奥巴马传奇演讲中英对译《A More Perfect Union》 一个更完美的城邦

A More Perfect Union
Remarks of Senator Barack Obama
Philadelphia, PA | March 18, 2008
为了更完美的联邦
巴拉克〃奥巴马2008年3月18日在美国宾夕法尼亚州费城的演讲
海星译
"We the people, in order to form a more perfect union."
“我们[美利坚合众国的]人民，为缔造一个更完美的联邦。

”
Two hundred and twenty one years ago, in a hall that still stands across the street, a group of men gathered and, with these simple words, launched America's improbable experiment in democracy. Farmers and scholars; statesmen and patriots who had traveled across an ocean to escape tyranny and persecution finally made real their declaration of independence at a Philadelphia convention that lasted through the spring of 1787.
221年前，一群人聚集在至今仍屹立在这条街上的市政厅里，用上述这样简洁的言语，发起了美利坚不可思议的民主实验。

农场主和学者，政治家与爱国者们为逃脱政治专制和宗教迫害，横渡大洋，最终在费城会议上发表了他们的独立宣言。

——这一会议一直延续了1787年的春天。

The document they produced was eventually signed but ultimately unfinished. It was stained by this nation's original sin of slavery, a question that divided the colonies and brought the convention to a stalemate until the founders chose to allow the slave trade to continue for at least twenty more years, and to leave any final resolution to future generations.
他们讨论出的文件得以签署通过但尚未最终完成。

它因这个国家的奴隶制原罪而劣迹斑斑，这一问题分裂着殖民地的定居者们，使得费城会议陷入僵局，最后建国者们决定同意奴隶贸易再继续开展至少二十年，而将这一问题留待子孙后代去解决。

Of course, the answer to the slavery question was already embedded within our Constitution - a Constitution that had at its very core the ideal of equal citizenship under the law; a Constitution that promised its people liberty, and justice, and a union that could be and should be perfected over time.
当然，对奴隶制问题的解决在我们的宪法中已经生根发芽，法律之下平等的公民权理念是这部宪法的核心；它向人民许诺自由、公平和一个随着时间推移能够且应当被不断完善的联邦。

And yet words on a parchment would not be enough to deliver slaves
from bondage, or provide men and women of every color and creed their full rights and obligations as citizens of the United States. What would be needed were Americans in successive generations who were willing to do their part - through protests and struggle, on the streets and in the courts, through a civil war and civil disobedience and always at great risk - to narrow that gap between the promise of our ideals and the reality of their time.
但写就在羊皮纸上的宣言尚不足以使奴隶摆脱奴役，或向不同肤色和信仰不同宗教的人们提供他们作为美国公民理应享有的充分的权利和义务。

这就需要那些愿意履行其职责的后来者去缩小我们的理想承诺与人们所处时代的社会现实间的差距，——他们得经过街头抗议和法庭抗争，经过内战和和平违法，这其间总是险象环生。

This was one of the tasks we set forth at the beginning of this campaign - to continue the long march of those who came before us, a march for a more just, more equal, more free, more caring and more prosperous America. I chose to run for the presidency at this moment in history because I believe deeply that we cannot solve the challenges of our time unless we solve them together - unless we perfect our union by understanding that we may have different stories, but we hold common hopes; that we may not look the same and we may not have come from the same place, but we all want to move in the same
direction - towards a better future for our children and our grandchildren.
继续前人长久以来的、为建立一个更公正、公平、自由、更负责任且更繁荣的美国的努力，这是我们在这场总统竞选一开始就定下的任务之一。

我之所以决定在这一历史关头竞选总统，是因为我坚信我们只有联合起来，才能应对我们这个时代的挑战，才能为我们的子孙后代创设一个更好的明天——只有相互理解，懂得我们也许有不同的故事，但拥有共同的愿望；懂得也许我们肤色不同，来自不同地方，但我们想要同一个梦想，才能使我们的国家更完善。

This belief comes from my unyielding faith in the decency and generosity of the American people. But it also comes from my own American story.
这一信念来自于我对正派而慷慨的美国人民坚定不移的信心。

同时它也源自我自己的美国故事。

I am the son of a black man from Kenya and a white woman from Kansas. I was raised with the help of a white grandfather who survived a Depression to serve in Patton's Army during World War II and a white grandmother who worked on a bomber assembly line at Fort Leavenworth while he was overseas. I've gone to some of the best schools in America and lived in one of the world's poorest nations. I am married to a black American who carries within her the blood of slaves
and slaveowners - an inheritance we pass on to our two precious daughters. I have brothers, sisters, nieces, nephews, uncles and cousins, of every race and every hue, scattered across three continents, and for as long as I live, I will never forget that in no other country on Earth is my story even possible.
我是一个肯尼亚黑人和堪萨斯白种女人的儿子，在我的白人祖父母的照料下长大成人。

