any suspicious manner with any person and there be grounds to believe that he will shelter that person, he may be impeached.Justice Story: Impeachment is intended for occasional ande某traordinary cases where a superior power acting for the whole people is put into operation to protect their rights and rescue their liberties from violations.We know about the Huston plan. We know about the break-in of the psychiatrists office. We know that there was absolute completedirection in August 1971 when the president instructed Ehrlichman to do whatever is necessary. This instruction led to a surreptitious entry into Dr. Fieldings office.Protect their rights. Rescue their liberties from violation.The South Carolina ratification convention impeachment criteria: those are impeachable who behave amiss or betray their public trust.Beginning shortly after the Watergate break-in and continuing to the present time, the president has engaged in a series of publicstatements and actions designed to thwart the lawfulinvestigation by government prosecutors. Moreover, the president has made public announcements and assertions bearing on the Watergate case which the evidence will show he knew to be false. These assertions, false assertions, impeachable, those who misbehave. Those who behave amiss or betray their public trust.James Madison again at the Constitutional Convention: A president is impeachable if he attempts to subvert the Constitution.The Constitution charges the president with the task of taking care that the laws be faithfully e某ecuted, and yet the president has counseled his aides to commit perjury, willfully disregarded the secrecy of grand jury proceedings, concealed surreptitious entry, attempted to compromise a federal judge while publicly displaying his cooperation with the processes of criminal justice.A president is impeachable if he attempts to subvert theConstitution.If the impeachment provision in the Constitution of the United States will not reach the offenses charged here, then perhaps that18th century Constitution should be abandoned to a 20th century paper shredder.Has the president committed offenses, and planned, and directed, and acquiesced in a course of conduct which the Constitution will not tolerate? Thats the question. We know that. We know the question. We should now forthwith proceed to answer the question. It is reason, and not passion, which must guide our deliberations, guide our debate, and guide our decision.。
美国20世纪最伟大的100大演讲 之文本Eugene Victor Debs - The Issue
Eugene V. DebsThe Issue[NOTE—Girard, Kansas, is a quiet little city built about a capacious plaza or square. This plaza is carpeted with Nature’s emerald and roofed with the protecting branches of the catalpa and the elm tree. When the news came that Debs had again been chosen as the candidate of the Socialists for that station in our public affairs of most comprehensive service to the people, the citizens, without reference to political faiths, gathered upon this green out of compliment to their fellow-townsman who had been thus honored for the third time by such signal confidence on the part of so many earnest people of the nation at large. These good people of Girard had seen bevies of children following this arch “undesirable citizen” to and from his work, and about the town in his resting hours, for almost the entire period of his residence here, and now it had come to pass that he was loved by every man, woman and child here. They sent for him. Eli Richardson, the “Hot Cinders”Socialist, affectionately known for so long a time as “Baldy,” explained in a few dramatic words the occasion of the gatherIng, and presented Debs with the remark, “You can pin your faith to a man loved by children.”The address which follows, wholly impromptu, Is perhaps the most remarkable ever delivered, and came hot from the foundry of his mighty genius and fresh from the loom of his kindly, loyal, loving soul.]Comrades, Ladies and Gentlemen: When I made some inquiry a few moments ago as the cause of this assembling I was told that it was the beginning of another street fair. I am quite surprised, and agreeably so, to find myself the central attraction. Allow me in the very beginning to express my heartiest appreciation of the more than kind and generous words which have been spoken here for me this afternoon There are times when words—mere words—no matter how fitly chosen or eloquently expressed—are almost meaningless. As the rosebud under the influence of sunshine and shower opens, so does my heart to receive your benediction ibis afternoon.I am a new resident of Girard; have been here but a comparatively short time, and yet I feel myself as completely at home among you, most of whom disagree with me upon vital public questions, as I do in the town in which I was born and reared and have lived all the days of my life. Since the day I first came here I have been treated with uniform kindness. I could not have been treated more hospitably anywhere. I have met practically all of your people, and all of them have taken me by the hand and treated me as cordially as if I had been neighbor and friend with them, and to say that I appreciate this is but to express myself in trite and unsatisfactory terms.As to the PresidencyThe honor to which reference has been made has come to me through no fault of my own. It has been said that some are born great, some achieve greatness, and some have greatness thrust upon them. It is even so with what are called honors. Some have honors thrust upon them. I find myself in that class. 1 did what I could to prevent myself from being nominated by the convention now in session at Chicago, but the nomination sought me out, and in spite of myself I stand in yourpresence this afternoon the nominee of the Socialist party for the presidency of the United States. Long, long ago I made up my mind never again to be a candidate for any political office within the gift of the people. But I have had to violate that vow, because when I joined the Socialist party I was taught that the wish of the individual was subordinate to the party will, and that when the party commanded it was my duty to obey.There was a time in my life when I. had all the vanities of youth, when I sought the bauble called fame. I have outlived all that. I have at last reached that point when I am capable of placing the right estimate upon my own relative insignificance. I have come to realize that there is no honor in any real sense to any man unless he is capable of consecrating himself to the service of his fellowmen. To the extent that I am able to help others to help themselves, to that extent, and to that extent alone, do I honor myself and the party to which I belong. So far as the presidency of the United States is coneerned, I would spurn it were it not that it conferred the power to serve the working class, and he who enters that office with any other conception of its functions prostitutes and does not honor that office.The Bounty of Nature.Now, my friends, I am opposed to the system of society in which we live today, not because I lack the natural equipment to do for myself, but because I am not satisfied to make myself eomfottable knowing that there are thousands upon thousands of my fellow men who suffer for the barest necessities of life. We were taught under the old ethic that man’s business upon this earth was to look out for himself. That was the ethic of the jungle