富兰克林·罗斯福英语励志演讲稿
2021总统罗斯福就职演讲稿中英文
XX总统罗斯福就职演讲稿中英文富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福(Franklin D.Roosevelt，1882年1月30日-1945年4月12日)，美国第32任总统，美国历史上唯一连任超过两届(连任四届，病逝于第四届任期中)的总统，美国迄今为止在任时间最长的总统。
罗斯福家族在美国大约有近320xx年的历史，美国第26任总统西奥多·罗斯福是富兰克林·罗斯福的堂叔。
以下是第一给大家分享了美国总统罗斯福就职中英文，希望大家有帮助。
胡佛总统，首席法官先生，朋友们：今天，对我们的国家来说，是一个神圣的日子。
我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。
现在正是坦白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻。
我们不必畏首畏尾，不老老实实面对我国今天的情况。
这个伟大的国家会一如既往地坚持下去，它会复兴和繁荣起来。
因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一种莫名其妙、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。
凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。
我相信，在目前危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持。
我和你们都要以这种精神，来面对我们共同的困难。
感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面的。
价值难以想象地贬缩了;课税增加了;我们的支付能力下降了;各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺;交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结;工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见;农场主的产品找不到销路;千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。
更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生存问题，还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。
只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。
但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。
我们没有遭到什么蝗虫的灾害。
我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。
罗斯福就职演讲稿英文
罗斯福就职演讲稿英文My fellow Americans,Today marks a new chapter in our history. It is an honor and privilege to stand before you today, as your President. As we embark on this journey together, let us reaffirm our commitment to the ideals of democracy, freedom, and equality. We must remember that our nation was founded on these principles, and it is our duty to uphold and defend them.We face many challenges ahead, but I am confident that with the resilience and determination of the American people, we can overcome any obstacle. Our economy has suffered a great setback, and we must work tirelessly to restore it. Millions of our fellow citizens are struggling to make ends meet, and we must provide them with the support and resources they need to succeed. It is essential that we promote job creation, invest in our infrastructure, and ensure that our economy is built on a solid foundation of fairness and inclusivity.We also must address our nation's healthcare system. Too many Americans are without access to adequate healthcare, and this is unacceptable. We must work together to increase access to affordable healthcare, and ensure that every American has the right to quality care. It is our responsibility to protect the most vulnerable members of our society, and this begins with providing them with access to the healthcare they need.As a nation, we must also work to address the pressing issues of inequality and injustice. We have made progress in recent years,but there is still much work to be done. We must stand together against discrimination and prejudice, and work to create a society that is truly equal for all. We must also address the issue of systemic racism, and ensure that our criminal justice system is fair and just for all citizens.I am confident that we can rise to these challenges, and create a better future for ourselves and future generations. As we move forward, let us remember the words of our founding fathers, who believed that we could achieve anything we set our minds to if we work together. Let us also remember the brave men and women who have fought and died for our freedom, and honor their sacrifice by working to build a brighter and more prosperous future for all Americans.In closing, I want to emphasize that we are stronger together than we are apart. Let us put our differences aside and work towards the common goal of building a better nation. Let us have open minds and open hearts, and work towards a brighter future that we can all be proud of. Together, we can achieve anything.Thank you, and God bless America.。
罗斯福英文励志演讲稿
It is with great honor and immense pride that I stand before you todayto address this assembly. As we gather here, we are all part of a nation that has faced its fair share of challenges and hardships. However, itis in these moments of adversity that we find our true strength and resilience. Today, I want to talk about the indomitable spirit of the American people and how we can overcome any obstacle that stands in our way.My fellow citizens, we are the descendants of a great nation that has always believed in the power of the individual. From the foundingfathers who drafted the Constitution to the unsung heroes who fought for freedom, our nation has been built on the principle that every personhas the right to pursue happiness and achieve their dreams. But let us not forget that this journey has not been without its trials and tribulations.In the past, our country has faced numerous crises—economic depressions, world wars, and social injustices. Yet, time and time again, we have risen to the occasion, proving that the American spirit is indeed unbreakable. Today, I want to pay tribute to that spirit and encourage each and every one of you to embrace it in your own lives.First and foremost, let us remember that perseverance is the cornerstone of our nation's success. When we encounter difficulties, we must not be deterred but rather find the strength to press on. The Great Depression of the 1930s was a period of immense hardship, but it was also a time when our country's resilience was put to the test. It was during this period that President Franklin D. Roosevelt introduced the New Deal, a series of programs designed to lift our nation out of economic despair. His unwavering determination to improve the lives of the American people serves as a powerful reminder that we, too, can overcome adversity if we stay true to our values and commit ourselves to the betterment of our nation.The New Deal was not just about economic recovery; it was aboutrestoring hope. President Roosevelt understood that when people are united in their struggle, they can achieve the impossible. Similarly, we must come together as a nation, supporting one another through thick andthin. In times of crisis, it is our collective strength that will see us through. Whether it is a natural disaster, a public health emergency, or an economic downturn, we must stand side by side, united in our resolve to overcome.Moreover, we must never underestimate the power of innovation and creativity. Throughout history, it has been our ingenuity that has allowed us to push the boundaries of what is possible. Take, for instance, the technological advancements that have transformed our lives in the past century. From the invention of the internet to the development of renewable energy sources, our nation has always been at the forefront of progress. As we move forward, let us continue to embrace innovation and push the limits of what we can achieve.Education is another critical factor in our nation's success. It is through education that we equip ourselves with the knowledge and skills necessary to thrive in a rapidly changing world. A well-educated populace is the backbone of any prosperous society. Therefore, it is imperative that we invest in our children's education, ensuring that they have access to quality resources and opportunities. By doing so, we are not only preparing them for the future but also fostering a generation of leaders who will shape the course of our nation.Furthermore, we must never lose sight of the importance of equality and justice. Our nation was founded on the principle that all men are created equal, yet we have not always lived up to this ideal. Throughout history, we have seen the struggle for civil rights, women's suffrage, and LGBTQ+ rights. These battles have been fought and won by people who were willing to stand up for what is right, even in the face of adversity. As we move forward, let us continue to fight for equality and justice, ensuring that every individual has the opportunity to reach their full potential.In conclusion, my fellow citizens, the American spirit is a powerful force that has driven our nation forward through countless challenges.It is a spirit of perseverance, innovation, education, and justice. As we face the future, let us not be afraid to embrace this spirit and use it to overcome any obstacle that may come our way.Remember, the road to success is often paved with adversity. It is through our struggles that we find our true strength. So, let us stand together, united in our resolve to build a brighter future for ourselves, our children, and our great nation.God bless America.Thank you.。
罗斯福就职演讲稿英文
罗斯福就职演讲稿英文president hoover mister chief justice, my friends:this is a day of national consecration, and i am certain that on this day my fellow americans expect that on my induction in the presidency i will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impeis. this is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today this great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper so first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself - nameless, unreasoning, un justified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. in every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory and i am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.in such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our commondifficulties. they concern, thank god, only material things. values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen, government of all kinds is faced by serious curtaiiment of income, the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side, farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.more important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.and yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we arestricken by no plague of locusts. compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed andwere not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for nature surrounds us with her bounty and human, efforts have multiplied it. plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated. practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.true, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten ofan outworn tradition. faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. they only know the rules of a generation of self seekers. they have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civiiization. we may now restore that temp1e to the ancient truths.a measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we applysocial value, more noble than mere monetary profits.happiness lies not in the mere possession of money it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. these dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct in banking and in business, which too of ten has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing. small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty on honon on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance. without them it cannot live.restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. this nation is asking for action, and action now.our greatest primary task is to put people to work. this is no unsolvable problem if we take it wise1y and courageously it can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly neededprojects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. it can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy ofthe growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. it can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce. it can be helped by the unifying of reliefactivities which today are of ten scattered, uneconomical, unequal. it can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. there are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by mere1y talking about it. we must act, we must act quickly.and finally in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people-s money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.these, my friends, are the lines of attack. i shall presently urge upon a new congress in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and i shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making income balance outflow our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy i favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first.i shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.the basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. it is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the united states of america - a recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the american spirit of the pioneer. it is the way to recovery it is the immediate way it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.in the field of world policy i would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor. the neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does so, respects the rights ofothers. the neighbor who respects his ob1igation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.if i read the temper of our people correctly we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that wecannot merely take, but we must give as well. that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discip1ine, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. we are all ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a 1eadership which aims at the larger good. this, i propose to offet we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.with this pledge taken, i assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems. action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors. our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen. it has met every stress of vast expansion of territory of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.and it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive andlegislative authority wi1l be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. but it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for underlay action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.we face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.we do not distrust the future of essential democracy the people of the united states have not failed. in their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. they have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. in the spirit of the gift, i take it.in this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the b1essings of god, may he protect each and every one of us, may he guide me in the days to come.。
