奥巴马卸任离职告别演讲稿中英全文

奥巴马卸任离职告别演讲稿中英全文导语：美国当地时间10日晚10点(北京时间XX年1月11日上午)，美国总统奥巴马在芝加哥发表告别演说，宣告8年总统生涯走向结束。

10天之后，美国新当选总统特朗普就将上任，开启一个很可能与奥巴马截然不同的任期。

以下是品才网小编整理的奥巴马卸任离职演讲稿中英全文，欢迎阅读参考。

奥巴马此次的演说总结了他8年的总统生涯。

8年前，奥巴马接过了一个处在经济危机之中的美国;8年后，他留下了一个裂痕深刻的美国。

在告别演说中，他历数自己执政8年的成果，并对美国未来面临的挑战提出忠告。

奥巴马卸任离职告别演讲稿中文全文很高兴回家，回到芝加哥!回家真好!
正如你们所见，我现在是个“跛脚鸭”总统，因为没有人再听从我的指示，正如现场大家每个人都有个座位。

很高兴回到家乡。

我的朋友们，过去几周中我们收到了许多真诚的祝福，我和米歇尔深受感动。

今晚，轮到我来对你们说声感谢。

不论我们站在相同的政治立场上还是从未达成共识，不论我们是在房间还是学校、农场还是工厂车间、餐桌还是野外，我们之间的对话都让我更加诚实、更加奋进，也帮助我深受启发。

每天，我都在向你们学习。

你们帮助我
成为一个更称职的总统，也帮助我成为一个更好的人。

我是在二十多岁的时候第一次来芝加哥，当时我仍然处于懵懵懂懂的阶段，仍然在寻求生活的意义。

我开始与一些教会团体在已经关门的钢铁生产厂附近工作，当时那些小区离今天的会场不远。

在那些街道中，我见证了信仰的力量，也在工人斗争中见证了工人阶级无声的尊严。

这个时候，我明白了只有当普通人民团结起来、参与进来并致力于争取权力，社会变革才能发生。

在担任八年的美国总统后，我仍然相信这一条结论。

这不仅仅是我个人的想法，也是根植在美国人心中的核心价值观，即寻求自主管理的大胆实验。

我们每个人相信，我们生来平等，享有造物主赋予我们的一些不可剥夺的权利，包括生命、自由和追求幸福的权利。

尽管这些权利看上去是显而易见，但是这些权利却从来不会自动实现。

正是美国人民通过民主政治的渠道，坚持追求这些权利，我们才能够成为一个更加完美的联合体。

这是我们的先驱赋予我们的礼物，让我们有自由通过自己的辛勤劳动、梦想和努力来追求每个人不同的梦想。

当然，每个美国人也应当同心协力，才能实现更加伟大的创举。

在过去240年中，美国精神一直鼓励每个美国公民积极行使公民权利，这给每一代美国人赋予了努力的方向。

这也是鼓舞美国人推翻集权选择共和制度、探索开发西部地区以
及修筑铁路的奴隶奋起反抗要求自由的动力。

这种美国精神将漂洋过海和来自格兰德河的移民和难民凝聚在一起，鼓励美国女性走向投票站，也促使工人团结形成工会。

这也是鼓舞美国士兵在奥巴马海滩、硫磺岛、伊拉克和阿富汗等战场抛头颅洒热血的精神。

这更是鼓励塞尔玛小镇上黑人民权斗士和石墙中同性恋运动人士捍卫自身权利的精神。

这也是为什么美国如此特别。

美国的独特之处不在于我们从一开始就拥有完美的制度，而是我们有能力改变，并帮助那些寻求改变的人过上更好的生活。

是的，我们一路走来并非一帆风顺。

推动民主体制向来非常困难，有时甚至需要激烈争辩或流血冲突。

每当我们向前走两步时，很多时候都感觉好像反而是退了一步。

但是，美国历史一直是在进步，一直在扩大建国精神的范围，来包容美国各个阶层和社会群体。

八年前，如果我告诉你美国能够从金融危机中走出来、重建汽车制造行业、并实现美国历史上就业岗位连续增长的最长记录，如果我告诉你我们能够与古巴重建外交关系并写下历史的新篇章、在不动用武力的前提下关闭伊朗核武器研究项目、并消灭911恐怖主义袭击事件的首脑，如果我告诉你我们能够实现婚姻平等、满足XX万美国人提供医疗保险的需求，当时的你或许会觉得我想得太远了。