祖父历经大萧条，二战期间服役于巴顿的部队；当祖父开赴海外战场时，祖母在莱文沃斯堡的轰炸机流水线上作业养家糊口。

我在美国那些最好的学校里读过书，也在世界上最贫穷的国家里生活过。

我娶的是一位黑人妇女，她的血管里流淌着奴隶和奴隶主的血液，——而这一血统又遗传给了我们的两个宝贝女儿。

我的不同种族和肤色的兄弟姐妹、叔伯侄甥们生活在三个大洲，而且只要我还活着，便会永远铭记在这世上其他任何一个国家里我这样的经历都不会发生。

It's a story that hasn't made me the most conventional candidate. But it is a story that has seared into my genetic makeup the idea that this nation is more than the sum of its parts - that out of many, we are truly one.
这样的经历不会将我塑造成最保守的候选人，但它使我骨子里因一种信念而警醒：这个国家高于它的各部分的加总，高于多数群体，我们本身就是一个整体。

Throughout the first year of this campaign, against all predictions to the
contrary, we saw how hungry the American people were for this message of unity. Despite the temptation to view my candidacy through a purely racial lens, we won commanding victories in states with some of the whitest populations in the country. In South Carolina, where the Confederate Flag still flies, we built a powerful coalition of African Americans and white Americans.
在这场竞选的第一年里，我们意识到美国人民有多渴望团结一致的讯息，而不是相反。

尽管存在透过纯粹种族主义的有色眼镜来看待我的竞选的陷阱，我们在国家那些白种人占主导的一些州却赢得了显著的胜利。

在联邦星条旗（confederate flags）仍高高飘扬的南卡，我们筑就了非裔美国人和美国白人间的强有力的联盟。

This is not to say that race has not been an issue in the campaign. At various stages in the campaign, some commentators have deemed me either "too black" or "not black enough." We saw racial tensions bubble to the surface during the week before the South Carolina primary. The press has scoured every exit poll for the latest evidence of racial polarization, not just in terms of white and black, but black and brown as well.
这并不意味着种族在竞选中不是一个问题。

在竞选的许多层面上，一些评论家不是认为我“太黑”就是认为我“不够黑”。

在南卡，初选前的几周里我们看到种
族内在的张力问题渐渐浮现。

媒体四处搜寻每一场投票结果以作为种族对立的最新证据，这一对立不仅是在白人与黑人之间，也在黑人与拉丁族裔之间。

And yet, it has only been in the last couple of weeks that the discussion of race in this campaign has taken a particularly divisive turn.
然而，也就是在最近两周里，大选中关于种族的讨论发生了明显的分裂性的转变。

On one end of the spectrum, we've heard the implication that my candidacy is somehow an exercise in affirmative action; that it's based solely on the desire of wide-eyed liberals to purchase racial reconciliation on the cheap. On the other end, we've heard my former pastor, Reverend Jeremiah Wright, use incendiary language to express views that have the potential not only to widen the racial divide, but views that denigrate both the greatness and the goodness of our nation; that rightly offend white and black alike.
在这光谱的一端，我们听到这样的暗示，即我的参选在某种程度上是平权计划的一种实践，是那些眼界开阔的自由主义者寻求廉价的种族和解的意愿的结果。

在光谱的另一端，我们听到了我以前的牧师，可敬的杰里梅尔〃怀特的煽风点火的言论。

他的言论不仅会加深种族分裂，也有损我们国家的伟大与善良；他的言论不仅冒犯了白人，也得罪了黑人。

对于黑人和白人同样是冒犯。

I have already condemned, in unequivocal terms, the statements of
Reverend Wright that have caused such controversy. For some, nagging questions remain. Did I know him to be an occasionally fierce critic of American domestic and foreign policy? Of course. Did I ever hear him make remarks that could be considered controversial while I sat in church? Yes. Did I strongly disagree with many of his political views? Absolutely - just as I'm sure many of you have heard remarks from your pastors, priests, or rabbis with which you strongly disagreed.
我旗臶鲜明地谴责赖特神父的极具争议性的言论。