美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First Inaugural Address三篇
美国总统（富兰克林-罗斯福）就职演说 First InauguralAddress三篇第一篇：美国总统（富兰克林-罗斯福）就职演说 First Inaugural Address尊敬的国民们：在我接受美国总统职位之际，我感到非常荣幸和谦卑。
我明白，我所面临的挑战是巨大的，但我也深信，只要我们共同努力，我们将能够克服一切困难，实现美国的伟大梦想。
我们所处的时刻是艰难的。
我们的国家正经历着严重的经济衰退，数以百万计的人们失去了工作，贫困和失望笼罩着整个国家。
然而，我要告诉你们，这不是我们失败的标志，而是我们的机会。
这是我们改变的时刻，我们要发扬美国人民的精神，重振我们的国家。
我们必须首先解决经济问题。
我将领导一项全面的计划，以刺激经济增长，减少失业率。
我将努力推动立法，为那些最需要帮助的人提供援助，并确保我们的经济政策旨在促进公平和机会平等。
此外，我们还面临着许多其他的挑战。
我们必须改善我们的教育系统，确保每个人都有平等的接受教育的机会。
我们必须保护我们的环境，采取措施应对气候变化。
我们还必须加强我们的国家安全，确保我们的国土不受任何威胁。
在我们面临这些挑战的同时，我们也要记住我们的价值观和人道主义。
我们要对我们的盟友和合作伙伴保持坚定的承诺，我们要尊重和包容不同的文化和宗教信仰。
我们要努力促进和平与稳定，并在国际舞台上发挥我们的领导作用。
最后，我要呼吁全体美国人民团结起来。
我们必须超越党派之争，抛弃分裂和仇恨，共同为我们的国家的利益而努力。
我们必须相信，只有通过团结和合作，我们才能取得成功。
国民们，我知道我们面临着艰巨的任务，但我相信我们拥有足够的力量和智慧来应对挑战。
让我们携起手来，为创造一个更加繁荣、公正和和谐的美国而努力！谢谢大家，愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国！第二篇：美国总统（富兰克林-罗斯福）就职演说 First Inaugural Address尊敬的公民们：我站在这里的时候，我感到非常谦卑和荣幸。
富兰克林·罗斯福英语励志演讲稿_英语演讲稿_
富兰克林·罗斯福英语励志演讲稿The only thing we have to fear is fear itself —nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror,which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.我们唯一害怕的是害怕本身——这种难以名状、失去理智和毫无道理的恐惧，把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。
President Hoover, Mister Chief Justice, my friends:胡佛总统，首席法官先生，朋友们：This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day, my fellow Americansexpect that on my induction in the Presidency I will address them with a candor and adecision which the present situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time tospeak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facingthe conditions facing our country today. This great nation will endure as it has endured, willrevive and will prosper. So first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing wehave to fear is fear itself-nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror, which paralyzes neededefforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership offrankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves,which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support toleadership in these critical days.今天，对我们的国家来说，是一个神圣的日子。
富兰克林.罗斯福第三任就职演讲 英文
Third Inaugural Address of Franklin D. Roosevelt . MONDAY, JANUARY 20, 1941. On each national day of inauguration since 1789, the people have renewed their sense of dedication to the United States. In Washington's day the task of the people was to create and weld together a nation. In Lincoln's day the task of the people was to preserve that Nation from disruption from within. In this day the task of the people is to save that Nation and its institutions from disruption from without. To us there has come a time, in the midst of swift happenings, to pause for a moment and take stock to recall what our place in history has been, and to rediscover what we are and what we may be. If we do not, we risk the real peril of inaction. Lives of nations are determined not by the count of years, but by the lifetime of the human spirit. The life of a man is three score years and ten: a little more, a little less. The life of a nation is the fullness of the measure of its will to live. There are men who doubt this. There are men who believe that democracy, as a form of Government and a frame of life, is limited or measured by a kind of mystical and artificial fate that, for some unexplained reason, tyranny and slavery have become the surging wave of the future and that freedom is an ebbing tide. But we Americans know that this is not true. Eight years ago, when the life of this Republic seemed frozen by a fatalistic terror, we proved that this is not true. We were in the midst of shock but we acted. We acted quickly, boldly, decisively. These later years have been living years fruitful years for the people of this democracy. For they have brought to us greater security and, I hope, a better understanding that life's ideals are to be measured in other than material things. Most vital to our present and our future is this experience of a democracy which successfully survived crisis at home; put away many evil things; built new structures on enduring lines; and, through it all, maintained the fact of its democracy. For action has been taken within the three way framework of the Constitution of the United States. The coordinate branches of the Government continue freely to function. The Bill of Rights remains inviolate. The freedom of elections is wholly maintained. Prophets of the downfall of American democracy have seen their dire predictions come to naught. Democracy is not dying. We know it because we have seen it revive and grow. We know it cannot die because it is built on the unhampered initiative of individual men and women joined together in a common enterprise an enterprise undertaken and carried through by the free expression of a free majority. We know it because democracy alone, of all forms of government, enlists the full force of men's enlightened will. We know it because democracy alone has constructed an unlimited civilization capable of infinite progress in the improvement of human life. We know it because, if we look below the surface, we sense it still spreading on every continent for it is the most humane, the most advanced, and in the end the most unconquerable of all forms of human society. A nation, like a person, has a body a body that must be fed and clothed and housed, invigorated and rested, in a manner that measures up to the objectives of our time. A nation, like a person, has a mind a mind that must be kept informed and alert, that must know itself, that understands the hopes and the needs of its neighbors all the other nations that live within the narrowing circle of the world. And a nation, like a person, has something deeper, something more permanent, something larger than the sum of all its parts. It is that something which matters most to its future which calls forth the most sacred guarding of its present. It is a thing for which we find it difficult even impossible to hit upon a single, simple word. And yet we all understand what it is the spirit the faith of America. It is the product of centuries. It was born in the multitudes of those who came from many lands some of high degree, but mostly plain people, who sought here, early and late, to find freedom more freely. The democratic aspiration is no mere recent phase in human history. It is human history. It permeated the ancient life of early peoples. It blazed anew in the middle ages. It was written in Magna Charta. In the Americas its impact has been irresistible. America has been the New World in all tongues, to all peoples, not because this continent was a new found land, but because all those who came here believed they could create upon this continent a new life a life that should be new in freedom. Its vitality was written into our own Mayflower Compact, into the Declaration of Independence, into the Constitution of the United States, into the Gettysburg Address. Those who first came here to carry out the longings of their spirit, and the millions who followed, and the stock that sprang from them all have moved forward constantly and consistently toward an ideal which in itself has gained stature and clarity with each generation. The hopes of the Republic cannot forever tolerate either undeserved poverty or self serving wealth. We know that we still have far to go; that we must more greatly build the security and the opportunity and the knowledge of every citizen, in the measure justified by the resources and the capacity of the land. But it is not enough to achieve these purposes alone. It is not enough to clothe and feed the body of this Nation, and instruct and inform its mind. For there is also the spirit. And of the three, the greatest is the spirit. Without the body and the mind, as all men know, the Nation could not live.But if the spirit of America were killed, even though the Nation's body and mind, constricted in an alien world, lived on, the America we know would have perished. Thatspirit that faith speaks to us in our daily lives in ways often unnoticed, because they seem so obvious. It speaks to us here in the Capital of the Nation. It speaks to us through the processes of governing in the sovereignties of 48 States. It speaks to us in our counties, in our cities, in our towns, and in our villages. It speaks to us from the other nations of the hemisphere, and from those across the seas the enslaved, as well as the free. Sometimes we fail to hear or heed these voices of freedom because to us the privilege of our freedom is such an old, old story. The destiny of America was proclaimed in words of prophecy spoken by our first President in his first inaugural in 1789 words almost directed, it would seem, to this year of 1941: "The preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered . . . deeply, . . . finally, staked on the experiment intrusted to the hands of the American people. " If we lose that sacred fire if we let it be smothered with doubt and fear then we shall reject the destiny which Washington strove so valiantly and so triumphantly to establish. The preservation of the spirit and faith of the Nation does, and will, furnish the highest justification for every sacrifice that we may make in the cause of national defense. In the face of great perils never before encountered, our strong purpose is to protect and to perpetuate the integrity of democracy. For this we muster the spirit of America, and the faith of America. We do not retreat. We are not content to stand still. As Americans, we go forward, in the service of our country, by the will of God.。
1933年美国总统罗斯福就职演说(英文版)
First Inaugural Address of Franklin D. RooseveltSATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1933I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone.More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They know only the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.The money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men.Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation asks for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our natural resources.Hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land. The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, State, and local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, and unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities which have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped merely by talking about it. We must act and act quickly.Finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people's money, and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.There are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the severalStates.Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States--a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that the recovery will endure.In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor--the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others-- the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we have never realized before our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress is made, no leadership becomes effective. We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at a larger good. This I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in time of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image and to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple and practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has produced. It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.It is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, and in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis--broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of the national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stem performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded and permanent national life.We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication of a Nation we humbly ask the blessing of God. May He protect each and every one of us. May He guide me in the days to come.来源:/Article/200902/63263.shtml。
富兰克林.罗斯福第二任就职演讲 英文
not merely to do a patchwork job with secondhand materials. By
using the new materials of social justice we have undertaken to
controls over blind economic forces and blindly selfish men.