the ethic of the wild beast. Take care of yourself, no matter what may become of your fellowman. Thousands of years ago the question was asked: “Am I my brother’s keeper?” That question has never yet been answered in a way that is satisfactory to civilized society. Yes, I am my brother’s keeper. I am under a moral obligation to him, inspired, not by any maudlin sentimentality, but by the higher duty I owe to myself. What would you think of me if I were capable of seating myself at a table and gorging myself with food and saw about me the children of my fellow beings starving to death?Allow me to say to you, my fellowmen, that Nature has spread a great table bounteously for all of the children of men. There is room for all and there is a plate and a place and food for all, and any system of society that denies a single one the right and the opportunity to freely help himself to Nature’s bounties is an iniquitous system that ought to be abolished in the interest of a higher humanity and a civilization worthy of the name. And here let me observe, my fellow men, that while the general impression is that human society is stationary—a finality as it were—it is not so for a single instant. Underlying society there are great material forces that are in operation all of the circling hours of the day and night, and at certain points in the social development these forces outgrow the forms that hold them and these forms spring apart and then a new social system comes into existence and a new era dawns for the human race. The great majority of mankind have always been, in darkness. The overwhelming majority of the children of men have always been their own worst enemies. In every age of this world’s history, the kings and emperors and czars and potentates, in alliance with the priests have sought by all the means at their command to keep the people in darkness that they might perpetuate the system in which they riot and revel inluxury while the great mass are in a state of slavery and degradation, and he who has spoken out courageously against the existing order, he who has dared to voice the protest of the oppressed and down-trodden, has had to pay the penalty, all the way from Jesus Christ to Fred Warren.Coronation and Crucifixion.Do you know, my friends, it is so easy to agree with the ignorant majority? It is so easy to make the people applaud an empty platitude. It takes some courage to face that beast called the Majority, and tell him the truth to his teeth! Some men do so and accept the consequences of their acts as becomes men, and they live in history—every one of them. I have said often, and I wish to repeat it on this occasion, that mankind have always crowned their oppressors, and they have as uniformly crucified their saviors, and this has been true all along the highway of the centuries. But it will not always be so. When the great majority have become enlightened; when the great mass know the troth, they will treat an honest man decently while he lives and not crucify him, and a century afterward rear a monument above the dust of the murdered hero.I am in revolt against capitalism because I love my fellow men, and if I am opposing you it is for what I believe to be your good, and though you spat upon me with contempt I would still oppose you to the extent of my power.New System Needed,I don’t hate the workingman because he has turned against me. I know the poor fellow is too ignorant to understand his own interest, and I know that as a rule the workingman is the friend of his enemy and the enemy of his friend. He votes for men who represent a system in which labor is simply merchandise; in which the man who works the hardest and longest has the least to show for it. If there is a man on earth who is entitled to all the comforts and luxuries of life in abundance it is the man whose labor produces them. If he is not, who is? Does he get them in the present system?I appreciate the fact that you have come here as republicans and democrats as well as Socialists to do me personal honor, and I would be ungrateful, indeed, if I took advantage of such an occasion to speak to you in any offensive sense. I wish to say in the broadest possible way that I am opposing the system under which we live today because I believe it is subversive of the best interests of the people. I am not satisfied with things as they are, and I know that no matter what administration is in power, even were it a Socialist administration, there will be no material change in the condition of the people until we have a new social system based upon the mutual economic interests of the people: until you and I and all of us collectively own those things that we collectively need and use.As long as a relatively few men own the railroads, the telegraph, the telephone, the oil fields and the gas fields and the steel mills and the sugar refineries and the leather tanneries—own, in short, the sources and I*eans of life—they will corrupt our politics, they will enslave the working class, they will impoverish and debase society, they will do all things that are needful to perpetuate theirpower as the economic masters and the political rulers of the people. Not until these great agencies are owned and operated by the people can the people hope for any material, improvement in their social condition.Is the condition fair today, and satisfactory to any thinking man?The Unemployed.According to the most reliable reports at our command, as I speak here this afternoon there are at least four millions of workingmen vainly searching for employment. Have you ever found yourself in that unspeakably sad predicament? Have you ever had to go city surging with humanity—and, by the way, my friends, people are never quite so strange to each other as when they are forced into the artificial, crowded and stifled relationship imposed upon them in the large cities.I would rather be friendless out on the American desert than to be friendless in New York or Chicago. Have you ever walked up one side of the street and come back on the other side, while your wife, Mary, was waiting at home with three or four children for you to report that you had found work? Quite fortunately for me I had an experience of that nature quite early in life. Quite fortunately I say, because, had I not known from my own experience just what it is to have to beg for work, just what it is to be shown the door as if I were a very offensive intruder, had I not known what it is to suffer for food, had I not seen every door closed and barred in my face, had I not found myself friendless and alone as a boy looking for work, and in vain, perhaps I would not be here this afternoon. I might have grown up, as some others have, who have been, as they regard themselves, fortunate. I might have waved aside my fellowmen and said: “Do as I have done. If you are without work it is your own fault. Look at me; I am selfmade. No man is under the necessity of looking for work if he is willing to work.”Nothing is more humiliating than to have o beg for work, and any system in which any man has to beg for work stands condemned. No man can defend it. The rights of one are as sacred as the rights of a million. Suppose you happen to be that one! up the street, begging for work, in a great This republic is a failure so far as you are concerned. Every man has the inalienable right to work.Evolution of Industry.Here I stand, just as I was created. I have two hands that represent my’ labor power. 