但是，我们都做到了。

这些都是你们取得的成就，你们
就是实现这些变革的动力。

你们满足了美国人民的愿望，也因为你们，美国在各个方面都变得更好，比我刚上任时更加强大。

权力从一个自由选举的总统向下一任转移的过程是平稳有序的，这是非常重要的。

我曾向特朗普承诺，我的政治团队将确保此次换届过程非常平稳，就像当初布什总统把权力交接给我一样。

因为，我们每个人首先要保证美国政府未来有能力解决我们现在仍然面临的问题。

在美国历史中，曾经有过几次内部团结被破坏的时候。

本世纪初，就是美国社会团结遭到威胁的一个时期。

世界各国联系更加紧密，但是社会不平等问题更加突出，恐怖主义的威胁也更加严重。

这些因素不仅仅会考验美国的安全和法弄，也对美国的民众体制产生威胁。

未来，我们如何迎接这些民主挑战将关系到我们是否能正确教育下一代、继续创造就业岗位并保护美国的国土安全“
目前，美国未参保人数比例大幅下降，医疗保健费用增速已将降至过去50年以来最低水平。

如果任何人能够提出一项医保政策，并切实证明新政策比上一届政府提出的医保改革更加有效，能够尽可能地以较低价格覆盖广大美国人民，我会公开支持这种新的医保政策。

美国总统大选结束后，一些人认为美国已经进入后种族时代。

尽管这种种族融合的愿望是好的，但是却不太可能真
正实现。

目前，种族问题仍然是一个可能造成社会分裂的重大问题。

以我个人经历来看，如今美国社会的种族问题比二十、三十年前有了较大改善，这种社会进步不仅仅体现在统计数字中，也可以从不同政治观念的年轻一代美国人的态度中看出来。

但是，我们的工作还远远没有结束。

我们每个人都还有很多工作去做。

如果每个经济问题都通过勤劳的美国中产阶级与少数族群之间的冲突来解读，那么各个种族的工人阶级将为一点点剩余的劳动果实争得头破血流，而那些富人会进一步收缩进他们自己的小圈子。

如果我们仅仅因为移民后裔长得不像我们，就拒绝给这些孩子投资，那我们也是在牺牲美国人后代的希望，因为这些移民后裔未来会在美国工薪阶层占很大比例。

对于黑人和其他少数族群需要共同奋斗来解决许多美国人面临的问题，这不仅仅包括难民、移民、农村的群人和变性人，也包括那些看上去享受各种社会优待的中年男性白人，因为这些人都面临全社会经济、文化和科技发生重大变革的挑战。

政治是一场观点的较量，这也是民主体制的设计理念。

但是，如果每个政治团体没有一些社会共识，不愿意去了解新的信息，不愿意去承认对手方的论点合理，也不愿意通过科学论据理性思考，那么这场辩论中没有人在聆听，双方就
不可能产生共识或者妥协。

如果我们不采取更加积极的环境保护措施，我们的下一代就没有时间再讨论环境变化是否存在，而是忙于处理环境变化带来的后果，包括自然灾害、经济发展停滞以及环境难民寻求避难等问题。

现在，我们能够也应当讨论如何最好地解决环境变化问题。

但是，如果我们仅仅否认环境问题存在，这不仅仅是背叛下一代，也背叛了历史先驱们寻求创新并解决实际问题的精神。

过去八年中，没有任何一个境外恐怖主义组织成功地在美国本土上计划并执行一次恐怖袭击。

尽管美国发生了本土滋生的恐怖主义袭击事件，包括波士顿马拉松炸弹袭击以及圣博娜迪诺袭击事件。

对于那些一直坚守在工作岗位上的反恐工作人员，担任你们的指挥官是我一辈子的荣耀。

我反对任何歧视美国穆斯林群体的行为。

我们需要更加警惕，但是不需要害怕ISIL组织(伊拉克和黎凡特伊斯兰国)杀害更多无辜的人民。

如果我们在斗争中坚守美国宪法和核心精神，他们就无法战胜美国。

俄罗斯或者中国等其他国家无法匹敌美国在全球范围内的影响，除非我们自己放弃这种影响力，变成一个只会欺负周边小国的大国。

不论我们属于哪一个党派，我们所有人都应当致力于重建美国的民主政治制度。

我们的民主宪法是一项杰出的成就，也是上天赐予的礼物，但是这仅仅是一张纸，宪法本身不具
备任何力量。

宪法的力量是我们美国人民通过参与选举、做出决议赋予的。

美国人应当成为积极参与政治的公民，让参与政治成为日常生活的一部分，特别是如果一些人对目前美国政治的现状不满的话：“如果你厌倦了与互联网上的陌生人争辩，可以考虑在现实生活中与异见人士辩论。