对一些人而言，纠缠不清的问题仍然存在。

我是否知道他对美国的内政外交政策的猛烈抨击？当然知道。

当我坐在教堂里，我是否听到他的足以引发争议的言论？当然听过。

我是否坚决反对他的许多政治观点？肯定反对。

——就像你们中的许多人曾经从你们的牧师、神父或拉比那里听到你强烈反对的观点一样。

But the remarks that have caused this recent firestorm weren't simply controversial. They weren't simply a religious leader's effort to speak out against perceived injustice. Instead, they expressed a profoundly distorted view of this country - a view that sees white racism as endemic, and that elevates what is wrong with America above all that we know is right with America; a view that sees the conflicts in the Middle East as rooted primarily in the actions of stalwart allies like Israel, instead of emanating from the perverse and hateful ideologies of radical Islam.
但那些最近引起轩然大波的言论不止于让人匪夷所思，它们不只是一位宗教领袖试图挺身而出反对他觉察到的不公正。

相反，它们反映了一种对这个国家的极度扭曲的看法——它将白人的种族歧视主义视为天经地义，将美国的弊病夸张到掩盖我们所知道的一切关于美国的美好，它将中东的冲突完全解释为我们坚定的盟国以色列的行为所致，而非源自激进的伊斯兰原教旨主义固执而充斥着仇恨的意识形态。

As such, Reverend Wright's comments were not only wrong but divisive, divisive at a time when we need unity; racially charged at a time when we need to come together to solve a set of monumental problems - two wars, a terrorist threat, a falling economy, a chronic health care crisis and potentially devastating climate change; problems that are neither black or white or Latino or Asian, but rather problems that confront us all.
这样看来，赖特神父的言论不仅错误而且极具分裂性，它在我们需要团结时分裂我们，在我们急需携手共进解决诸如两场战争、恐怖主义威胁、经济衰退、日渐恶化的医疗危机和潜在的灾难性的环境变化这一系列重大问题时制造种族纠葛；而这些问题不是黑人的、或白人的、或拉丁族裔或亚裔某个族群的问题，而是我们所有人都正面临的难题。

Given my background, my politics, and my professed values and ideals, there will no doubt be those for whom my statements of condemnation
are not enough. Why associate myself with Reverend Wright in the first place, they may ask? Why not join another church? And I confess that if all that I knew of Reverend Wright were the snippets of those sermons that have run in an endless loop on the television and You Tube, or if Trinity United Church of Christ conformed to the caricatures being peddled by some commentators, there is no doubt that I would react in much the same way
若从我的出身、我的政治立场、我信奉的价值和理想来考虑，毫无疑问，对那些我的支持者来说，我的谴责还远远不够。

他们或许会问，为什么一开始我就和怀特神父走到了一起？我为什么不加入另一个教堂？如果我承认我所知道的怀特神父不过是电视节目或You Tube上不断播放的冗长说教中的一则新闻，或者，假如基督教三一联合教堂与一些评论家四处散播的拙劣讽刺一样，毫无疑问我也会有这样的反应。

But the truth is, that isn't all that I know of the man. The man I met more than twenty years ago is a man who helped introduce me to my Christian faith, a man who spoke to me about our obligations to love one another; to care for the sick and lift up the poor. He is a man who served his country as a U.S. Marine; who has studied and lectured at some of the finest universities and seminaries in the country, and who for over thirty years led a church that serves the community by doing God's work here on Earth - by housing the homeless, ministering to the needy,
providing day care services and scholarships and prison ministries, and reaching out to those suffering from HIV/AIDS.
但事实恰恰是，那不是我所认识的那个人。

二十多年前我遇到怀特神父时他引荐我加入基督教，他对我说人们有相互友爱和照顾病弱、扶助贫贱的责任。

他作为一名美国海军陆战队成员为国家服役，他在国家最好的大学和神学院里作研究和上课，他三十多年如一日主持一个教堂，为社会做着高尚的工作——收留无家可归者，照顾穷困潦倒者，提供日托服务、奖学金和监狱服务，并向艾滋病患者伸出援手。