1 have some bone and muscle, some sinew and some energy. I want to exchange it for food and clothing and shelter. But between me and the tools with which work is done stands a man who says, “No, no!”Why not? “Because you cannot first make a profit for me.”Now, there has been a revolution in industry during the last fifty years, but the trouble with most people is that they haven’t kept pace with it. They don’t know anything about it and they are especially innocent in regard to it in the small western cities and states where the same old conditions of a century ago still largely prevail. Your grandfather could help himself anywhere. Allhe needed was some cheap, simple, primitive tools and he could then apply his labor to the resources of nature and produce what he needed. That era in our history produced some of our greatest men. Lincoln himself sprang from this primitive state of society. People have said, “Why, he had no chance. See how great he became.”Yes’but Lincoln had for his comrades great green-plumed forest monarchs. He could put his arms about them and hear their heart-throbs, as they said: “Go on, Abe, a great destiny awaits you.”He was in partnership with nature. He mingled with the birds and bees and flowers in the green fields and he heard the rippling music of the laughing brooks and streams. Nature took him to her bosom. Nature nourished him and from his unpolluted heart there sprang his noble aspirations.Had Lincoln been born in a sweatshop he would never have been heard of.How is it with the babe that is born in Mott street, or in the lower Bowery, in the east side of New York City? That is where thousands, tens of thousands and hundreds of thousands of babes are born who are to coastitute our future generations.I have seen children in New York City who had never seen a live chicken. They don’t know what it is to put their tiny feet on a blade of grass. It is the most densely popiilated spot on earth.You have seen your bee-hive—just fancy a human bee-hive of which yours is the miniature and you have the social hive under capitalism. If you have never seen this condition you are perhaps excusable for not being a Socialist. Come to New York, Chicago, San Francisco with me; remain with me just twenty-four hours, and then look into my face as I shall look into yours when I ask: “What about Socialism now?” These children by hundreds and thousands are born in sub-cellars where a whole grown family is crowded together in on room, where modesty between the sexes is absolutely impossible. They are surrounded by filth and vermin. From their birth they see nothing but ill-morality and vice and crime. They are tainted in the cradle. They are inoculated by their surroundings and they are doomed from the beginning. This system takes their lives just as certainly as if a dagger were thrust into their quivering little hearts, and let me say to you that it were better for many thousands of them if they had never seen the light of day.Now I submit, my friends, that such a condition as this is indefensible in the twentieth century. Time was when everything had to be done in a very primitive way, and most men had to work all their days, all their lives, to feed and shelter themselves. They had no title, they had no opportunity for a higher development, and se they were what the world calls “illiterate.” They had little chance. It took all their time and energy to feed the animal; but how is it today? Upon the average twenty men can today, with the aid of modern machinery, produce as much wealth as a thousand did a half century ago. Can you think of a single thing that enters into our daily existence that cannot be easily produced in abundance for all? If you can I wish you would do me the kindness to name it.Why Suffer Amid Abundance.I don’t know it all. I am simply a student of this great question. I am serving as best I can and myeyes are ready for the light, and I thank that man, no matter who he be, who can add to the flame of the torch I bear. If there is a single thing you can think of that cannot be produced in abundance, name it. Bread, clothing’ fuel-everything.Nature’s storehouse is full to the surface of the earth. All of the raw materials are deposited here in abundance. We have the most marvelous machinery the world has ever known. Man has long since become master of the natural forces and made them work for him. Now he has but to touch a button and the wheels begin to spin and the machinery to whir, and wealth is produced on every hand in increasing abundance. Why should any man, woman or child suffer for food, clothing or shelter? Why? The question cannot be answered. Don’t tell me that some men are too lazy to work. Suppose they are too lazy to work, what do you think of a social system that produces men too lazy to work? If a man is too lazy to work don’t treat him with contempt. Don’t look down upon him with scorn as if you were a superior being. If there is a man too lazy to work there is something the matter with him, He wasn’t born right or he was perverted in this system. You could not, if you tried, keel) a normal man iiiactive, and if you did he would go stark mad. Go to any penitentiary and you will find the men there begging for the privilege of doing work.I know by very close study of the question exactly how men become idle. I don’t repel them when I meet them. I have never yet seen the tramp I was not able to receive with open arms. He is less fortunate than I. He is made the same as I am made. He is the child of the same Father. Had I been born in his environment, had I been subjected to the same things he was I should be where he is.Tools and Tramps.Can you tell me why there wasn’t a tramp in the United States in 1860? In that day, if some one had said “tramp,” no one would have known what was meant by it. If human nature is innately depraved and men would rather ride on brake-beams and sleep in holes and caves instead of comfortable beds, if they would do that from pure choice and from natural depravity, why were they not built that way fifty years ago? Fifty years ago capitalism was in its earlier stages. Fifty years ago work was still mainly done by hand, and every boy could learn a trade and master the tools and go to work. That is why there were no tramps. In fifty years that simple tool has become a mammoth machine. It grows larger and costlier all the time. It has crowded the hand tool put of production. With the machine came the capitalist. There were no capitalists nor was there such a thing as capital before the beginning of the present system. Capitalists came with machinery. Up to the time that machinery supplanted the hand tool the little employer was himself a workingman. No matter what the shop or factory, you would find the einployer side by side with his men. He was a superior workman who got more orders than he could fill and employed others to help him, but he had to pay them about the equivalent of what they produced because if he did not they could pack up their tools and go into business for themselves.Now, the individual tool has become a mammoth social machine. It has multiplied production many times. The old tool was individually owned and used. The modern tool, in the form of a great machine, is social in every conception of it. Look at one of these giant machines. Come to the Appeal office and look at the press