如果你认为一些问题需要被解决，那就采取行动组织力量。

如果你对选举出来的政府官员不满意，那就争取其他人的支持来自己竞选。

米歇尔，过去二十五年中，你不仅仅是我的妻子孩子的母亲，也是我最好的朋友。

你担任了一个不是你争取来的职责，但是你的优雅、勇气和幽默都给这个身份烙上了你自己的印记。

(奥巴马转向他的女儿)你们两个女孩聪明、美丽，更重要的是，你们善良而又充满热情。

过去几年中，你们没有被聚光灯所累。

在我的一生中，我为成为你们的父亲而自豪。

(感谢副总统拜登)从宾州斯克兰顿到特拉华州，你是我当选美国总统后提名的第一个人选，也是我最好的选择。

拜登是一个好兄弟，就像家人一样。

(感谢工作人员)你们改变了这个世界。

今晚，我将离开这个舞台，但是我对于这个国家比我刚上任时更加乐观.
美国民众对国家充满信心
我希望你相信，不仅仅相信我能够为美国带来改变的能
力，也相信你自己能够改变这个国家的能力。

希望你们坚信美国建国宪章中记载的精神，相信奴隶和废奴主义者传播的平等观念，相信曾经通过游行争取移民公平权利的精神，相信那些将美利坚旗帜插在海外战场和月球表面的国家信念。