In my first book, Dreams From My Father, I described the experience of my first service at Trinity:
在我的第一本书《父亲的梦想》中，我描述了我在三一教堂第一年做义工的经历：
"People began to shout, to rise from their seats and clap and cry out, a forceful wind carrying the reverend's voice up into the rafters....And in that single note - hope! - I heard something else; at the foot of that cross, inside the thousands of churches across the city, I imagined the stories of ordinary black people merging with the stories of David and Goliath, Moses and Pharaoh, the Christians in the lion's den, Ezekiel's field of dry bones. Those stories - of survival, and freedom, and hope - became our story, my story; the blood that had spilled was our blood, the tears our
tears; until this black church, on this bright day, seemed once more a vessel carrying the story of a people into future generations and into a larger world. Our trials and triumphs became at once unique and universal, black and more than black; in chronicling our journey, the stories and songs gave us a means to reclaim memories that we didn't need to feel shame about...memories that all people might study and cherish - and with which we could start to rebuild."
“一阵大风将神父的声音传递到教堂的每个角落，人们开始呼喊，从他们的座位上站起来、鼓着掌、喊叫着，…并且只有一个简单的讯息——希望！——我还听到了其他东西；在那个角落里，在这个城市成千上万的教堂里，我想象普通黑人融入大卫和巨人歌利亚（圣经中被牧羊人大卫杀死的Philistine腓力斯巨人）、摩西和法老、狮子洞穴里的基督徒、伊齐基尔原野的枯骨的故事。

那些有关生存、自由和希望的故事，变成了我们自己的故事，我的故事；流淌的血液是我们的血液，眼泪是我们的眼泪；在这个阳光明媚的日子，这个黑人聚集的教堂，再一次作为桥梁将一个民族的故事汇入未来的世代和更大的世界。

我们的苦难和成功立刻变得独特而又普遍，是黑人的而又超越这个族群；在记录我们的历程中，那些故事和歌谣提供给我们不断回忆过往而不必羞耻的方法，…有了那些所有民族都该学习和珍惜的记忆，我们就能开始复兴我们的民族。

”
That has been my experience at Trinity. Like other predominantly black churches across the country, Trinity embodies the black community in its entirety - the doctor and the welfare mom, the model student and the
former gang-banger. Like other black churches, Trinity's services are full of raucous laughter and sometimes bawdy humor. They are full of dancing, clapping, screaming and shouting that may seem jarring to the untrained ear. The church contains in full the kindness and cruelty, the fierce intelligence and the shocking ignorance, the struggles and successes, the love and yes, the bitterness and bias that make up the black experience in America.
这便是我在三一教堂的经历。

同那些全国有重要影响力的黑人聚集的教堂一样，三一教堂使黑人社区——医生和领取救济的母亲、模范生和黑社会成员，连接成一个整体。

跟其他黑人教堂一样，三一教堂的布道仪式总是充满沙哑的笑声，有时还夹杂色情幽默。

他们总是在跳舞、鼓掌、尖叫和大喊，似乎会吓到那些不曾见识过的人。

它容纳了善意和残忍、绝顶聪明和盲目无知、尚在困境中挣扎的和已经功成名就的、爱和肯定、苦难和偏见这些美国黑人所经历的一切。

And this helps explain, perhaps, my relationship with Reverend Wright. As imperfect as he may be, he has been like family to me. He strengthened my faith, officiated my wedding, and baptized my children. Not once in my conversations with him have I heard him talk about any ethnic group in derogatory terms, or treat whites with whom he interacted with anything but courtesy and respect. He contains within him the contradictions - the good and the bad - of the community that he has served diligently for so many years.
这或许有助于解释我和赖特神父的关联。

尽管他可能不尽善尽美，但他如同我的亲人。

他增强了我的信仰，见证了我的婚礼，并给我的孩子施洗礼。

在我同他谈话时，我不止一次听到他用贬损的语言谈及那些种族团体，或是对那些与他交往的白人毕恭毕敬。

他内心也满是对他长久以来孜孜不倦献身其中的共同体的或善意或恶意的矛盾。

I can no more disown him than I can disown the black community. I can no more disown him than I can my white grandmother - a woman who helped raise me, a woman who sacrificed again and again for me, a woman who loves me as much as she loves anything in this world, but a woman who once confessed her fear of black men who passed by her on the street, and who on more than one occasion has uttered racial or ethnic stereotypes that made me cringe.
我不能否认他，如同我不能否认黑人共同体。

我不能否认他，如同而不能否认我的白人祖母。

她养育了我，为了我一次次做出牺牲，爱我就像她爱这世界上其他的东西一样，但她也曾坦言害怕街上那些从她身边经过的黑人，还不止一次讲出让我畏惧的有关种族的陈词滥调。

These people are a part of me. And they are a part of America, this country that I love.
这些人是我的一部分，他们是美国的一部分，而这就是我所热爱的国家。