We of the Republic sensed the truth that democratic government
has innate capacity to protect its people against disasters once
stop evil; power to do good. The essential democracy of our Nation
and the safety of our people depend not upon the absence of power,
but upon lodging it with those whom the people can change or
considered inevitable, to solve problems once considered
unsolvable. We would not admit that we could not find a way to
master economic epidemics just as, after centuries of fatalistic
富兰克林罗斯福演讲稿
President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor ['kændə)n. 坦白；直率and a decision which the present situation of our people impels [ɪm'pel)推动；驱使；激励.This is preeminently. 显著地；卓越地，杰出地the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly 大胆地；冒失地；显眼地. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure容忍,as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So, first of all, let me assert vt. 维护，坚持my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself nameless,unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes vt. 使麻痹；使瘫痪needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things.Values have shrunk to fantastic levels. taxes have risen. our ability to pay has fallen. government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income. The means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade. the withered枯萎；凋谢leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side. farmers find no markets for their produce. and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim 冷酷的problem of existence, and an equally great number toil苦工with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet our distress 危难，不幸；贫困comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts n. 蝗虫，蚱蜢. Compared with the perils n. 危险which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty n. 慷慨and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of itlanguishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed,through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicatedvi. 退位；放弃. Practices of the unscrupulous不讲道德的money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men. True,they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped剥夺of the lure n诱惑of profit by which to induce引起our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted 求助to exhortations 劝告, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of selfseekers.They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple寺庙to the ancient truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary 货币的profit.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money. it lies in the joy of achievement, in thethrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescentprofits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they costus if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered 部长；大臣unto but tominister to ourselves, to our fellow men.Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to bevalued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit. and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred 神圣的trust the likeness of callous无情的，老茧and selfish wrongdoing.Small wonder that confidence languishes凋萎, for it thrives 繁荣only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, andon unselfish performance. Without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics 伦理学alone.This Nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is nounsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously.It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by theGovernment itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of populationin our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure 丧失抵押品赎回权of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forth with on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered,uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are manyways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.We must act. We must act quickly.And finally, in our progress towards a resumption恢复of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments. There must be an end to speculation 投机with other people's money. And there must be provision for an adequate 充足的but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session n. 会议detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo支出. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first. I shall spare no efforttorestore world trade by international economic readjustment. but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of America are cognition of the old and permanently important manifestation 表现of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nationto the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely 坚决地respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others. the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before,our interdependence n. 互相依赖on each other. that we can not merely take, but we must give as well.that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made,no leadership becomes effective.We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline,because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer,pledging that the larger purposes will bind 结合uponus, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hit her to evoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge保证taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end is feasible可行的under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly壮丽地enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife,of world relations. And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented空前的task before us.But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.I am prepared under my constitutional duty tore撕开commend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.But, in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade 逃避the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis broad Executive power to wage 发动a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe敌人.For the trust reposed寄托于in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that be fit the time. I can do no less.We face the arduous 努力的days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity. with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values. with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern 严厉的performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate授权；命令that they want direct, vigorous 精力充沛的action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication奉献of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.May He protect each and every one of us.May He guide me in the days to come.胡佛总统，首席法官先生，朋友们：今天，对我们的国家来说，是一个神圣的日子。
美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First Inaugural Address
美国总统（富兰克林-罗斯福）就职演说FirstInaugural Addressrtance and its usefulness,but also because of my love for it.when i learn english, i can feel a different way of thinking which gives me more room to touch the world.when i read english novels,i can feel the pleasure from the book which is different from reading the translation.when i speak english, i can feel the confident from my words.when i write english,i can see the beauty which is not the same as our chinese...i love english,it gives me a colorful dream.i hope i can travel around the world one day. with my good english, i can make friends with many people from different contries.i can see many places of great intrests.i dream that i can go to london,because it is the birth place of english.i also want to use my good english to introduce our great places to the english spoken people,i hope that they can love our country like us.i know, rome was not built in a day. i believe that after continuous hard study, one day i can speak english very well.if you want to be loved, you should learn to love and be lovable. so i believe as i love english everyday , it will love me too.i am sure that i will realize my dream one day!thank you!【高中英语演讲稿范文】hello, schoolmates and teachers.good afternoon, everybody!i'm pang qiyuan, from class 2, senior 3.today i'm very happy here to talk about my dream. i hope you can support me and do me a favor, ok?dream likes a beautiful flower. different people have different dreams.they make the earth colorful and wonderful. a dream is a target in life, in which it can give people power. it can show people the directions and final destinations.i have three dreams. my first dream is that i wish i could go to college some day, which is also the one of many other students' dreams. going to college for further education can not only enrich our knowledge, but also teach us how to behave better. i always imagine that the college life must be very interesting. this dream gives me energy to study harder and harder. now i'm trying my best to make it come true. sure, i have enough confidence to realize my dream.my second dream is becoming an excellent doctor. i always dream that i could turn a doctor like bai qiuen, so that i could cure a lot of patients, help them get rid of sick devil, let them lead a healthy and happy life, and finally i will feel happy, too.my third dream is that all the people together with the surroundings can live in perfect harmony. there are no quarrellings, no cheatings, and no wars in the world. we should be kind to each other, love each other and care each other. all the people in the world could get along as well as a big family with each other. i dream that we could enjoy absolute peace and freedom.these are my dreams. how i wish that they could come true soon!thank you.高中英语演讲稿范文3分钟高中英语演讲稿（2）i have a dream every one has his own dream.when i was a littlekid ,my dream was even to have a candy shop of my own .but now ,when i am 16 years old ,standing here ,my dreams have already changed a lot.i have got quite different experience from other girls.while they were playing toys at home,while they were dreaming to be the princesses in the story .i was running in the hard rain,jumping in the heavy snow,pitching in the strong wind.nothing could stop me ,because of a wonderful call from my heart -- to be an athlete.yeah ,of course ,i'm an athlete,i'm so proud of that all the time .when i was 10 years old ,i became a shot-put athlete.the training was really hard ,i couldn't bear the heavy shot in my hands .but i always believe that "god only help those who help themselves".during those hard days,i find i was growing more quickly than others of the same age.to be an athlete is my most correct choice.but,i quit my team after entering high school because of a silly excuse.i really didn't want to stop my sports career anyway.today i say to you my friends that even though i must face the difficulties of yesterday ,today and tomorrow .i still have a dream .it is a dream deeply rooted in my soul.i have a dream that one day ,i can run,jump and pitch just like i used to be.i have a dream that one day , i can go back to my dream sports and join the national team.i have a dream that one day ,i can stand on the highest place at the olympic games.with all the cameras pointing at me.i will tell everyone that i'm so proud to be a chinese athlete!this is my hope .this is the faith that i continue my steps with!!!with this faith ,i will live though the strong wind and heavy rain ,never give up !so let victory ring from my heart,from all of you.when we allow victory to ring .i must be the one!in my imagination,i'm a bird ,a magical bird.i carry my dreams all with me by my big wings. i fly though the mountains ,though the forests ,over the sea,to the sun ,the warmest place in the aerospace!every night ,i have a dream ,i see a girl ---smiling!