这种信念存在于每个普通美国人的心中。

是的，我们能行。

是的，我们做到了。

是的，我们能行!
奥巴马卸任离职告别演讲稿英文全文It’s good to be home. My fellow Americans, Michelle and I have been sotouched by all the well-wishes we’ve received over the past few weeks. Buttonight it’s my turn to say thanks. Whether we’ve seen eye-to-eye or rarelyagreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people – in living roomsand schools; at farms and on factory floors; at diners and on distant outposts –are what have kept me honest, kept me inspired, and kept me going. Every day, I learned from you. You made me a better President, and you made me a betterman.
I first came to Chicago when I was in my early twenties, still trying tofigure out who I was; still
searching for a purpose to my life. It was inneighborhoods not far from here where I began working with church groups in theshadows of closed steel mills. It was on these streets where I witnessed thepower of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggleand loss. This is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary peopleget involved, get engaged, and come together to demand it.
After eight years as your President, I still believe that. And it’s notjust my belief. It’s the beating heart of our American idea –our boldexperiment in self-government.
It’s the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our Creatorwith certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit ofhappiness.
It’s the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never beenself-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our democracy,can form a more perfect union.
This is the great gift our Founders gave us. The freedom to chase ourindividual dreams through our sweat, toil, and imagination – and the imperativeto strive
together as well, to achieve a greater good.
For 240 years, our nation’s call to citizenship has given work and purposeto each new generation. It’s what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny,pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom. It’swhat pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the Rio Grande, pushedwomen to reach for the ballot, powered workers to organize. It’s why GIs gavetheir lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima; Iraq and Afghanistan – and why men andwomen from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs as well.
So that’s what we mean when we say America is exceptional. Not that ournation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity tochange, and make life better for those who follow.
Yes, our progress has been uneven. The work of democracy has always beenhard, contentious and sometimes bloody. For every two steps forward, it oftenfeels we take one step back. But the long sweep of America has been defined byforward motion, a constant widening of our founding creed to embrace all,
andnot just some.
If I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a greatrecession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of jobcreation in our history…if I had told you that we would open up a new chapterwith the Cuban people, shut down Iran’s nuclear weapons program without firing ashot, and take out the mastermind of 9/11…if I had told you that we would winmarriage equality, and secure the right to health insurance for another 20million of our fellow citizens – you might have said our sights were set alittle too high.
But that’s what we did. That’s what you did. You were the change. Youanswered people’s hopes, and because of you, by almost every measure, America isa better, stronger place than it was when we started.
In ten days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy: thepeaceful transfer of power from one freely-elected president to the next. Icommitted to President-Elect Trump that my administration would ensure thesmoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did for me. Because it’sup to all of
us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challengeswe still face.
We have what we need to do so. After all, we remain the wealthiest, mostpowerful, and most respected nation on Earth. Our youth and drive, our diversityand openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention mean that thefuture should be ours.
But that potential will be realized only if our democracy works. Only ifour politics reflects the decency of the our people. Only if all of us,regardless of our party affiliation or particular interest, help restore thesense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.
That’s what I want to focus on tonight – the state of our democracy.
Understand, democracy does not require uniformity. Our founders quarreledand compromised, and expected us to do the same. But they knew that democracydoes require a basic sense of solidarity – the idea that for all our outwarddifferences, we are all in this together; that we rise or fall as one.
There have been moments throughout our history that
threatened to rupturethat solidarity. The beginning of this century has been one of those times. Ashrinking world, growing inequality; demographic change and the specter ofterrorism –these forces haven’t just tested our security and prosperity, butour democracy as well. And how we meet these challenges to our democracy willdetermine our ability to educate our kids, and create good jobs, and protect ourhomeland.
In other words, it will determine our future.
Our democracy won’t work without a sense that everyone has economicopportunity. Today, the economy is growing again; wages, incomes, home values,and retirement accounts are rising again; poverty is falling again. The wealthyare paying a fairer share of taxes even as the stock market shatters unemployment rate is near a ten-year low. The uninsured rate has never, everbeen lower. Health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in fifty years. Andif anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than theimprovements we’ve made to our health care system – that covers as many peopleat less cost – I will publicly support it.
That, after all, is why we serve – to make people’s lives better, notworse.
But for all the real progress we’ve made, we know it’s not enough. Oureconomy doesn’t work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the expenseof a growing middle class. But stark inequality is also corrosive to ourdemocratic principles. While the top one percent has amassed a bigger share ofwealth and income, too many families, in inner cities and rural counties, havebeen left behind – the laid-off factory worker; the waitress and health careworker who struggle to pay the bills – convinced that the game is fixed againstthem, that their government only serves the interests of the powerful – a recipefor more cynicism and polarization in our politics.
There are no quick fixes to this long-term trend.
I agree that our tradeshould be fair and not just free. But the next wave of economic dislocationwon’t come from overseas. It will come from the relentless pace of automationthat makes many good, middle-class jobs obsolete.
And so we must forge a new social compact – to
guarantee all our kids theeducation they need; to give workers the power to unionize for better wages; tothe social safety net to reflect the way we live now and make morereforms to the tax code so corporations and individuals who reap the most fromthe new economy don’t avoid their obligations to the country that’s made theirsuccess possible. We can argue about how to best achieve these goals. But wecan’t be complacent about the goals themselves. For if we don’t createopportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled ourprogress will only sharpen in years to come.