in operation. Here the progressive conception of the ages isrystalized. What individual shall put his band on this social machine and say, “This is mine! He who would apply labor here mu,t first pay tribute to me.”The hand tool has been largely supplanted by this machine. Not many individual tools re left. You are still producing in a very small way here in Girard, but your production is flickering out gradually. It is but a question of time until it will expire entirely. In spite of all that can be said or done to the contrary production is organizing upon a larger an.] larger scale and becoming entirely Co.. operative. This has crowded out the smaller competitor and gradually opened the way fur a new social order.Will Make Home Possible.Your material interest and mine in the society of the future will be the same. Instead of having to fight each other like animals, as we do today, and seeking to glorify the brute struggle for existence—of which every civilized human being ought to be ashamed—instead of this, our material interests are going to be mutual. We are going to jointly own these mammoth machines, and we are going to operate them as joint partners and we are going to divide the products among ourselves.We are not going to send our surplus to the Jim Hills, Goulds and V anderbilts of New York. We are not going to pile up a billion of dollars in John Li. Rockefeller’s hands—a vast pyramid from the height of wtiich he can look down with scorn and contempt upon the “common herd.” John D. Rockefeller’s great fortune is built upon your ignorance. When you know enough to know what your interest is you will support the party that is organized upon the basis of the collective ownership of the means of life. This party will sweep into power upon the issue of wageslavery just as republicanism swept into power upon the issue of chattel slavery half a century ago.In the meantime, don’t have any fear of us Socialists. We don’t mean any harm! Many of you have been taught to look upon us as dangerous people. It is amazing to what extent this prejudice has struck root. The capitalist press tells you of a good many things that we Socialists are going to do that we do not intend to do. They tell you we are going to break up the home. Great heavens! What about the homes of the four million tramps that are looking for work today? How about the thousands and thousands of miserable shacks in New York and every great city where humanity festers? It would be a good thing if they were torn down and obliterated completely, for tl’ty are not fit for human habitation. No, we are ’lot going to destroy the home, but we are going to make the home possible fo all for the first time in history.Progress Born of Ag&Lttion.You may think you are very comfortable. You may not agree with me. I don’t expect you to and don’t ask you to. I am going to ask you to remember what k say this afternoon and perhaps before I art elected president of the United States you will know it is true. Now there are those of you who are fairly comfortable under the present standard. Isn’t it amazing to you how little theaverage man is satisfied with? You go out here to the edge of town and you will find a small farmer who has a cabin with just soom enough to keçp himself and wife and two or three chil,dren, which has a mortgage on it, and he works early and late and gets just enough in net returns, to keep him in working order, and he will enthuse about the wonderful prosperity of the country.He is satisfied, and that is his calamity.Now the majority of you would say that is his good fortune. “It is a blessing that he is satisfied.”As a matter of fact it is a curse to him and to society that he is satisfied.If it had not been for the discontent of the few fellows who have not been satisfied with their condition you would still be living in caves. You never would have emerged from the jungle. Intelligent discontent is the mainspring of civilization.Progress is born of agitation. It is agitation or stagnation. I have taken my choice.This farmer works all day long, works hard enough to produce enough to live the life of a man; not of an animal, but of a man. Now there is an essential difference between a man and an animal.I admire a magnificent animal in any form except in the human form. Suppose you had everything that you could possibly desire, so far as your physical wants are concerned. Suppose you had a million to your credit in bank, a palatial home and relations to suit yourself, but no soul capacity for real enjoyment. If you were denied knowing what sorrow is, what real joy is, what music is, and literature and sculptpre, and all of those subtle influences that touch the heart and quicken the pulses and fire the senses, and so lift and ennoble a man that he can feel his head among the stars and in high communion with God himself—if you are denied these, no matter how sleek or fat or contented you may he, you are still as base and sordid and repulsive a being as walks God’s green earth.The Farmer’s Needs.You may have plenty of money. The poorest people on this earth are those who have most money.A man is said to be poor when he has none, but he is a pauper who has nothing else. Now this farmer, what does he know about literature? After his hard day’s woik he sits in his little shack. He is fed and his animal wants are satisfied. It is at this time that a man ought to begin to live. It is not while you work and slave that you live. It is when you have done your work honestly, when you have contributed your share to the common fund, that you begin to live. Then, as Whitman said, you take out your soul; you can commune with yourself; you can take a comrade by the hand and you can look into his eyes and down into his soul, and in that communion you live. And if you don’t know what that is, or if you are not at least on the edge of it, it is denied you to even look into the promised land.Now this farmer knows nothing about the literature of the world. All its libraries are sealed to him. So far as he is concerned, Homer and Dante and Dickens might as well not have lived; Beethoven, Liszt and Wagner, and all those musicians whose art makes the common atmosphere rich withmelody, never have been for this farmer. He knows nothing about literature or art. Never rises above the animal plane. Within fifteen minutes after he has ceased to live he is forgotten; the next generation doesn’t know his name, and the world doesn’t know he ever lived. This is life under the present standard.You tell me this is all the farmer is fit for? What do I propose to do for that farmer. Nothing. I simply want to awaken that farmer to the fact that he is robbed every day in the week and if I can do that he will fall into line with the Socialist movement, and will march to the polls on election day, and, instead of casting his vote to fasten the shackles upon his limb more firmly, he will vote for his emancipation. All I have to do is to show that farmer, that day laborer, that tramp, that they are victims of this system, that their interests are identical, that they constitute the millions and that the millions. have the votes. The Rockefellers have the dollars, but we have the votes; and when we, have sense enough to know how to use the votes we will have not only the votes but Lhe dollars for all the children of men.Who Will Save Us From Congress?This seems quite visionary to some of you, and