英语演讲稿：高中英语演讲稿范文高中英语演讲稿（3）he values Americans live by may seem strange to you. As a result, you might find their actions confusing, even unbelievable. This is my opinion about American Value. Whether you agree with me or not - or is willing to accept as valid any generalizations about Americans - my observations are thought-provoking.Americans do not believe in the power of fate, and they look at people who do as being backward, primitive, or naive. In the American context, to be "fatalistic" is to be superstitious, lazy, or unwilling to take initiative. Everyone should have control over whatever in the environment might potentially affect him or her. The problems of one's life are not seen as having resulted from bad luck as much as having come from one's laziness and unwillingness to take responsibility in pursuing a better life.In the American mind, change is seen as indisputably good, leading to development, improvement, progress. Many older, moretraditional cultures consider change disruptive and destructive; they value stability, continuity, tradition, and ancient heritage - none of which are considered very important in the United States.Time is of utmost importance to most Americans. It is something to be on, kept, filled, saved, used, spent, wasted, lost, gained, planned, given, even killed. Americans are more concerned with getting things accomplished on time than they are with developing interpersonal relations. Their lives seem controlled by the little machines they wear on their wrists, cutting their discussions off abruptly to make their next appointment on time. This philosophy has enabled Americans to be extremely productive, and productivity Is highly valued In their country.Equality is so cherished in the U.S. that it is seen as having a religious basis. Americans believe that all people are created equal and that all should have an equal opportunity to succeed. This concept of equality is strange to seven-eighths of the world which views status and authority as desirable, even if they happen to be near the bottom of the social order. Since Americans like to treat foreigners "Just like anybody else", newcomers to the U.S. should realize that no insult or personal indignity is intended if they are treated in a less than-deferential manner by waiters in restaurants, clerks in stores and hotels, taxi drivers, and other service personnel.Americans view themselves as highly individualistic in their thoughts and actions. They resist being thought of asrepresentatives of any homogeneous group. When they do join groups, they believe they are special. Just a little different from other members of the same group. In the U.S. you will find people freely expressing a variety of opinions anywhere and anytime. Yet, in spite of this independence, almost all Americans end up voting for one of their two major political parties. Individualism leads to privacy, which Americans see as desirable. The word privacy does not exist in many non-Western languages. If It does, it is likely to have a negative connotation, suggesting loneliness or forced isolation. It is not uncommon for Americans to say, and almost to believe: "If I don't have half an hour a day to myself, I go stark-raving mad!"Americans take credit only for what they accomplish as individuals. They get no credit for having been born into a rich family but pride themselves in having climbed the ladder of success, to whatever level, all by themselves. In an English-language dictionary, there are more than 100 composite words that have the word "self" as a prefix: self-aware. self-confident,self-conscious, self-contented, self-control, self-criticism, self-deception, self-defeating, self-denial. The equivalent of these words cannot be found in most other languages. It is an indicator of how highly Americans regard the self-made man or woman.Many other countries have developed subtle, sometimes highly ritualistic, ways of informing others of unpleasant information. Americans prefer the direct approach. They are likely to be completely honest in delivering their negative evaluations, and to consider, anything other than the most direct and open approach to be "dishonest" and "insincere". Anyone in the U.S. who uses an intermediary to deliver the message will also be considered"manipulative" and "untrustworthy". If you come from a country where saving face is important, be assured that Americans are not trying to make you lose face with their directness.As a matter of fact, the major American Value is distinct from Chinese. We ought to accept it when we communicate with Americans. Thus, we need make ourselves think globally and act locally.高中英语演讲稿:坚持不懈到达胜利彼岸高中英语演讲稿（4）the prizes of life are at the end of each journey, not near the beginning; and it is not given to me to know how many steps are necessary in order to reach my goal. failure i may still encounter at the thousandth step, yet success hides behind the next bend in the road. never will i know how close it lies unless i turn the corner.always will i take another step. if that is of no avail i will take another, and yet another. in truth, one step at a time is not too difficult.henceforth, i will consider each day's effort as but one blow of my blade against a mighty oak. the first blow may cause not a tremor in the wood, nor the second, nor the third. each bolw, of itself, may be trifling, and seem of no consequence. yet from childish swipes the oak will eventually tumble. so it will be with my efforts of today.i will be liken to the rain drop which washes away the mountain; the ant who devours a tiger; the star which brightens the earth; the slave who builds a pyramid. i will build my castle one brickat a time for i know that small attempts, repeated, will complete any undertaking.。
富兰克林·罗斯福英语演讲稿_英语演讲稿_
富兰克林·罗斯福英语演讲稿Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these -- the four-year war between the States -- ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition -- clear, definite opposition -- to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.That determination of ours, extending over all these years,was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 -- ninety-nine years -- no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic wayof life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world -- assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to "give to the Congress information of the state of the union," I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere -- yes, many times over.In times like these it is immature -- and, incidentally, untrue -- for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.No realistic American can e xpect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -- or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essentialliberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe -- particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes -- and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to theCongress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily -- almost exclusively -- to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.Our national policy is this:First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people'sfreedom.In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases -- and, I am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.To give you two illustrations:We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we areworking to get even further ahead of that schedule.To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid indollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpose and our pledge."In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid -- Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.And when the dictators -- if the dictators -- are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-wayinternational law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency -- almost as serious as war itself -- demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people consciousof their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.Jobs for those who can work.Security for those who need it.The ending of special privilege for the few.The preservation of civil liberties for all.The enjoyment -- The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.We should plan a better system by which persons deservingor needing gainful employment may obtain it.I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.The first is freedom of speech and expression -- everywhere in the world.The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way -- everywhere in the world.The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world.The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “neworder” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.To that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.To that high concept there can be no end save victory.罗斯福：四大自由 (中文版)总统先生，议长先生，第七xx届国会的成员：我你的地址，这个新的国会议员，在联盟的历史上前所未有的时刻。
罗斯福演讲稿(共3篇)
罗斯福演讲稿（共3篇）第1篇：罗斯福演讲稿篇一：罗斯福演讲稿 1 演讲全文：pearl harbor addre to the nation mr.vice president, mr.speaker, members of the senate, and of the house of representatives: yesterday, december 7th, 1941 -- a date which will live in infamy -- the united states of america was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the empire of japan. the united states was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the pacific. it will be recorded that the distance of hawaii from japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or evenweeks ago.during the intervening time, the japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the united states by false statements and expreions of hope for continued peace. the attack yesterday on the hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to american naval and military forces.i regret to tell you that very many american lives have been lost.in addition, american ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between san francisco andhonolulu. yesterday, the japanese government also launched an attack against malaya. last night, japanese forces attacked hong st night, japanese forces attacked guam. last night, japanese forces attacked the philippine islands. last night, the japanese attacked wake island. and this morning, the japanese attacked midway island. japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the pacific area.the facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves.the people of the united states have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.i believe that i interpret the will of the congre and of the people when i aert that wewill not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us. hostilities exist.there is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger. with confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph -- so help us god.i ask that the congre declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by japan on sunday, december 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the united states and the japanese empire.篇二：中文版罗斯福四大自由演讲稿富兰克林．罗斯福四大自由在一九四一年一月六日致国会的咨文中，富兰克林．罗斯福总统要求国会根据租借法案，把必要的武器装备提供给那些总统认为其防御对美国利益至关重要的国家。