There’s a second threat to our democracy – one as old as our nation my election, there was talk of a post-racial America. Such a vision,however well-intended, was never realistic. For race remains a potent and oftendivisive force in our society. I’ve lived long enough to know that racerelations are better than they were ten, or twenty, or thirty years ago – youcan see it not just in statistics, but in the attitudes of young Americansacross the political spectrum.
But we’re not where we need to be. All of us have
more work to do. Afterall, if every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking whitemiddle class and undeserving minorities, then workers of all shades will be leftfighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into their privateenclaves. If we decline to invest in the children of immigrants, just becausethey don’t look like us, we diminish the prospects of our own children – becausethose brown kids will represent a larger share of America’s workforce. And oureconomy doesn’t have to be a zero-sum game. Last year, incomes rose for allraces, all age groups, for men and for women.
Going forward, we must uphold laws against discrimination – in hiring, inhousing, in education and the criminal justice system. That’s what ourConstitution and highest ideals require. But laws alone won’t be enough. Heartsmust change. If our democracy is to work in this increasingly diverse nation,each one of us must try to heed the advice of one of the great characters inAmerican fiction, Atticus Finch, who said “You never really understand a personuntil you consider things from his point of
view…until you climb into his skinand walk around in it.”
For blacks and other minorities, it means tying our own struggles forjustice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face –therefugee, the immigrant, the rural poor, the transgender American, and also themiddle-aged white man who from the outside may seem like he’s got all theadvantages, but who’s seen his world upended by economic, cultural, andtechnological change.
For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery andJim Crow didn’t suddenly vanish in the ‘60s; that when minority groups voicediscontent, they’re not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing politicalcorrectness; that when they wage peaceful protest, they’re not demanding specialtreatment, but the equal treatment our Founders promised.
For native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that thestereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about theIrish, Italians, and Poles. America wasn’t weakened by the
presence of thesenewcomers; they embraced this nation’s creed, and it was strengthened.
So regardless of the station we occupy; we have to try harder; to startwith the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just asmuch as we do; that they value hard work and family like we do; that theirchildren are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.
None of this is easy. For too many of us, it’s become safer to retreat intoour own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or college campuses or places ofworship or our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us andshare the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions. The riseof naked partisanship, increasing economic and regional stratification, thesplintering of our media into a channel for every taste – all this makes thisgreat sorting seem natural, even inevitable. And increasingly, we become sosecure in our bubbles that we accept only information, whether true or not, thatfits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that’s outthere.
This trend represents a third threat to our democracy. Politics is a battleof ideas; in the course of a healthy debate, we’ll prioritize different goals,and the different means of reaching them. But without some common baseline offacts; without a willingness to admit new information, and concede that youropponent is making a fair point, and that science and reason matter, we’ll keeptalking past each other, making common ground and compromise impossible.
Isn’t that part of what makes politics so dispiriting? How can electedofficials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on preschool forkids, but not when we’re cutting taxes for corporations? How do we excuseethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the samething? It’s not just dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts; it’sself-defeating. Because as my mother used to tell me, reality has a way ofcatching up with you.
Take the challenge of climate change. In just eight years, we’ve halved ourdependence on foreign oil, doubled our renewable energy, and led the world to
anagreement that has the promise to save this planet. But without bolder action,our children won’t have time to debate the existence of climate change; they’llbe busy dealing with its effects: environmental disasters, economic disruptions,and waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary.
Now, we can and should argue about the best approach to the problem. But tosimply deny the problem not only betrays future generations; it betrays theessential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided ourFounders.
It’s that spirit, born of the Enlightenment, that made us an economicpowerhouse – the spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral; thespirit that that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket.
It’s that spirit – a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy ofright over might, that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyrannyduring the Great Depression, and build a post-World War II order with otherdemocracies, an order based not just on military power or national affiliationsbut on principles –the rule of law,
human rights, freedoms of religion, speech,assembly, and an independent press.
That order is now being challenged – first by violent fanatics who claim tospeak for Islam; more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who see freemarkets, open democracies, and civil society itself as a threat to their peril each poses to our democracy is more far-reaching than a car bomb or amissile. It represents the fear of change; the fear of people who look or speakor pray differently; a contempt for the rule of law that holds leadersaccountable; an intolerance of dissent and free thought; a belief that the swordor the gun or the bomb or propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what’strue and what’s right.
Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform, andthe intelligence officers, law enforcement, and diplomats who support them, noforeign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed an attackon our homeland these past eight years; and although Boston and Orlando remindus of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement
agencies are moreeffective and vigilant than ever. We’ve taken out tens of thousands ofterrorists –including Osama bin Laden. The global coalition we’re leadingagainst ISIL has taken out their leaders, and taken away about half theirterritory. ISIL will be destroyed, and no one who threatens America will ever besafe. To all who serve, it has been the honor of my lifetime to be yourCommander-in-Chief.