especially to those of you who know absolutely nothing about economics. I could not begin to tell you the story of social evolu.tion this afternoon; of how these things are doing day by day, of how the world is being pushed into Socialism, and how it is bound to arrive, no matter whether you are for it or against it. It is the next inevitable phase of civilization. It isn’t a scheme; it isn’t a contrivance. It isn’t anything that is made to order. The day is coming when you will be pushed into it by unseen hands whether you will or not.I venture the prophecy that within the next few years you will be almost completely dispossessed. You are howling against the trusts, and the trusts are laughing at you. You keep on voting in the same old way, and the trusts will keep on getting what you produce. You say congress will give you relief. Good heavens! Who will save us from congress? Don’t you know that congress is made up almost w1olly of trust lawyers and corporation attorneys? I don’t happen to have the roll of this one, but with few exceptions they are al lawyers. Now, in the competitive system the lawyer sells himself to the highest bidder, the same as the workingman does. Who is the highest bidder? The corporation, of course. So the trust buys the best lawyer and the common herd gets the worst one.Politics Reflex of Economics.Now it is a fact that politics is simply the reflex of economics. The material foundation of society determines the character of all social institutions—political, educational, ethical and spiritual. In proportion as the economic foundation of society changes the character of social institutions changes to correspond. Half of this country was in favor of chattel slavery, and half was opposed to it, geographically speaking. Why was the church of the south in favor of chattel slavery? Why was the church of the north opposed to chattel slavery? The northern capitalist wasn’t a hit more opposed to chattel slavery from any moral sense than was the southern plantation owner. The south produced cotton for the market by the hand labor of negro slaves. On the other hand, the north wasn’t dependent upon cotton—could raise no cotton. In the north it was the small capitalist。
经典演讲名篇
经典演讲名篇1. “我有一个梦想”（Martin Luther King Jr.）这篇演讲是美国民权运动领袖马丁·路德·金在1963年3月28日在华盛顿林肯纪念堂前发表的演讲。
他梦想着一个没有种族歧视的美国，这篇演讲已成为美国历史上最具代表性的演讲之一。
2. “不要问你的国家能为你做些什么，而问你能为你的国家做些什么”（John F. Kennedy）这是约翰·F·肯尼迪在1961年1月20日就职演说的一句名言。
在这篇演讲中，他呼吁美国人民为国家的进步和繁荣做出贡献。
3. “我们没有什么可害怕的，只有害怕本身”（富兰克林·罗斯福）这是美国总统富兰克林·罗斯福在1933年就职演说中的一句名言。
他告诫美国人民不要害怕面对困难和挑战，而是要勇敢地面对。
4. “面对死亡，我们是平等的”（John F. Kennedy）这是约翰·F·肯尼迪在1963年6月10日发表的一篇著名演讲，他强调了人类在面对死亡时的平等和人类应该如何面对死亡的问题。
5. “今天我们站在这里，向全世界宣告自由”（Ronald Reagan）这是美国前总统罗纳德·里根在1987年6月12日在柏林墙附近的演讲中说的一句名言。
他强调了美国的自由和民主对世界的重要性。
6. “我们的力量在于团结”（Barack Obama）这是美国前总统巴拉克·奥巴马在2008年总统竞选中的一句名言。
他强调了美国人民应该团结起来，共同应对各种困难和挑战。
7. “你们是未来，你们是希望”（Malala Yousafzai）这是巴基斯坦女权教育活动家马拉拉·优素福扎伊在2013年联合国大会上说的一句名言。
她强调了年轻人是世界的未来，他们应该为实现和平、公正和平等而努力。
8. “我们不是敌人，而是朋友”（Abraham Lincoln）这是美国前总统亚伯拉罕·林肯在1861年就职演说中的一句名言。
美国英文十大震撼演讲稿
美国英文十大震撼演讲稿在美国历史上，有许多令人震撼的演讲，这些演讲不仅激励着美国人民，也深深地影响着世界。
下面，我将为大家介绍美国英文十大震撼演讲稿，让我们一起感受这些伟大时刻。
1. Abraham Lincoln Gettysburg Address。
亚伯拉罕·林肯在葛底斯堡演讲中提出了“民有、民治、民享”的理念，呼吁团结一致，坚定信念。
他用简洁而有力的语言，激励了全国人民，成为美国历史上最伟大的演讲之一。
2. Martin Luther King Jr. I Have a Dream。
马丁·路德·金在这次演讲中表达了对种族平等的渴望，他梦想着一个没有种族歧视的世界。
这场演讲激励了无数人，成为美国民权运动的标志性时刻。
3. John F. Kennedy Inaugural Address。
约翰·肯尼迪在就职演讲中提出了“不要问国家能为你做什么，而要问你能为国家做什么”的号召，号召美国人民为国家的繁荣和和平作出贡献。
4. Franklin D. Roosevelt Pearl Harbor Address。
富兰克林·罗斯福在珍珠港袭击后的演讲中，以坚定的语气宣布美国加入二战，激励了整个国家团结一心，为战争胜利而奋斗。
5. Ronald Reagan Tear Down This Wall。
罗纳德·里根在柏林墙演讲中，呼吁苏联领导人拆除柏林墙，实现德国的统一。
这场演讲成为冷战时期的转折点，展现了美国对自由和民主的坚定信念。
6. Barack Obama Yes We Can。
巴拉克·奥巴马在总统竞选演讲中，提出了“是的，我们能够”的口号，号召全国人民团结一致，共同创造美好的未来。
7. Winston Churchill We Shall Fight on the Beaches。
温斯顿·丘吉尔在二战期间的演讲中，以坚定的决心宣布英国将与德国进行殊死抗争，激励了整个国家坚定不移地抵抗敌人。
美国20世纪经典英语演讲100篇(MP3+文本)
这一百篇口语练完了交流还能有问题? 易建联练了70几篇现在已经随意自如..___黄晓明___你赶紧来练练！！·美国20世纪经典英语演讲100篇（MP3+文本）•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address to Congress•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Address•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:We Shall Overcome•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Shuttle’’Challenger’’Disaster Address•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Checkers•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I Have a Dream•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Civil Rights Address•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time to Break Silence-Beyond Vietnam•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Keynote Address•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Atoms for Peace•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Truman Doctrine•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Inaugural Address•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Arsenal of Democracy•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Acres of Diamonds•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Silent Majority•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Farewell Address•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Oklahoma Bombing Memorial Address•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Crisis of Confidence•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1992 DNC Address•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:On Vietnam and Not Seeking Re-Election•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Cambodian Incursion Address•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Eulogy for Robert Francis Kennedy•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Black Power•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Chappaquiddick•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:40th Anniversary of D-Day Address•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination Acceptance..•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Marshall Plan•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Whisper of AIDS•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(下)•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:I’ve Been to the Mountaintop•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement on the Articles of Impeachment•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1984 DNC Keynote Address•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Houston Ministerial Association Speech •·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Ballot or the Bullet•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1976 DNC Keynote Address•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Inaugural Address•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television News Coverage•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Against Imperialism•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Four Freedoms•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:American University Commencement Address •·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:First Fireside Chat•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Evil Empire•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:A Time for Choosing•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Ich bin ein Berliner•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Duty, Honor, Country•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Remarks on the Assassination of MLKing •·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Message to the Grassroots•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Address on Taking the Oath of Office •·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech...•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1980 DNC Address•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Statement to the Senate Judiciary...•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Television and the Public Interest•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Presidential Nomination ...•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Religious Belief and Public Morality•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Vice-Presidential Nomination...•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Truth and Tolerance in America•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:The Great Society•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:1988 DNC Address(上)•·美国经典英文演讲100篇:Brandenburg Gate Address。