罗斯福就职演讲稿英文
president hoover mister chief justice, my friends:this is a day of national consecration, and i am certain that on this day my fellow americans expect that on my induction in the presidency i will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impeis. this is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today this great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper so first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself - nameless, unreasoning, un justified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. in every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory and i am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.in such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties. they concern, thank god, only material things. values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen, government of all kinds is faced by serious curtaiiment of income, the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side, farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.more important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.and yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague of locusts. compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed andwere not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for nature surrounds us with her bounty and human, efforts have multiplied it. plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind¨s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated. practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.true, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition. faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. they only know the rules of a generation of self seekers. they have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civiiization. we may now restore that temp1e to the ancient truths. a measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.happiness lies not in the mere possession of money it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. these dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct in banking and in business, which too of ten has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing. small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty on honon on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance. without them it cannot live.restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. this nation is asking for action, and action now.our greatest primary task is to put people to work. this is no unsolvable problem if we take it wise1y and courageously it can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. it can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. it can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce. it can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are of ten scattered, uneconomical, unequal. it can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. there are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by mere1y talking about it. we must act, we must act quickly.and finally in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people-s money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.these, my friends, are the lines of attack. i shall presently urge upon a new congress in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and i shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making income balance outflow our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy i favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. i shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.the basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. it is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the united states of america - arecognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the american spirit of the pioneer. it is the way to recovery it is the immediate way it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.in the field of world policy i would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor. the neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does so, respects the rights of others. the neighbor who respects his ob1igation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.if i read the temper of our people correctly we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well. that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discip1ine, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. we are all ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a 1eadership which aims at the larger good. this, i propose to offet we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.with this pledge taken, i assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems. action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors. our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen. it has met every stress of vast expansion of territory of foreign wars,of bitter internal strife, of world relations.and it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority wi1l be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. but it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for underlay action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.we face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.we do not distrust the future of essential democracy the people of the united states have not failed. in their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. they have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. in the spirit of the gift, i take it.in this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the b1essings of god, may he protect each and every one of us, may he guide me in the days to come.内容总结。
美国总统罗斯福英语演讲稿_英语演讲稿_
美国总统罗斯福英语演讲稿My friends:This is not a fireside chat on war. It is a talk on national security; because the nub of the whole purpose of your President is to keep you now, and your children later, and your grandchildren much later, out of a last-ditch war for the preservation of American independence, and all of the things that American independence means to you and to me and to ours.Tonight, in the presence of a world crisis, my mind goes back eight years to a night in the midst of a domestic crisis. It was a time when the wheels of American industry were grinding to a full stop, when the whole banking system of our country had ceased to function. I well remember that while I sat in my study in the White House, preparing to talk with the people of the United States, I had before my eyes the picture of all those Americans with whom I was talking. I saw the workmen in the mills, the mines, the factories, the girl behind the counter, the small shopkeeper, the farmer doing his spring plowing, the widows and the old men wondering about their life's savings. I tried to convey to the great mass of American people what the banking crisis meant to them in their daily lives.Tonight, I want to do the same thing, with the same people, in this new crisis which faces America. We met the issue of 1933 with courage and realism. We face this new crisis, this new threat to the security of our nation, with the same courage and realism. Never before since Jamestown and Plymouth Rock has our American civilization been in such danger as now. For on September 27th, 1940 -- this year -- by an agreement signed inBerlin, three powerful nations, two in Europe and one in Asia, joined themselves together in the threat that if the United States of America interfered with or blocked the expansion program of these three nations -- a program aimed at world control -- they would unite in ultimate action against the United States.The Nazi masters of Germany have made it clear that they intend not only to dominate all life and thought in their own country, but also to enslave the whole of Europe, and then to use the resources of Europe to dominate the rest of the world. It was only three weeks ago that their leader stated this: "There are two worlds that stand opposed to each other." And then in defiant reply to his opponents he said this: "Others are correct when they say: 'With this world we cannot ever reconcile ourselves.''' I can beat any other power in the world." So said the leader of the Nazis.In other words, the Axis not merely admits but the Axis proclaims that there can be no ultimate peace between their philosophy -- their philosophy of government -- and our philosophy of government. In view of the nature of this undeniable threat, it can be asserted, properly and categorically, that the United States has no right or reason to encourage talk of peace until the day shall come when there is a clear intention on the part of the aggressor nations to abandon all thought of dominating or conquering the world.At this moment the forces of the States that are leagued against all peoples who live in freedom are being held away from our shores. The Germans and the Italians are being blocked on the other side of the Atlantic by the British and by the Greeks, and by thousands of soldiers and sailors who were able to escape from subjugated countries. In Asia the Japanese are beingengaged by the Chinese nation in another great defense. In the Pacific Ocean is our fleet.Some of our people like to believe that wars in Europe and in Asia are of no concern to us. But it is a matter of most vital concern to us that European and Asiatic war-makers should not gain control of the oceans which lead to this hemisphere. One hundred and seventeen years ago the Monroe Doctrine was conceived by our government as a measure of defense in the face of a threat against this hemisphere by an alliance in Continental Europe. Thereafter, we stood guard in the Atlantic, with the British as neighbors. There was no treaty. There was no "unwritten agreement." And yet there was the feeling, proven correct by history, that we as neighbors could settle any disputes in peaceful fashion. And the fact is that during the whole of this time the Western Hemisphere has remained free from aggression from Europe or from Asia.Does anyone seriously believe that we need to fear attack anywhere in the Americas while a free Britain remains our most powerful naval neighbor in the Atlantic? And does anyone seriously believe, on the other hand, that we could rest easy if the Axis powers were our neighbors there? If Great Britain goes down, the Axis powers will control the Continents of Europe, Asia, Africa, Austral-Asia, and the high seas. And they will be in a position to bring enormous military and naval resources against this hemisphere. It is no exaggeration to say that all of us in all the Americas would be living at the point of a gun -- a gun loaded with explosive bullets, economic as well as military. We should enter upon a new and terrible era in which the whole