Some will see this as an attempt to justify or excuse comments that are simply inexcusable. I can assure you it is not. I suppose the politically safe thing would be to move on from this episode and just hope that it fades into the woodwork. We can dismiss Reverend Wright as a crank or a demagogue, just as some have dismissed Geraldine Ferraro, in the aftermath of her recent statements, as harboring some deep-seated racial bias.
有人会认为这是我为那些不能被饶恕的言论作开脱的努力。

我向你保证这不是开脱责任。

如果图政治上的安全，我会忘却这一插曲继续向前走，并希望这些言论会自生自灭。

我们也可以把怀特神父看做疯子或蛊惑人心的政客对他不屑一顾，就像有些人在杰拉尔婷〃费拉罗因最近的言语包含深深的种族歧视而对她不屑一顾一样。

But race is an issue that I believe this nation cannot afford to ignore right now. We would be making the same mistake that Reverend Wright made in his offending sermons about America - to simplify and stereotype and amplify the negative to the point that it distorts reality. 但种族是这个国家不容再忽视的问题。

我们如果对此不屑一顾就会犯怀特神父同样的错误，那就是在他关于美利坚的布道中以简单化的、颇具成见的方式放大美国的负面，结果造成对现实的扭曲。

The fact is that the comments that have been made and the issues that have surfaced over the last few weeks reflect the complexities of race in this country that we've never really worked through - a part of our union that we have yet to perfect. And if we walk away now, if we simply retreat into our respective corners, we will never be able to come together and solve challenges like health care, or education, or the need to find good jobs for every American.
人们做出的这些评论和最近几周日渐显现的问题都反映了这个国家的种族问题的复杂性。

我们不能完好地解决种族问题也意味着我们联邦的尚未完善。

如果我们对之视而不见，仅仅撤退到自己的一隅安分守己，我们将不可能团结起来并解决类似医疗、教育或为每个美国人提供好工作的需求的难题。

Understanding this reality requires a reminder of how we arrived at this point. As William Faulkner once wrote, "The past isn't dead and buried. In fact, it isn't even past." We do not need to recite here the history of racial injustice in this country. But we do need to remind ourselves that so many of the disparities that exist in the African-American community today can be directly traced to inequalities passed on from an earlier generation that suffered under the brutal legacy of slavery and Jim Crow.
要理解这一问题，我们需要知道我们是怎样走过来的。

威廉〃福克纳曾说过：“过往并非僵死而被掩埋掉。

事实上，它从来不曾过去。

”在此我们无需重提这个国家的种族不平等的历史。

但我们确实需要铭记于心，那些至今仍存在于非裔族群的诸多的不平等，都能直接追溯到那些由我们的前辈传递下来的不平等，他们在奴隶制和黑奴时代的残酷制度下备受折磨。

Segregated schools were, and are, inferior schools; we still haven't fixed them, fifty years after Brown v. Board of Education, and the inferior education they provided, then and now, helps explain the pervasive achievement gap between today's black and white students.
种族隔离学校曾经是，现在仍是劣等学校；在布朗诉教育委员会案五十年之后，我们还没有改进它们；从那时起至今，它们提供的低劣教育有助于解释今天黑人和白人学生之间普遍深入的成就差距。

Legalized discrimination - where blacks were prevented, often through violence, from owning property, or loans were not granted to African-American business owners, or black homeowners could not access FHA mortgages, or blacks were excluded from unions, or the police force, or fire departments - meant that black families could not amass any meaningful wealth to bequeath to future generations. That history helps explain the wealth and income gap between black and
white, and the concentrated pockets of poverty that persists in so many of today's urban and rural communities.
黑人被歧视是受法律保障的，而这种歧视有时甚至是考暴力维护的。

黑人常常被禁止拥有财产，黑人企业往往得不到贷款的贷款，黑人业主不能获得联邦住房委员会的抵押贷，黑人常常被禁止参加工会或在警察署或消防署任职。

这一切意味着黑人家庭不可能积攒大量财富留给他们的后代。

这段历史有助于解释黑人和白人之间的财富和收入差距，至今还有众多居住在城市和乡村的黑人紧衣缩食，入不敷出。

A lack of economic opportunity among black men, and the shame and frustration that came from not being able to provide for one's family, contributed to the erosion of black families - a problem that welfare policies for many years may have worsened. And the lack of basic services in so many urban black neighborhoods - parks for kids to play in, police walking the beat, regular garbage pick-up and building code enforcement - all helped create a cycle of violence, blight and neglect that continue to haunt us.
黑人经济机会的匮乏和因无力负担家庭责任而带来的羞愧和挫败感，都使黑人家庭的生活处在风雨飘摇中，——这一问题可能因多年来的福利政策而更加恶化。