经典演讲100篇
经典演讲100篇以下是一些被认为是经典演讲的100篇：1. 马丁·路德·金恩（Martin Luther King, Jr.）——《我有一个梦想》（I Have a Dream）2. 约翰·F·肯尼迪（John F. Kennedy）——《不要问国家能给你什么，而问你能给国家什么》（Ask Not What Your Country Can Do for You）3. 温斯顿·丘吉尔（Winston Churchill）——《我们会战斗到底》（We Shall Fight on the Beaches）4. 巴拉克·奥巴马（Barack Obama）——《美国是一个有可能变为更好的地方》（A More Perfect Union）5. 艾伦·图灵（Alan Turing）——《计算机时代的新机遇和力量》（Computing Machinery and Intelligence）6. 尼尔·阿姆斯特朗（Neil Armstrong）——登月演讲（The Eagle Has Landed）7. 约翰·列侬（John Lennon）——《想象》（Imagine）8. 爱默生（Ralph Waldo Emerson）——《自我依赖》（Self-Reliance）9. 奥普拉·温弗瑞（Oprah Winfrey）——《关于梦想和成功的演讲》（The Path Made Clear）10. 乔布斯（Steve Jobs）——《留下你的痕迹》（Stay Hungry, Stay Foolish）11. 东奥塞鲁（Sojourner Truth）——《不是女人吗》（Ain't Ia Woman?）12. 纳尔逊·曼德拉（Nelson Mandela）——《我有一个理想》（I Am Prepared to Die）13. 古德曼（Dorothy Goodman）——《交流的魔法》（The Magic of Communication）14. 女王伊丽莎白一世（Queen Elizabeth I）——《我是一个女王》（Gloriana Speech）15. 阿根廷总统埃瓦尔多·雷昂·甘斯（Eva Perón）——《告别致辞》（Farewell Speech）16. 迈克尔·杰克逊（Michael Jackson）——《他们不在乎我们》（They Don't Care About Us）17. 乔治·华盛顿（George Washington）——《告别演说》（Farewell Address）18. 玛丽·居里（Marie Curie）——《女性的怀才不遇》（The Woman Genius Who Was Half Forgotten）19. 朱利叶斯·凯撒（Julius Caesar）——《我把命运放在自己手中》（Veni, vidi, vici）20. 罗纳德·里根（Ronald Reagan）——《柏林墙下的演讲》（Tear Down This Wall）21. 约瑟夫·斯图尔特（Joseph Stalin）——《我们会胜利》（We Shall Win）22. 马克·吐温（Mark Twain）——《关于真理的意见》（What Is Man?）23. 马哈特玛·甘地（Mahatma Gandhi）——《非暴力抵抗》（Quit India Speech）24. 亨利·福特（Henry Ford）——《心有多大，舞台就有多大》（What I Do Best）25. 贾巴尔·加斯里耶夫（Jawaharlal Nehru）——《独立之时》（Tryst with Destiny）26. 丘吉尔（Churchill）——《让我们为战斗而努力》（Their Finest Hour）27. 约翰·F·肯尼迪（John F. Kennedy）——《不是问你能为国家做些什么》（Ich bin ein Berliner）28. 毛泽东（Mao Zedong）——《世上无难事》（The Foolish Old Man Who Removed the Mountains）29. 昂山素季（Aung San Suu Kyi）——《和平、自由和民主》（Freedom from Fear）30. 蒙克玛特·阿利（Malala Yousafzai）——《让教育重生》（The Girl Who Stood Up for Education）31. 凯瑟琳·亨米尔（Katharine Hepburn）——《女性权益》（Ladies, Unite）32. 奥古斯特·温特贝格（August Wintberg）——《我的共和国》（myrepubliks）33. 伊丽莎白二世（Elizabeth II）——《我们会胜利》（WeWill Meet Again）34. 马特·达蒙（Matt Damon）——《给母校的助学金》（Maritime Academy Scholarship）35. 米开朗琪罗·达·芬奇（Leonardo da Vinci）——《完美进化》（Perfection in Evolution）36. 乔治·梅森（George Mason）——《有权力怀疑的权利》（The Right of Dissent）37. 乔治·奥威尔（George Orwell）——《自由的本质》（The Freedom of the Press）38. 约会·福尔摩斯（Sherlock Holmes）——《天才的缺点》（The Science of Deduction）39. 巴克教授（Professor Dumbledore）——《自愿的变形》（On Choosing Your Own Metamorphosis）40. 穆罕默德·阿里（Muhammad Ali）——《逃离细小的名字》（Float Fighting）41. 亚伯哈·林肯（Abraham Lincoln）——《林肯葬礼演说》（Farewell Address）42. 萨拉·保罗森（Sarah Palin）——《彻底归零》（Going Rogue）43. 爱因斯坦（Albert Einstein）——《简单的智慧》（Simple Wisdom）44. 北欧以及平民大众——《布里吉特花蜜琼迪斯和我们无比走运》（Bridget Honeyquinn and Our Incredibly Lucky Lives）45. 斯特勒·霍利·摩里耶（Stella Holley Moriarty）——《必须付出的代价》（A Price That Must Be Paid）46. 格拉夫·特吕伊（Graf Trui）——《独自一人的自由飞行》（Flying Alone）47. 路易斯·帕斯特（Louis Pasteur）——《微生物的洞察力》（Insight into Microbes）48. 雅典娜（Athena）——《残忍的智慧》（Cruel Wisdom）49. 托马斯·爱迪生（Thomas Edison）——《电力的力量》（The Power of Electricity）50. 优斯特（Oscar Wilde）——《往日的笑声》（The Laughter of Yesterday）51. 岳飞（Yue Fei）——《燕子河畔聚精会神》（Focus on the Bank of Yan River）52. 阿尔伯特·金斯莱（Albert Kingsley）——《父辈的观念》（The Ideas of Our Forefathers）53. 杰弗瑞·斯通普尔虞（Geoffrey St. John-Smythe）——《红皮书中的智者》（The Sage of the Red Book）54. 加缪（Albert Camus）——《自由与奴役》（Freedom and Slavery）55. 约翰·列侬（John Lennon）——《爱情的好处》（The Benefits of Love）56. 纽曼·阿图拉（Neuman Atulla）——《未来的时间》（The Time of the Future）57. 波德拉来酋（Chief Bodilam）——《原始的光芒》（The Primitive Light）58. 比尔·盖茨（Bill Gates）——《数字革命》（The Digital Revolution）59. 帕特里克·亨利（Patrick Henry）——《为自由而战》（Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death）60. 约瑟夫·匹特斯（Joseph Pitts）——《我的良师》（My Teacher）61. 马克·吐温（Mark Twain）——《我和佛朗西斯科》（Francisco and Me）62. 约翰·凯奇（John Cage）——《音乐的自由》（The Freedom of Music）63. 雷·查尔斯（Ray Charles）——《我的音乐，我的家》（My Music, My Home）64. 埃琳·凯洛格（Eileen Kellogg）——《沉默的背后》（The Silence Behind）65. 约翰·路易斯（John Lewis）——《生活中的重要选择》（Choices in Life）66. 阿姆斯特朗（Armstrong）——《尝试新事物》（Trying New Things）67. 托尔斯泰（Tolstoy）——《有关自由的一场竞争》（A Competition About Freedom）68. 曹操（Cao Cao）——《命运的轮回》（The Wheel of Fate）69. 丹妮莉丝·坦格利安（Daenerys Targaryen）——《破除束缚》（Breaking Chains）70. 大卫·霍姆斯·史密斯（David Holmes Smith）——《创造力的觉醒》（The Awakening of Creativity）71. 约瑟夫·杜贝克（Joseph Dubek）——《使命感的诞生》（The Birth of a Mission）72. 亨利·黑里特（Henry “Box” Brown）——《奴隶的逃亡》（The Escape of a Slave）73. 拉达克里斯·伯奇·麦库尼亚克（Radakris Burcham McKenzie）——《查理的阴影》（Charlie's Shadow）74. 约翰·亚当斯（John Adams）——《构建民族》（Building a Nation）75. 老勃朗宁（Old Browning）——《过去的后果》（The Consequences of the Past）76. 约翰·洛克（John Locke）——《人权的自然法则》（The Natural Law of Human Rights）77. 美芙·波号尔德（Maeve Pollard）——《战胜恐惧》（Overcoming Fear）78. 马克·安东尼（Mark Antony）——《我们都能改变世界》（We Can All Change the World）79. 纽曼斯·琼斯（Newman Jones）——《迈克尔-迈克尔》（Michael-Michael）80. 凯撒·查瓦亚兹姆麦姆本·阿兹菲拉卡·鲁卢巴拉·麦瑟普亚·迪西里努，简称凯撒·瓦兹迪斯尼·查瓦亚兹姆麦姆本·阿兹菲拉卡·鲁卢巴拉·麦瑟普亚·迪西里努（Caesar Chawazim Mambozi Lesipya Dizirinu, abbreviated as Caesar Wazdeni Chawazimbe Lesipya Dizirinu）——《最后的战斗》（The Last Battle）81. 凯瑟琳·埃利斯（Catherine Ellis）——《女性的权利》（The Rights of Women）82. 洛佐纳尔·巴托比尼（Rosynal Bartobini）——《时光之流》（The Flow of Time）83. 丹尼斯·鳄鱼（Dennis Alligator）——《勇敢的选择之路》（The Path of Brave Choices）84. 斯坦利·兰德（Stanley Rand）——《为未来做准备》（Preparing for the Future）85. 乔恩·尼斯顿（Jon Neston）——《最后的报复》（TheFinal Retribution）86. 威廉·华莱士（William Wallace）——《自由的重要性》（The Importance of Freedom）87. 约翰·法肯伯格（John Falkenberg）——《绝地武士的诅咒》（The Curse of the Jedi）88. 贾·巴拉亚（Jah Ballaya）——《赞美太阳》（Praise the Sun）89. 丹·古列克（Dan Gulek）——《音乐的力量》（The Powerof Music）90. 丁俊晖（Ding Junhui）——《打破困境》（Breaking Barriers）91. 柳岁十三（Ryu Saisan）——《心中的山水画》（The Landscape in My Mind）92. 迈克尔·詹宁斯（Michael Jennings）——《跳跃的勇士》（The Leaping Warrior）93. 约翰·罗克菲勒（John D. Rockefeller）——《走出自己的路》（Making Your Own Path）94. 乔治·希尔（George Hill）——《坚持不懈》（Never Give Up）95. 约翰·道尔顿（John Dalton）——《原子的真相》（The Truth About Atoms）96. 约翰·威尔士（John Whales）——《人类学的观点》（The Perspective of Anthropology）97. 泰勒·斯威夫特（Taylor Swift）——《与人共舞》（Dancing with Others）98. 清·华君勋（Joe Junhoon）——《捕获太阳》（Catching the Sun）99. 约翰斯·阿莱尔斯（Johns Airels）——《流行音乐的未来》（The Future of Pop Music）100. 约翰·柯林斯（John Collins）——《翅膀上的梦想》（Dreams on Wings）。
美国历史上100个伟大演讲
27. Anna Howard Shaw The Fundamental Principle of a Republic
28. Franklin Delano of Democracy
29. Ronald Reagan The Evil Empire
所有的演讲都有其特定的社会历史背景。听演讲能更深刻地了解当时社会环境。当然您首先需要对美国史略知一二。如果您不知道70年代的反战浪潮，也就无法理解何为《沉默的大多数》，不知道“水门事件”，也就不清楚尼克松总统为何突然发布《辞职演说》。本人建议，听演讲的同时翻阅一下相关历史资料，有助于更深刻的理解。
14. Barbara Charline Jordan Statement on the Articles of Impeachment
15. General Douglas MacArthur Farewell Address to Congress
16. Martin Luther King, Jr I've Been to the Mountaintop