world, our hemisphere included, would be run by threats of brute force. And to survive in such a world, we would have to convert ourselvespermanently into a militaristic power on the basis of war economy.Some of us like to believe that even if Britain falls, we are still safe, because of the broad expanse of the Atlantic and of the Pacific. But the width of those oceans is not what it was in the days of clipper ships. At one point between Africa and Brazil the distance is less than it is from Washington to Denver, Colorado, five hours for the latest type of bomber. And at the north end of the Pacific Ocean, America and Asia almost touch each other. Why, even today we have planes that could fly from the British Isles to New England and back again without refueling. And remember that the range of the modern bomber is ever being increased.During the past week many people in all parts of the nation have told me what they wanted me to say tonight. Almost all of them expressed a courageous desire to hear the plain truth about the gravity of the situation. One telegram, however, expressed the attitude of the small minority who want to see no evil and hear no evil, even though they know in their hearts that evil exists. That telegram begged me not to tell again of the ease with which our American cities could be bombed by any hostile power which had gained bases in this Western Hemisphere. The gist of that telegram was: "Please, Mr. President, don't frighten us by telling us the facts." Frankly and definitely there is danger ahead -- danger against which we must prepare. But we well know that we cannot escape danger, or the fear of danger, by crawling into bed and pulling the covers over our heads.Some nations of Europe were bound by solemn nonintervention pacts with Germany. Other nations were assured by Germany that they need never fear invasion. Noninterventionpact or not, the fact remains that they were attacked, overrun, thrown into modern slavery at an hour's notice -- or even without any notice at all. As an exiled leader of one of these nations said to me the other day, "The notice was a minus quantity. It was given to my government two hours after German troops had poured into my country in a hundred places." The fate of these nations tells us what it means to live at the point of a Nazi gun.The Nazis have justified such actions by various pious frauds. One of these frauds is the claim that they are occupying a nation for the purpose of "restoring order." Another is that they are occupying or controlling a nation on the excuse that they are "protecting it" against the aggression of somebody else. For example, Germany has said that she was occupying Belgium to save the Belgians from the British. Would she then hesitate to say to any South American country: "We are occupying you to protect you from aggression by the United States"? Belgium today is being used as an invasion base against Britain, now fighting for its life. And any South American country, in Nazi hands, would always constitute a jumping off place for German attack on any one of the other republics of this hemisphere.Analyze for yourselves the future of two other places even nearer to Germany if the Nazis won. Could Ireland hold out? Would Irish freedom be permitted as an amazing pet exception in an unfree world? Or the islands of the Azores, which still fly the flag of Portugal after five centuries? You and I think of Hawaii as an outpost of defense in the Pacific. And yet the Azores are closer to our shores in the Atlantic than Hawaii is on the other side.There are those who say that the Axis powers would never have any desire to attack the Western Hemisphere. That is the same dangerous form of wishful thinking which has destroyedthe powers of resistance of so many conquered peoples. The plain facts are that the Nazis have proclaimed, time and again, that all other races are their inferiors and therefore subject to their orders. And most important of all, the vast resources and wealth of this American hemisphere constitute the most tempting loot in all of the round world.Let us no longer blind ourselves to the undeniable fact that the evil forces which have crushed and undermined and corrupted so many others are already within our own gates. Your government knows much about them and every day is ferreting them out. Their secret emissaries are active in our own and in neighboring countries. They seek to stir up suspicion and dissension, to cause internal strife. They try to turn capital against labor, and vice versa. They try to reawaken long slumbering racial and religious enmities which should have no place in this country. They are active in every group that promotes intolerance. They exploit for their own ends our own natural abhorrence of war. These trouble-breeders have but one purpose. It is to divide our people, to divide them into hostile groups and to destroy our unity and shatter our will to defend ourselves.There are also American citizens, many of them in high places, who, unwittingly in most cases, are aiding and abetting the work of these agents. I do not charge these American citizens with being foreign agents. But I do charge them with doing exactly the kind of work that the dictators want done in the United States. These people not only believe that we can save our own skins by shutting our eyes to the fate of other nations. Some of them go much further than that. They say that we can and should become the friends and even the partners of the Axis powers. Some of them even suggest that we should imitate the methods of thedictatorships. But Americans never can and never will do that.The experience of the past two years has proven beyond doubt that no nation can appease the Nazis. No man can tame a tiger into a kitten by stroking it. There can be no appeasement with ruthlessness. There can be no reasoning with an incendiary bomb. We know now that a nation can have peace with the Nazis only at the price of total surrender. Even the people of Italy have been forced to become accomplices of the Nazis; but at this moment they do not know how soon they will be embraced to death by their allies.The American appeasers ignore the warning to be found in the fate of Austria, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Norway, Belgium, the Netherlands, Denmark, and France. They tell you that the Axis powers are going to win anyway; that all of this bloodshed in the world could be saved, that the United States might just as well throw its influence into the scale of a dictated peace and get the best out of it that we can. They call it a "negotiated peace." Nonsense! Is it a negotiated peace if a gang of outlaws surrounds your community and on threat of extermination makes you pay tribute to save your own skins? For such a dictated peace would be no peace at all. It would be only another armistice, leading to the most gigantic armament race and the most devastating trade wars in all history. And in these contests the Americas would offer the only real resistance to the Axis power. With all their vaunted efficiency, with all their parade of pious purpose in this war, there are still in their background the concentration camp and the servants of God in chains.The history of recent years proves that the shootings and the chains and the concentration camps are not simply the transient tools but the very altars of modern dictatorships. They may talkof a "new order" in the world, but what they have in mind is only a revival of the oldest and the worst tyranny. In that there is no liberty, no religion, no hope. The proposed "new order" is the very opposite of a United States of Europe or a United States of Asia. It is not a government based upon the consent of the governed. It is not a union of ordinary, self-respecting men and women to protect themselves and their freedom and their dignity from oppression. It is an unholy alliance of power and pelf to dominate and to enslave the human race.The British people and their allies today are conducting an active war against this unholy alliance. Our own future security is greatly dependent on the outcome of that fight. Our ability to "keep out of war" is going to be affected by that outcome. Thinking in terms of today and tomorrow, I make the direct statement to the American people that there is far less chance of the United States getting into war if we do all we can now to support the nations defending themselves against attack by the Axis than if we acquiesce in their defeat, submit tamely to an Axis victory, and wait our turn to be the object of attack in another war later on.If we are to be completely honest with ourselves, we must admit that there is risk in any course we may take. But I deeply believe that the great majority of our people agree that the course that I advocate involves the least risk now and the greatest hope for world peace in the future.The people of Europe who are defending themselves do not ask us to do their fighting. They ask us for the implements of war, the planes, the tanks, the guns, the freighters which will enable them to fight for their liberty and for our security. Emphatically, we must get these weapons to them, get them to them insufficient volume and quickly enough so that we and our children will be saved the agony and suffering of war which others have had to endure.Let not the defeatists tell us that it is too late. It will never be earlier. Tomorrow will be later than today.Certain facts are self-evident.In a military sense Great Britain and the British Empire are today the spearhead of resistance to world conquest. And they are putting up a fight which will live forever in the story of human gallantry. There is no demand for sending an American expeditionary force outside our own borders. There is no intention by any member of your government to send such a force. You can therefore, nail, nail any talk about sending armies to Europe as deliberate untruth. Our national policy is not directed toward war. Its sole purpose is to keep war away from our country and away from our people.Democracy's fight against world conquest is being greatly aided, and must be more greatly aided, by the rearmament of the United States and by sending every ounce and every ton of munitions and supplies that we can possibly spare to help the defenders who are in the front lines. And it is no more un-neutral for us to do that than it is for Sweden, Russia, and other nations near Germany to send steel and ore and oil and other war materials into Germany every day in the week.We are planning our own defense with the utmost urgency, and in its vast scale we must integrate the war needs of Britain and the other free nations which are resisting aggression. This is not a matter of sentiment or of controversial personal opinion. It is a matter of realistic, practical military policy, based on the advice of our military experts who are in close touch with existingwarfare. These military and naval experts and the members of the Congress and the Administration have a single-minded purpose: the defense of the United States.This nation is making a great effort to produce everything that is necessary in this emergency, and with