But protecting our way of life requires more than our military. Democracycan buckle when we give in to fear. So just as we, as citizens, must remainvigilant against external aggression, we must guard against a weakening of thevalues that make us who we are. That’s why, for the past eight years, I’veworked to put the fight against terrorism on a firm legal footing. That’s whywe’ve ended torture, worked to close Gitmo, and reform our laws governingsurveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties. That’s why I rejectdiscrimination against Muslim Americans. That’s why we cannot withdraw fromglobal fights – to expand democracy, and human rights, women’s rights, and LGBTrights – no matter how imperfect our efforts, no
matter how expedient ignoringsuch values may seem. For the fight against extremism and intolerance andsectarianism are of a piece with the fight against authoritarianism andnationalist aggression. If the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of lawshrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between nationsincreases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.
So let’s be vigilant, but not afraid. ISIL will try to kill innocentpeople. But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our Constitution and ourprinciples in the fight. Rivals like Russia or China cannot match our influencearound the world – unless we give up what we stand for, and turn ourselves intojust another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.
Which brings me to my final point – our democracy is threatened whenever wetake it for granted. All of us, regardless of party, should throw ourselves intothe task of rebuilding our democratic institutions. When voting rates are someof the lowest among advanced democracies, we should make it easier, not harder,to
vote. When trust in our institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosiveinfluence of money in our politics, and insist on the principles of transparencyand ethics in public service. When Congress is dysfunctional, we should draw ourdistricts to encourage politicians to cater to common sense and not rigidextremes.
And all of this depends on our participation; on each of us accepting theresponsibility of citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of powerswings.
Our Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. But it’s really just apiece of parchment. It has no power on its own. We, the people, give it power –with our participation, and the choices we make. Whether or not we stand up forour freedoms. Whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of law. America isno fragile thing. But the gains of our long journey to freedom are notassured.
In his own farewell address, George Washington wrote that self-governmentis the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but “from differentcauses and from different quarters much pains will be taken…to weaken in yourminds the conviction
of this truth;”that we should preserve it with “jealousanxiety;” that we should reject “the first dawning of every attempt to alienateany portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties”thatmake us one.
We weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become socorrosive that people of good character are turned off from public service; socoarse with rancor that Americans with whom we disagree are not just misguided,but somehow malevolent. We weaken those ties when we define some of us as moreAmerican than others; when we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt,and blame the leaders we elect without examining our own role in electingthem.
It falls to each of us to be those anxious, jealous guardians of ourdemocracy; to embrace the joyous task we’ve been given to continually try toimprove this great nation of ours. Because for all our outward differences, weall share the same proud title: Citizen.
Ultimately, that’s what our democracy demands. It needs you. Not just whenthere’s an election, not just when your own narrow interest is at stake, butover the
full span of a lifetime. If you’re tired of arguing with strangers onthe internet, try to talk with one in real life. If something needs fixing, laceup your shoes and do some organizing. If you’re disappointed by your electedofficials, grab a clipboard, get some signatures, and run for office up. Dive in. Persevere. Sometimes you’ll win. Sometimes you’ll a reservoir of goodness in others can be a risk, and there will betimes when the process disappoints you. But for those of us fortunate enough tohave been a part of this work, to see it up close, let me tell you, it canenergize and inspire. And more often than not, your faith in America – and inAmericans – will be confirmed.
Mine sure has been. Over the course of these eight years, I’ve seen thehopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military officers. I’ve mournedwith grieving families searching for answers, and found grace in Charlestonchurch. I’ve seen our scientists help a paralyzed man regain his sense of touch,and our wounded warriors walk again. I’ve seen our doctors and volunteersrebuild after earthquakes and stop pandemics in their tracks. I’ve seen theyoungest of children
remind us of our obligations to care for refugees, to workin peace, and above all to look out for each other.
That faith I placed all those years ago, not far from here, in the power ofordinary Americans to bring about change – that faith has been rewarded in waysI couldn’t possibly have imagined. I hope yours has, too. Some of you heretonight or watching at home were there with us in XX, in XX, in XX – andmaybe you still can’t believe we pulled this whole thing off.
You’re not the only ones. Michelle – for the past twenty-five years, you’vebeen not only my wife and mother of my children, but my best friend. You took ona role you didn’t ask for and made it your own with grace and grit and style andgood humor. You made the White House a place that belongs to everybody. And anew generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model. You’vemade me proud. You’ve made the country proud.
Malia and Sasha, under the strangest of circumstances, you have become twoamazing young women, smart and beautiful, but more importantly, kind andthoughtful and full of passion. You wore the burden
of years in the spotlight soeasily. Of all that I’ve done in my life, I’m most proud to be your dad.
To Joe Biden, the scrappy kid from Scranton who became Delaware’s favoriteson: you were the first choice I made as a nominee, and the best. Not justbecause you have been a great Vice President, but because in the bargain, Igained a brother. We love you and Jill like family, and your friendship has beenone of the great joys of our life.
To my remarkable staff: For eight years – and for some of you, a whole lotmore – I’ve drawn from your energy, and tried to reflect back what you displayedevery day: heart, and character, and idealism. I’ve watched you grow up, getmarried, have kids, and start incredible new journeys of your own. Even whentimes got tough and frustrating, you never let Washington get the better of only thing that makes me prouder than all the good we’ve done is the thoughtof all the remarkable things you’ll achieve from here.
And to all of you out there – every organizer who moved to an unfamiliartown and kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer who knocked on doors,every。