约翰·肯尼迪的《总统就职演说》紧随其后坐亚望冠。（我们也许更了解肯尼迪总统遇刺而不是肯尼迪总统本人）在大多数美国人心目中，肯尼迪总统的地位极高。肯尼迪总统正直，睿智，俊俏而有活力，他是一个天生的的领导，有一种使大家都愿意跟随他的神奇魅力。肯尼迪29岁当选参议员，并在其后的总统大选中击败当时已经两任副总统的民主党候选人尼克松，当选为美国史上最年轻的总统。肯尼迪总统努力寻求自由，和平的战后新格局。尽管一上任便遭遇古巴导弹危机和太空危机，肯尼迪总统却能成功地带领美国人走出困境。
08. Ronald Reagan The Space Shuttle Challenger Tragedy Address
100个美国历史上的经典演讲
Rank Speaker Title/Text/MultiMedia 1Martin Luther King, Jr.I Have A Dream2John Fitzgerald Kennedy Inaugural Address3Franklin Delano Roosevelt First Inaugural Address4Franklin Delano Roosevelt Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation5Barbara Charline Jordan1976 DNC Keynote Address6Richard Milhous Nixon Checkers7Malcolm X The Ballot or the Bullet8Ronald Wilson Reagan Shuttle ''Challenger'' Disaster Address 9John Fitzgerald Kennedy Houston Ministerial Association Speech 10Lyndon Baines Johnson We Shall Overcome11Mario Matthew Cuomo1984 DNC Keynote Address12Jesse Louis Jackson1984 DNC Address13Barbara Charline Jordan Statement on the Articles of Impeachment点击演讲标题，即可查看对应文本14(General) Douglas MacArthur Farewell Address to Congress15Martin Luther King, Jr.I've Been to the Mountaintop16Theodore Roosevelt The Man with the Muck-rake17Robert Francis Kennedy Remarks on the Assassination of MLK 18Dwight David Eisenhower Farewell Address19Thomas Woodrow Wilson War Message20(General) Douglas MacArthur Duty, Honor, Country21Richard Milhous Nixon The Great Silent Majority22John Fitzgerald Kennedy Ich bin ein Berliner23Clarence Seward Darrow Mercy for Leopold and Loeb24Russell H. Conwell Acres of Diamonds25Ronald Wilson Reagan A Time for Choosing26Huey Pierce Long Every Man a King27Anna Howard Shaw The Fundamental Principle of a Republic点击演讲标题，即可查看对应文本28Franklin Delano Roosevelt The Arsenal of Democracy29Ronald Wilson Reagan The Evil Empire30Ronald Wilson Reagan First Inaugural Address31Franklin Delano Roosevelt First Fireside Chat32Harry S. Truman The Truman Doctrine33William Cuthbert Faulkner Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech34Eugene Victor Debs1918 Statement to the Court35Hillary Diane Rodham Clinton Women's Rights are Human Rights36Dwight David Eisenhower Atoms for Peace37John Fitzgerald Kennedy American University Commencement Address 38Dorothy Ann Willis Richards1988 DNC Keynote Address39Richard Milhous Nixon Resignation Speech40Thomas Woodrow Wilson The Fourteen Points41Margaret Chase Smith Declaration of Conscience点击演讲标题，即可查看对应文本42Franklin Delano Roosevelt The Four Freedoms43Martin Luther King, Jr. A Time to Break Silence44Mary Church Terrell What it Means to be Colored in the...U.S.45William Jennings Bryan Against Imperialism46Margaret Higgins Sanger The Morality of Birth Control47Barbara Pierce Bush1990 Wellesley College Commencement Address 48John Fitzgerald Kennedy Civil Rights Address49John Fitzgerald Kennedy Cuban Missile Crisis Address50Spiro Theodore Agnew Television News Coverage51Jesse Louis Jackson1988 DNC Address52Mary Fisher A Whisper of AIDS53Lyndon Baines Johnson The Great Society54George Catlett Marshall The Marshall Plan55Edward Moore Kennedy Truth and Tolerance in America点击演讲标题，即可查看对应文本56Adlai Ewing Stevenson Presidential Nomination Acceptance Address 57Anna Eleanor Roosevelt The Struggle for Human Rights58Geraldine Anne Ferraro Vice-Presidential Nomination Acceptance Speech 59Robert Marion La Follette Free Speech in Wartime60Ronald Wilson Reagan40th Anniversary of D-Day Address61Mario Matthew Cuomo Religious Belief and Public Morality62Edward Moore Kennedy Chappaquiddick63John Llewellyn Lewis The Rights of Labor64Barry Morris Goldwater Presidential Nomination Acceptance Address 65Stokely Carmichael Black Power66Hubert Horatio Humphrey1948 DNC Address67Emma Goldman Address to the Jury68Carrie Chapman Catt The Crisis69Newton Norman Minow Television and the Public Interest点击演讲标题，即可查看对应文本70Edward Moore Kennedy Eulogy for Robert Francis Kennedy71Anita Faye Hill Statement to the Senate Judiciary Committee 72Thomas Woodrow Wilson League of Nations Final Address73Henry Louis (Lou) Gehrig Farewell to Baseball Address74Richard Milhous Nixon Cambodian Incursion Address75Carrie Chapman Catt Address to the U.S. Congress76Edward Moore Kennedy1980 DNC Address77Lyndon Baines Johnson On Vietnam and Not Seeking Re-Election78Franklin Delano Roosevelt Commonwealth Club Address79Thomas Woodrow Wilson First Inaugural Address80Mario Savio Sproul Hall Sit-in Speech/An End to History 81Elizabeth Glaser1992 DNC Address82Eugene Victor Debs The Issue83Margaret Higgins Sanger Children's Era点击演讲标题，即可查看对应文本84Ursula Kroeber Le Guin A Left-Handed Commencement Address85Crystal Eastman Now We Can Begin86Huey Pierce Long Share Our Wealth87Gerald Rudolph Ford Address on Taking the Oath of Office88Cesar Estrada Chavez Speech on Ending His 25 Day Fast89Elizabeth Gurley Flynn Statement at the Smith Act Trial90Jimmy Earl Carter A Crisis of Confidence91Malcolm X Message to the Grassroots92William Jefferson Clinton Oklahoma Bombing Memorial Address93Shirley Anita St. Hill Chisholm For the Equal Rights Amendment94Ronald Wilson Reagan Brandenburg Gate Address95Eliezer (Elie) Wiesel The Perils of Indifference96Gerald Rudolph Ford National Address Pardoning Richard M. Nixon 97Thomas Woodrow Wilson For the League of Nations点击演讲标题，即可查看对应文本98Lyndon Baines Johnson Let Us Continue99Joseph N. Welch Have You No Sense of Decency100Anna Eleanor Roosevelt Adopting the Declaration of Human Rights点击演讲标题，即可查看对应文本。
美国历史上最精彩的演讲稿
美国历史上最精彩的演讲稿美国历史上有许多令人难忘的演讲，这些演讲不仅塑造了美国的历史，也对世界产生了深远的影响。
其中一些演讲不仅在当时引起了轰动，而且至今仍被人们传颂，成为经典。
下面我们就来回顾一些美国历史上最精彩的演讲稿。
首先，我们不得不提到林肯总统在1863年发表的《葛底斯堡演说》。
这篇演讲是在南北战争期间，为了纪念在葛底斯堡战役中阵亡的士兵而发表的。
林肯总统在演讲中强调了美国建国的理念，提出了“民有、民治、民享”的民主理念，深刻阐述了美国的国家精神和价值观。
这篇演讲以其简练、深刻的语言，激励了整个国家，成为美国历史上最为重要的演讲之一。
其次，马丁·路德·金在1963年发表的《我有一个梦想》演讲也是美国历史上的经典之作。
这篇演讲发表在美国民权运动的高潮期，马丁·路德·金在华盛顿林肯纪念堂前向全美国人民发出了对种族平等和公正的呼吁。
他梦想着一个没有种族歧视的美国，一个人人平等的社会。
这篇演讲以其慷慨激昂、激励人心的语言，深深触动了全美国人民，成为美国民权运动的标志性演讲。
此外，约翰·肯尼迪总统在1961年发表的《不问国籍何等》演讲也是美国历史上的精彩之作。
这篇演讲发表在冷战时期，肯尼迪总统在柏林墙前向全世界宣布了对自由和民主的坚定信念。
他宣称，“我是柏林人”，表达了美国与西方世界对抗共产主义的决心。
这篇演讲以其慷慨激昂、坚定不移的语言，激励了整个西方世界，成为冷战时期的标志性演讲。
最后，巴拉克·奥巴马在2008年发表的《变革的风暴》演讲也是美国历史上的精彩之作。
这篇演讲发表在美国总统竞选期间，奥巴马倡导了变革和希望的理念，呼吁全美国人民团结一心，共同创造一个更加美好的未来。
这篇演讲以其鼓舞人心、充满希望的语言，深深感染了全美国人民，成为奥巴马总统任内最为重要的演讲之一。
总的来说，美国历史上有许多精彩的演讲稿，这些演讲不仅激励了整个国家，也对世界产生了深远的影响。
美国20世纪100个经典英文演讲(精选多篇)
美国20世纪100个经典英文演讲MP3(精选多篇) “i have a dream”MP3 stream2inaugural address MP3 stream3first inaugural addressMP3 stream4pearl harbor address to the nationMP3 stream51976 dnc keynote address“checkers”MP3 stream7malcolm x”the ballot or the bullet”shuttle ‘‘challenger’’ disaster addressMP3 stream9houston ministerial association speech MP3 stream10lyndon baines johnson”e”MP3 stream11mario matheo1984 dnc keynote address MP3 stream12jesse louis jackson1984 dnc addressstatement on the articles of impeachmentMP3 stream14fare15”i’ve been to the mountaintop”MP3 stream16”the man uck-rake”17remarks on the assassination of mlkingMP3 stream18d19essage20”duty, honor, country”MP3 stream21”the great silent majority”MP3 stream22”ich bin ein berliner”MP3 stream23”mercy for leopold and loeb”24”acres of diamonds”MP3 stream25”a time for choosing”MP3 streaman a king”27anna hoental principle of a republic”28”the arsenal of democracy”MP3 stream29”the evil empire”MP3 stream30first inaugural addressMP3 stream31first fireside chatMP3 stream32harry s. truman”the truman doctrine”MP3 stream33 cuthbert faulknernobel prize acceptance speechMP3 stream341918 statement to the court35”en’s rights are human rights”36”atoms