all possible speed. And this great effort requires great sacrifice. I would ask no one to defend a democracy which in turn would not defend every one in the nation against want and privation. The strength of this nation shall not be diluted by the failure of the government to protect the economic well-being of its citizens. If our capacity to produce is limited by machines, it must ever be remembered that these machines are operated by the skill and the stamina of the workers.As the government is determined to protect the rights of the workers, so the nation has a right to expect that the men who man the machines will discharge their full responsibilities to the urgent needs of defense. The worker possesses the same human dignity and is entitled to the same security of position as the engineer or the manager or the owner. For the workers provide the human power that turns out the destroyers, and the planes, and the tanks. The nation expects our defense industries to continue operation without interruption by strikes or lockouts. It expects and insists that management and workers will reconcile their differences by voluntary or legal means, to continue to produce the supplies that are so sorely needed. And on the economic side of our great defense program, we are, as you know, bending every effort to maintain stability of prices and with that the stability of the cost of living.Nine days ago I announced the setting up of a more effective organization to direct our gigantic efforts to increase theproduction of munitions. The appropriation of vast sums of money and a well-coordinated executive direction of our defense efforts are not in themselves enough. Guns, planes, ships and many other things have to be built in the factories and the arsenals of America. They have to be produced by workers and managers and engineers with the aid of machines which in turn have to be built by hundreds of thousands of workers throughout the land. In this great work there has been splendid cooperation between the government and industry and labor. And I am very thankful.American industrial genius, unmatched throughout all the world in the solution of production problems, has been called upon to bring its resources and its talents into action. Manufacturers of watches, of farm implements, of Linotypes and cash registers and automobiles, and sewing machines and lawn mowers and locomotives, are now making fuses and bomb packing crates and telescope mounts and shells and pistols and tanks.But all of our present efforts are not enough. We must have more ships, more guns, more planes -- more of everything. And this can be accomplished only if we discard the notion of "business as usual." This job cannot be done merely by superimposing on the existing productive facilities the added requirements of the nation for defense. Our defense efforts must not be blocked by those who fear the future consequences of surplus plant capacity. The possible consequences of failure of our defense efforts now are much more to be feared. And after the present needs of our defense are past, a proper handling of the country's peacetime needs will require all of the new productive capacity, if not still more. No pessimistic policy aboutthe future of America shall delay the immediate expansion of those industries essential to defense. We need them.I want to make it clear that it is the purpose of the nation to build now with all possible speed every machine, every arsenal, every factory that we need to manufacture our defense material. We have the men, the skill, the wealth, and above all, the will. I am confident that if and when production of consumer or luxury goods in certain industries requires the use of machines and raw materials that are essential for defense purposes, then such production must yield, and will gladly yield, to our primary and compelling purpose.So I appeal to the owners of plants, to the managers, to the workers, to our own government employees to put every ounce of effort into producing these munitions swiftly and without stint. With this appeal I give you the pledge that all of us who are officers of your government will devote ourselves to the same whole-hearted extent to the great task that lies ahead.As planes and ships and guns and shells are produced, your government, with its defense experts, can then determine how best to use them to defend this hemisphere. The decision as to how much shall be sent abroad and how much shall remain at home must be made on the basis of our overall military necessities.We must be the great arsenal of democracy.For us this is an emergency as serious as war itself. We must apply ourselves to our task with the same resolution, the same sense of urgency, the same spirit of patriotism and sacrifice as we would show were we at war.We have furnished the British great material support and we will furnish far more in the future. There will be no "bottlenecks"in our determination to aid Great Britain. No dictator, no combination of dictators, will weaken that determination by threats of how they will construe that determination. The British have received invaluable military support from the heroic Greek Army and from the forces of all the governments in exile. Their strength is growing. It is the strength of men and women who value their freedom more highly than they value their lives.I believe that the Axis powers are not going to win this war. I base that belief on the latest and best of information.We have no excuse for defeatism. We have every good reason for hope -- hope for peace, yes, and hope for the defense of our civilization and for the building of a better civilization in the future. I have the profound conviction that the American people are now determined to put forth a mightier effort than they have ever yet made to increase our production of all the implements of defense, to meet the threat to our democratic faith.美国总统罗斯福：我的朋友们：这不是战争的炉边谈话。
罗斯福就职演讲fear（范本）
罗斯福就职演讲fear罗斯福就职演讲fe ar篇一：33罗斯福就职演讲中英 First Inaugural Address o f Franklin D. Roosev elt SATURD AY, MARCH4,33 I amertain tha t m felloAmerians e xpet thaton m indut ion into t he Preside n I illad dress them ith a and or and a d eision hih the prese nt situati on of ourNation imp els. Thisis preemin entl the t ime to spe ak the tru th, the ho le truth,frankl and boldl. No r need e s hrink from honestl f aing ondit ions in ou r ountr to da. This g reat Natio n ill endu re as it h as endured, ill revi ve and ill prosper.So, firstof all, le t me asser t m firm b elief that the onl t hing e hav e to fearis fear it self--name less, ueas oning, unj ustified t error hihparalzes n eeded effo rts to onv ert retrea t into adv ane. In ev er dark ho ur of ournational l ife a lead ership offranknessand vigorhas met it h that und erstanding and suppo rt of thepeople the mselves hi h is essen tial to vi tor. I amonvined th at ou illagain give that supp ort to lea dership in these rit ial das. I n suh a sp irit on mpart and o n ours e f ae our mon diffiulti es. The on ern, thank God, onlmaterial t hings. Val ues have s hrunken to fantastilevels; ta xes have r isen; ourabilit topa has fal len; gover nment of a ll kinds i s faed b s erious urt ailment of ine; themeans of e xhange are frozen in the urren ts of trad e; the ith ered leave s of indus trial ente rprise lie on ever s ide; farme rs find no markets f or their p rodue; the savings o f man ears in thousa nds of fam ilies aregone. More important, a host o f unemploe d itizensfae the gr im problem of existe ne, and an equall gr eat number toil ithlittle ret urn.Onl a foolish o ptimist an den the d ark realit ies of the moment. Y et our dis tress es f rom no fai lure of su bstane. We are strik en b no pl ague of lo usts. Comp ared ith t he perilshih ourfo refathersonquered b eause thebelieved a nd ere not afraid, e have stil l muh to b e thankful for. Natu re still o ffers herbount andhuman effo rts have m ultipliedit. Plentis at ourdoorstep,but a gene rous use o f it langu ishes in t he ver sig ht of thesuppl. Pri maril this is beause the ruler s of the e xhange ofmankind's goodshave faile d, through their onstubbornne ss and the ir on inpe tene, have admittedtheir fail ure, and a bdiated. P raties ofthe unsrup ulous mone hangers s tand indit ed in theourt of pu bli opinio n, rejeted b the hea rts and mi nds of men. True the have trie d, but the ir efforts have been ast in th e patternof an outo rn traditi on. Faed b failure o f redit th e have pro posed onlthe lendin g of moremone. Stri pped of th e lure ofprofit b h ih to indu e our peop le to foll o their fa lse leader ship, thehave resor ted to exh ortations, pleadingtearfull f or restore d onfidene. The knoonl the ru les of ag enerationof self-se ekers. The have no v ision, and hen there is no vis ion the pe ople peris h.The mone hangers h ave fled f rom theirhigh seats in the te mple of ou r ivilizat ion. We ma no restor e that tem ple to the anient tr uths. Themeasure of the resto ration lie s in the e xtent to h ih e applsoial valu es more no ble than m ere moneta r profit.H appiness l ies not in the merepossession of mone;it lies in the jo of ahievemen t, in thethrill ofreative ef fort. Thejo and mor al stimula tion of or k no longe r must beforgottenin the mad hase of e vanesent p rofits. Th ese dark d as ill beorth all t he ost usif the tea h us thatour true d estin is n ot to be m inisteredunto but t o minister to oursel ves and to our fello men.Reogn ition of t he falsitof materia l ealth as the stand ard of sue ss goes ha nd in hand iththe a bandonment of the fa lse belief that publ i offie an d high pol itial posi tion are t o be value d onl b th e standard s of pride of plae a nd persona l profit;and theremust be an end to aondut in b anking and in busine ss hih too often has given toa sared tr ust the li keness ofallous and selfish r ongdoing.Small onde r that onf idene lang uishes, fo r it thriv es onl onhonest, on honor, on the sared ness of ob ligations, on faithf ul proteti on, on uns elfish per formane; i thout them it annotlive. Rest oration al ls, hoever, not forhanges inethis alon e. This Na tion asksfor ation, and ation no. Our g reatest pr imar taskis to putpeople toork. Thisis no unso lvable pro blem if efae it ise l and oura geousl. It an be apl ished in p art b dire t reruitin g b the Go vernment i tself, tre ating thetask as eould treat the emerg en of a ar, but at t he same ti me, throug h this emp loment, ap lishing gr eatl neede d projetsto stimula te and reo rganize th e use of o ur natural resoures.Hand in h and ith th is e mustfrankl reo gnize theoverbalane of popula tion in ou r industri al entersand, b eng aging on a nationalsale in aredistribu tion, ende avor to pr ovide a be tter use o f the land for those best fitt ed for the land. The task an b e helped b definiteefforts to raise the values of agriultur al produts and ith t his the po er to purh ase the ou tput of ou r ities. I t an be he lped b pre ventingre alistiallthe traged of the gr oing lossthrough fo relosure o f our smal l homes an d our farm s. It an b e helped b insistene that theFederal, S tate, andloal gover nments atforthith o n the dema nd that th eir ost be drastiall redued. I t