在众多城市黑人社区缺乏基本的服务设施，比如供孩子玩耍的公园、巡逻警、日常的垃圾车和小区保安等，都导致了长久困扰我们的暴力—衰落—漠视周而复始
的发生。

This is the reality in which Reverend Wright and other African-Americans of his generation grew up. They came of age in the late fifties and early sixties, a time when segregation was still the law of the land and opportunity was systematically constricted. What's remarkable is not how many failed in the face of discrimination, but rather how many men and women overcame the odds; how many were able to make a way out of no way for those like me who would come after them.
这便是怀特神父和他那个时代的其他非裔美国人的成长环境。

他们在20世纪50年代后期和60年代早期长大成人，那时种族隔离仍是这个国家的法律，生存机会被合法压缩。

引人注目的不是他们中间有多少人因种族歧视落荒而逃，而是他们中间有很多男男女女能够跨越藩篱，绝处逢生，创造出奇迹。

But for all those who scratched and clawed their way to get a piece of the American Dream, there were many who didn't make it - those who were ultimately defeated, in one way or another, by discrimination. That legacy of defeat was passed on to future generations - those young men and increasingly young women who we see standing on street corners or languishing in our prisons, without hope or prospects for the future. Even for those blacks who did make it, questions of race, and racism, continue to define their worldview in fundamental ways. For the
men and women of Reverend Wright's generation, the memories of humiliation and doubt and fear have not gone away; nor has the anger and the bitterness of those years. That anger may not get expressed in public, in front of white co-workers or white friends. But it does find voice in the barbershop or around the kitchen table. At times, that anger is exploited by politicians, to gin up votes along racial lines, or to make up for a politician's own failings.
然而对所有艰难地迈向他们自己的美国梦的人而言，很多人没有成功，他们因这样或那样的原因而被种族歧视彻底打垮。

这一挫败的经历又传给了他们的下一代，这些年轻男孩和正日渐增多的年轻女孩终日混迹街头，或在铁窗里受尽煎熬，没有希望和前途。

即使是那些黑人中的成功人士，种族和种族歧视的问题仍然以致命的方式持续限制着他们的世界观。

就怀特神父同时代成长起来的黑人男女而言，羞辱、质疑和恐惧的记忆尚为时不远；那些岁月里他们的愤怒和痛苦也同样恍然如昨。

他们的愤怒也许并未在公共场合、在白人同事或朋友面前显露。

但它多在在理发店或餐桌上得到释放。

这种愤怒也时常为政治家们所利用，蛊惑选民结成种族阵线，或用以弥补政治家自身的败绩。

And occasionally it finds voice in the church on Sunday morning, in the pulpit and in the pews. The fact that so many people are surprised to hear that anger in some of Reverend Wright's sermons simply reminds us of the old truism that the most segregated hour in American life occurs on Sunday morning. That anger is not always productive; indeed, all too
often it distracts attention from solving real problems; it keeps us from squarely facing our own complicity in our condition, and prevents the African-American community from forging the alliances it needs to bring about real change. But the anger is real; it is powerful; and to simply wish it away, to condemn it without understanding its roots, only serves to widen the chasm of misunderstanding that exists between the races.
有时它也在星期天早上的教堂里、在布道坛和教堂坐席上得到释放。

如此多的人听到怀特神父布道时感到镇静的事实提醒我们常常听到的一句老生常谈：美国人最为种族隔离的时候是每个星期天的早上。

黑人的愤怒并不总具积极意义，它确实在大多数时候干扰了急需解决的问题，阻止我们面对我们自己其实也是目前的状况产生的原因之一的事实，阻碍了非裔美国人社区形成它所需的能带来真正的改变的联盟。

但这愤怒是真实的且有巨大的能量，天真地幻想它会烟消云散，或者对其根源不加甄别就一味谴责，只能加深已有的种族间的误解鸿沟。

In fact, a similar anger exists within segments of the white community. Most working- and middle-class white Americans don't feel that they have been particularly privileged by their race. Their experience is the immigrant experience - as far as they're concerned, no one's handed them anything, they've built it from scratch. They've worked hard all their lives, many times only to see their jobs shipped overseas or their pension dumped after a lifetime of labor. They are anxious about their。