for peace”MP3 stream37american university commencement address1988 dnc keynote addressresignation speech“the fourteen points”41”declaration of conscience”42”the four freedoms”MP343”a time to break silence”MP344”eans to be colored in the...u.s.”45”against imperialism”“the morality of birth control”471990 mencement addresscivil rights addresscuban missile crisis address“television ne54”the marshall plan”“truth and tolerance in america”MP356presidential nomination acceptance address57”the struggle for human rights”58vice-presidential nomination acceptance speechMP359”free speech in e”6040th anniversary of d-day address“religious belief and public morality”62”chappaquiddick”“the rights of labor”64presidential nomination acceptance addressMP365”black po70eulogy for robert francis kennedyMP3 stream71anita faye hillstatement to the senate judiciary committeeMP372as bodian incursion addressMP375address to the u.s. congresss and not seeking re-electionMP378commonargaret higgins sanger”the children’sera”84ursula le guin”a left-handed commencement address”85”noent at the smith act trial90”a crisis of confidence”MP391”message to the grassroots”MP392oklahoma bombing memorial addressM P393shirley anita st. hill chisholm”for the equal rights amendment”94ronald . nixon“for the league of nations”98”let us continue”MP399”have you no sense of decency”MP3100adopting the declaration of human rightsMP3第三篇：美国20世纪经典英语演讲100篇(MP3+文本)???? ·美国经典英文演讲100篇:faree·美国经典英文演讲100篇:shuttle’’challenger’’disaster addre。
历史事件的重要演讲集锦
历史事件的重要演讲集锦演讲是历史的见证者，是一种通过言辞和表达来传递信息和激发情感的艺术形式。
在历史的长河中，有许多重要的演讲成为了永恒的经典，它们不仅记录着历史事件的发展，更深刻地影响着人们的思想和行动。
本文将为您带来一场历史事件的重要演讲集锦，让我们一同回顾那些激荡人心的历史时刻。
1. 约翰·F·肯尼迪的就职演说（1961年1月20日）约翰·F·肯尼迪是美国历史上最受欢迎的总统之一，他的就职演说被誉为20世纪最伟大的演讲之一。
在这场演讲中，肯尼迪提出了他著名的“不要问国家能为你做什么，而是问你能为国家做什么”的口号，呼吁美国人民团结一心，为国家的繁荣和进步做出贡献。
2. 马丁·路德·金的“我有一个梦想”演讲（1963年8月28日）马丁·路德·金是美国民权运动的领导者，他的“我有一个梦想”演讲是对种族平等和社会正义的强烈呼吁。
在这场演讲中，金牧师表达了他对一个没有种族歧视的美国的梦想，他的演讲不仅震撼了当时的听众，也深深地触动了全世界的人们。
3. 温斯顿·丘吉尔的“我们将在海滩上作战”演讲（1940年6月4日）在二战期间，英国首相温斯顿·丘吉尔发表了一系列激励人心的演讲，其中最著名的就是“我们将在海滩上作战”的演讲。
在这场演讲中，丘吉尔向英国人民传递了战胜纳粹德国的决心和信心，鼓舞了整个国家的士气。
4. 尼尔·阿姆斯特朗的登月演讲（1969年7月20日）尼尔·阿姆斯特朗是第一个登上月球的人类，他的登月演讲成为了人类历史上最具标志性的时刻之一。
当他踏上月球表面时，他说出了那句经典的台词：“这是一个小步，却是一个巨大的飞跃。
”他的演讲代表着人类探索未知和超越自我的精神。
5. 马哈特玛·甘地的“非暴力抵抗”演讲（1942年8月8日）马哈特玛·甘地是印度独立运动的领导者，他的“非暴力抵抗”演讲是对英国殖民统治的挑战。
风靡全球的历史演讲
风靡全球的历史演讲。
我们要谈论的是马丁·路德·金的《我有一个梦想》演讲。
这是1963年他在华盛顿大规模民权集会上的演讲，他在演讲中强调了抗议黑人不平等待遇，并呼吁达成和谐统一。
这个演讲由于其深刻而激动人心的内容，被认为是现代美国公民权利发展中的标志。
此外，演讲中的“梦想”短语也成为了全球范围内的象征。
另一位做出历史性贡献的人是温斯顿·丘吉尔。
在1940年的一次演讲中，他说到：“我们要战斗，我们要战斗，我们要战斗，没有例外，无论代价是什么。
”这句话被认为是鼓舞英国人民与纳粹德国战斗的宣言。
此外，在1951年的一次演讲中，丘吉尔提出了欧洲共同体的想法，这个想法在之后转化为欧洲经济共同体，成为了欧洲一体化历程的一个重要路标。
第三个历史演讲是林肯的《解放黑奴之宣言》。
这是在美国内战期间，林肯宣布关于废除奴隶制度的演讲。
林肯在这个演讲中说到：“我们将保持我国所有人的自由，必要时也要把其他地方的人民也解放出来。
”这个演讲极大地推动了废奴主义的运动，成为了美国社会发展中的重要里程碑。
在20世纪中期，纳尔逊·曼德拉也做出了很多演讲，其中最著名的是他1994年就任南非总统时的演讲。
曼德拉在他的演讲中呼吁南非人民实现和解并团结起来，传播爱和和平的信息。
他在演讲中强调：“让我们让我们的声音高喊着：‘自由在我的心中，它现在已经到来了！”曼德拉在演讲中的维持和平、真相与和解的讲话也为社会和平发展等方面提供了支持。
就是约翰·肯尼迪在1961年的就职演讲了。
肯尼迪在演讲中说到：“不要问你的国家能为你做什么，而要问你能为你的国家做什么。
”这个演讲一举奠定了肯尼迪的民意基础，并成为了历史上最著名的美国总统就职演讲之一。
肯尼迪在演讲中宣称，美国将致力于实现和平与安全，并强调新时代所面临的挑战是要求所有人团结一致，分担责任。
历史演讲对于推动社会的进步、改变社会风气、振奋人们的士气以及引导人们砥砺前行具有深远的影响，一些著名的政治家、文化人士、人民运动领袖的演讲如今仍然享有无与伦比的声誉和影响力。
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60.Ronald Reagan Remarks on the 40th Anniversary of D-Day
61.Mario Matthew Cuomo Religious Belief and Public Morality
62.Edward M. Kennedy Address to the People of Massachusetts on Chappaquiddick
44. Mary Church Terrell What It Means to be Colored in Capital of the U.S
45. William Jennings Bryan Imperialism
46. Margaret Sanger The Morality of Birth Control
50. Spiro Theodore Agnew Television News Coverage
51.Jesse Jackson 1988 Democratic National Convention Address
52.Mary Fisher 1992 Republication National Convention Address
01. Dr Martin Luther King Jr I Have A Dream
02. John F. Kennedy Inaugural Address
03. Franklin Delano Roosevelt First Inaugural Address
04. Franklin D. Roosevelt Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation War Message
20. General Douglas MacArthur -- Thayer Award Address Duty, Honor, Country
21. Richard M. Nixon The Great Silent Majority
22. John F. Kennedy I am a 'Berliner'
30. Ronald Reagan First Inaugural Address
31. Franklin Delano Roosevelt First Fireside Chat
32. Harry S. Truman The Truman Doctrine
33. William Faulkner Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech
17. Theodore Roosevelt The Man with the Muck-rake
18. Robert F. Kennedy Remarks on the Assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr
19. Woodrow Wilson War Message
63.John L. Lewis Labor and the Nation
64.Barry Goldwater Speech Accepting the Republican Presidential Nomination
所有的演讲都有其特定的社会历史背景。听演讲能更深刻地了解当时社会环境。当然您首先需要对美国史略知一二。如果您不知道70年代的反战浪潮，也就无法理解何为《沉默的大多数》，不知道“水门事件”，也就不清楚尼克松总统为何突然发布《辞职演说》。本人建议，听演讲的同时翻阅一下相关历史资料，有助于更深刻的理解。
这是由100多位美国专家根据社会、政治影响以及文字的优美程度评选出的美国20世纪最伟大的100大经典演讲。
黑人民权运动领袖马丁路德·金的出色演讲《我有一个梦》，当之无愧的入选为最伟大的演讲之首，与那场浩浩荡荡的民权运动一起铭记入史册。马丁路德·金的演讲造诣十分高，通篇绝无错漏，善于运用循序渐进的排比句。不像其他民权领袖，马丁路德·金更善于运用情感而不激进，他的个人魅力和亲和力更能争取更广泛的中间团体的支持（如女权运动组织，宗教团体，自由主义者等）。马丁路德·金同时入选100强的演讲还包括《攀越巅峰》和反对越战的《打破沉默》。马丁路德·金的演讲，不论是风格还是遣词造句，不论是语调还是情感运用，方方面面都值得学习和借鉴。
14. Barbara Charline Jordan Statement on the Articles of Impeachment
15. General Douglas MacArthur Farewell Address to Congress
16. Martin Luther King, Jr I've Been to the Mountaintop
37. John F. Kennedy American University Commencement Address
38. Ann Richards Democratic National Convention Keynote Address
39. Richard M. Nixon Resignation Address to the Nation
57.Eleanor Roosevelt The Struggle for Human Rights
58.Geraldine Ferraro Vice Presidential Nomination Acceptance Address
59.Robert M. La Follette Free Speech in Wartime (Abridged)
其《总统就职演说》中的一句“亲爱的美国人民，不要去问国家能为你做点什么，而应该问你自己能为国家做些什么。”则成为经典中的经典。（“ask”在英语中既有“问”的意思，也有“要求”的意思，因此这是一语双关句，另一种意思是“亲爱的美国人民，不要去要求国家给与，而应该要求你自己为国家贡献。”）
富兰克林·罗斯福（注：美国史上有两位罗斯福总统，两位都有多篇演讲入选。泰迪·罗斯福即大罗斯福总统，富兰克林·罗斯福即小罗斯福总统）的《第一次总统就职演说》（主要针对当时的经济危机）及《国会珍珠港事件演讲：开战宣言》则当选为第三及第四位。这位领导美国人走出经济危机并战胜法西斯主义，使美国成为世界霸主的唯一一位4任总统的轮椅上的铁人，成为美国人心目中最伟大的总统。其入选的伟大演说也是最多的。
47. Barbara Pierce Bush Commencement Address at Wellesley College
48. John F. Kennedy Civil Rights Address
49. John F. Kennedy Cuban Missile Crisis Address to the Nation
40. Woodrow Wilson The Fourteen Points
41. Margaret Chase Smith Declaration of Conscience
42. Franklin D. Roosevelt The Four Freedoms
43. Dr Martin Luther King, Jr. A Time to Break Silence
05. Barbara Charline Jordan 1976 Democratic National Convention Keynote Address
06. Richard M. Nixon Checkers
07. Malcolm X The Ballot or the Bullet
27. Anna Howard Shaw The Fundamental Principle of a Republic
28. Franklin Delano Roosevelt The Great Arsenal of Democracy
29. Ronald Reagan The Evil Empire
11. Mario Matthew Cuomo 1984 Democratic National Convention Keynote Address
12. Jesse Jackson 1984 Democratic National Convention Keynote Address
13. Dwight D. Eisenhower Farewell Address
53.Lyndon Baines Johnson The Great Society
54.George C. Marshall The Maard M. Kennedy Faith, Truth and Tolerance in America
56.Adlai E. Stevenson Speech Accepting the Democratic Presidential Nomination
不知是否因为上述3位深受美国人的爱戴，《罗斯福总统辞世》《马丁路德·金遇刺》《肯尼迪总统遇刺》这3篇演说也在100强中榜上有名。
100个伟大演说还收录了许多经典之作。如马歇尔的《马歇尔计划》，杜鲁门总统的《杜鲁门主义》，里根总统的《“挑战者”号遇难演说》，卡特（总统）《国家能源计划》。也包括诺贝尔得奖演说，联合国关注艾滋病演说等等。
约翰·肯尼迪的《总统就职演说》紧随其后坐亚望冠。（我们也许更了解肯尼迪总统遇刺而不是肯尼迪总统本人）在大多数美国人心目中，肯尼迪总统的地位极高。肯尼迪总统正直，睿智，俊俏而有活力，他是一个天生的的领导，有一种使大家都愿意跟随他的神奇魅力。肯尼迪29岁当选参议员，并在其后的总统大选中击败当时已经两任副总统的民主党候选人尼克松，当选为美国史上最年轻的总统。肯尼迪总统努力寻求自由，和平的战后新格局。尽管一上任便遭遇古巴导弹危机和太空危机，肯尼迪总统却能成功地带领美国人走出困境。