an be he lped b the unifing o f relief a tivities h ih toda ar e often sa ttered, un eonomial,and unequa l. It an b e helped b nationalplanning f or and sup ervision o f all form s of trans portationand of mun iations an d other ut ilities hi h have a d efinitel p ubli harat er. Thereare man as in hih it an be hel ped, but i t an neverbe helped merel b t alking abo ut it. Wemust at an d at quikl. Finall,in our pro gress toar d a resump tion of or k e requir e to safeg uards agai nst a retu rn of theevils of t he old ord er; theremust be astrit supe rvision of all banki ng and red its andin vestments; there mus t be an en d to speul ation ithother peop le's m one, and t here mustbe provisi on for anadequate b ut sound u rren. Ther e are thelines of a ttak. I sh all presen tl urge up on a ne Co ngress inspeial ses sion detai led measur es for the ir fulfill ment, andI shall se ek the imm ediate ass istane ofthe severa l States.Through th is program of atione addressourselvesto putting our onnat ional hous e in order and makin g ine bala ne outgo.Our intern ational tr ade relati ons, thoug h vastl im portant, a re in poin t of timeand neessi t seondarto the est ablishment of a soun d national eonom. Ifavor as a pratial p oli the pu tting of f irst thing s first. I shall spa re no effo rt to rest ore orld t rade b int ernational eonomire adjustment, but theemergen at home anno t ait on t hataplish ment. Thebasi thoug ht that gu ides these speifi me ans of nat ional reov er is notnarrol nat ionalisti.It is the insistene, as a fir st onsider ation, upo n the inte rdependene of the va rious elem ents in al l parts of the Unite d States--a reogniti on of theold and pe rmanentl i mportant m anifestati on of theAmeriansp irit of th e pioneer.It is the a to reov er. It isthe immedi ate a. Itis the str ongest ass urane that the reove r ill endu re. In the field oforld poliI ould ded iate thisNation tothe poli o f the good neighbor--the neigh bor ho res olutel res pets himse lf and, be ause he do es so, res pets the r ights of o thers-- th e neighbor ho respet s his obli gations an d respetsthe santit of his ag reements i n and itha orld ofneighbors. If I read the tempe r of our p eople orre tl, e no r ealize ase have nev er realize d before o ur interde pendene on eah other; that e a n notmere l take but e must gi ve as ell;that if e are to go forard, e must move as a trai ned and lo al arm ill ing to sar ifie for t he good of a mon dis ipline, be ause ithou t suh disi pline no p rogress is made, noleadership bees effe tive. We a re, I kno, read andilling tosubmit our lives and propert t o suh disi pline, bea use it mak es possibl e a leader ship hih a ims at a l arger good. This I p ropose tooffer, ple dging that the large r purposes ill bindupon us al l as a sar ed obligat ion ith aunit of du t hitherto evoked on l in timeof armed s trife. Wit h this ple dge taken, I assumeunhesitati ngl the le adership o f this gre at arm ofour people dediatedto a disip lined atta k upon our mon probl ems. Ation in this i mage and t o this end is feasib le under t he form of governmen t hih e ha ve inherit ed from ou r anestors. Our Cons titution i s so simpl e and prat ial that i t is possi ble alas t o meet ext raordinarneeds b ha nges in em phasis and arrangeme nt ithoutloss of es sential fo rm. That i s h our on stitutiona l sstem ha s proved i tself themost super bl endurin g politial mehanismthe modern orld hasprodued. I t has metever stres s of vastexpansionof territo r, of fore ign ars, o f bitter i nternalst rife, of o rld relati ons.It isto be hope d that the normal ba lane of ex eutive and legislati ve authori t ma be ho ll adequat e to meetthe unpree dented tas k before u s. But itma be that an unpree dented dem and and ne ed for und elaed atio n ma all f or tempora r departur e from tha t normal b alane of p ubli proed ure.I am p repared un der m onst itutionaldut to rem end the me asures tha t a strike n nation i n the mids t of a str iken orldma require. These me asures, or suh other measuresas the Con gress ma b uild out o f itsexper iene and i sdom, I sh all seek,ithin mon stitutiona l authorit, to bring to speedadoption.But in the event tha t the Cong ress shall fail to t ake one of these toourses, an d in the e vent thatthe nation al emergen is stillritial, Ishall notevade thelear ourse of dut th at ill the n onfrontme.I shal l ask theCongress f or the one remaining instrumen t to meetthe risis--broad Exe utive poer to age aar against the emerg en, as gre at as thepoer thatould be gi ven to meif e ere i n fat inva ded b a fo reign foe. For the t rust repos ed in me I ill retur n the oura ge and the devotionthat befit the time. I an do n o less. We fae the a rduous das that liebefore usin the arm ourage of the natio nal unit;ith the le ar onsious ness of se eking oldand preiou s moral va lues; iththe lean s atisfation that es f rom the st em perform ane of dut b old and oung alik e. We aimat the ass urane of a rounded a nd permane nt nationa l life. We do not di strust the future of essential demora. T he peopleof the Uni ted States have notfailed. In their nee d the have registere d a mandat e that the ant diret, vigorous ation. Th e have ask ed for dis ipline and diretionunder lead ership. Th e have mad e me the p resent ins trument of their ish es. In the spirit of the giftI take it. In this d ediation o f a Nation e humbl a sk the ble ssing of G od. Ma Heprotet eah and everone of us. Ma He gui de me in t he das toe. 我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身富兰克林-罗斯福第一次就职演讲星期六,1933年3月4日我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。
富兰克林罗斯福就职演讲
富兰克林罗斯福就职演讲 愿上帝保佑我们⼤家和每⼀个⼈，愿上帝在未来的⽇⼦⾥指引我。
下⾯是富兰克林罗斯福就职演讲，希望店铺整理的对你有⽤，欢迎阅读： 富兰克林罗斯福就职演讲 First Inaugural Address of Franklin D. Roosevelt SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1933 I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days. In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment. Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men. True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They know only the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish. The money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit. Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men. Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live. Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation asks for action, and actionnow.。
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富兰克林·罗斯福英语励志演讲稿The only thing we have to fear is fear itself ; nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror,which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.我们唯一害怕的是害怕本身;;这种难以名状、失去理智和毫无道理的恐惧，把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。
President Hoover, Mister Chief Justice, my friends:胡佛总统，首席法官先生，朋友们：This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day, my fellow Americansexpect that on my induction in the Presidency I will address them with a candor and adecision which the present situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time tospeak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facingthe conditions facing our country today. This great nation will endure as it has endured, willrevive and will prosper. So first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing wehave to fear is fear itself-nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror, which paralyzes neededefforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership offrankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves,which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support toleadership in these critical days.今天，对我们的国家来说，是一个神圣的日子。
我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。
现在正是坦白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻。
我们不必畏首畏尾，不老老实实面对我国今天的情况。
这个伟大的国家会一如既往地坚持下去，它会复兴和繁荣起来。
因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一种莫名其妙、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。
凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。
我相信，在目前危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持。
In such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties. They concern, thankGod, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, ourability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; themeans of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrialenterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings ofmany years and thousands of families are gone.我和你们都要以这种精神，来面对我们共同的困难。
感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面的。
价值难以想象地贬缩了;课税增加了;我们的支付能力下降了;各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺;交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结;工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见;农场主的产品找不到销路;千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。
More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equaland great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities ofthe moment.更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生存问题，还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。
只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。
And yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague oflocusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed andwere not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for. Nature surrounds us with her bounty, andhuman efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishesin the very sight of the supply. Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange ofmankind’s goods have failed, through theirown stubbornness and their own incompetence,have admitted their failure and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changersstand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。
我们没有遭到什么蝗虫的灾害。
我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。
大自然仍在给予我们恩惠，人类的努力已使之倍增。
富足的情景近在咫尺，但就在我们见到这种情景的时候，宽裕的生活却悄然离去。
这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了，他们固执己见而又无能为力，因而已经认定失败了，并撒手不管了。
贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径。
将受到舆论法庭的起诉，将受到人类心灵理智的唾弃。
True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition.Faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped ofthe lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they haveresorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rulesof a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision, the peopleperish.是的，他们是努力过，然而他们用的是一种完全过时的方法。
面对信贷的失败，他们只是提议借出更多的钱。
没有了当诱饵引诱人民追随他们的错误领导的金钱，他们只得求助于讲道，含泪祈求人民重新给予他们信心。
他们只知自我追求者们的处世规则。
他们没有眼光，而没有眼光的人是要灭亡的。
Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. Wemay now restore that temple to the ancient truths.A measure of that restoration lies in theextent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.如今，货币兑换商已从我们文明庙宇的高处落荒而逃。
我们要以千古不变的真理来重建这座庙宇。
衡量这重建的尺度是我们体现比金钱利益更高尚的社会价值的程度。
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy of achievement, in thethrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten inthe mad chase of evanescent profits.These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they costus, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister toourselves, to our fellow men.幸福并不在于单纯地占有金钱;幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦，在于创造努力时的激情。