同一性状态量表英文版

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青少年自我同一性状态问卷的修订

青少年自我同一性状态问卷的修订

青少年自我同一性状态问卷的修订王树青1,张文新2,纪林芹2,张玲玲2(1.北京师范大学发展心理研究所,北京100875;2.山东师范大学心理学系,山东济南250014)【摘要】目的:引进和修订自我同一性状态问卷。

方法:以2145名初中生、高中生和大学生为研究对象,检验自我同一性状态问卷的信效度指标。

结果:修订后问卷与原问卷具有一致的因素结构,均包括同一性获得、延缓、早闭和扩散四个分量表,探索性因素分析的结果以及各分量表之间的相关均表明问卷具有较好的结构效度。

总体分量表的内部一致性信度在0.65~0.84之间,再测信度在0.56~0.64之间,说明问卷具有较好的可靠性和稳定性。

结论:青少年自我同一性状态问卷具有较好的信效度,是一种有效的测验工具。

【关键词】青少年;自我同一性状态;信度;效度中图分类号:R395.1文献标识码:A文章编号:1005-3611(2006)03-0221-03RevisionofAdolescents’EgoIdentityStatusWANGShu-qing,ZHANGWen-xin,JILin-qin,ZHANGLing-lingInstituteofDevelopmentalPsychology,BeijingNormalUniversity,Beijing100875,China【Abstract】Objective:TorevisetheExtendObjectiveMeasureofEgoIdentityStatus-2.Methods:2145adolescentsfrommiddleschoolsanduniversitieswereadministeredtheChineseversionofEOM-EIS-2toexaminethereliabilityandvalidity.Results:TherevisedEOM-EIS-2hadthesameconstructwithoriginalquestionnaire,includingfourscales:iden-tityachievement,identitymoratorium,identityforeclosureandidentitydiffusion.BothEFAandcorrelationbetweenallsubscalesindicatedthatconstructvaliditywasgood.TheCronbach’sαcoefficientoftotalsubscaleswasfrom0.65to0.84,andtest-retestreliabilitycoefficientwas0.56~0.64.Conclusion:ThemodifiedEOM-EIS-2,whichhasgoodrelia-bilityandvalidity,isaneffectivemeasureofChineseadolescents’egoidentitystatus.【Keywords】Adolescents;Egoidentitystatus;Reliability;Validity自我同一性是Erikson人格发展的同一性渐成理论中的核心概念,作为一种重要的心理社会现象,它是个体的生物、心理和社会三方面因素的统一体。

九型人格测试(RHETI版)英文版(英语版)

九型人格测试(RHETI版)英文版(英语版)

The Riso-Hudson Enneagram Type Indicator (RHETI) is a scientifically validated forced-choice personality test with 144 paired statements. The test takes about 40 minutes to complete. Read each numbered pair of statements carefully. There are no right or wrong answers. For each pair of statements, mark with one of the statement most like you. Leave the other statement blank. Your scores will be computed automatically. Do not skip any statement pair. For greatest accuracy, your grand total should be equal to 144.1.A. I have been romantic and imaginative.B. I have been pragmatic and down to earth.2.A. I have tended to take on confrontations.B. I have tended to avoid confrontations.3.A. I have typically been diplomatic, charming, and ambitious.B. I have typically been direct, formal and idealistic.4.A. I have tended to be focused and intense.B. I have tended to be spontaneous and fun-loving.5.A. I have been a hospitable person and have enjoyed welcoming new friends into my life.B. I have been a private person and have not mixed much with others.A. It's been difficult for me to relax and stop worrying about potential problems.B. It's been difficult for me to get myself worked up about potential problems.7.A. I've been more of a "street-smart" survivor.B. I've been more of a "high minded" idealist.8.A. I have needed to show affection to people.B. I have preferred to maintain some distance with people.9.A. When presented with a new experience, I've usually asked myself if it would be useful to me.B. When presented with a new experience, I've usually asked myself if it would be enjoyable.10.A. I have tended to focus too much on myself.B. I have tended to focus too much on others.11.A. Others have depended on my insight and knowledge.B. Others have depended on my strength and decisiveness.12.A. I have come across as being too unsure of myself.B. I have come across as being too sure of myself.A. I have been more relationship-oriented than goal-oriented.B. I have been more goal-oriented than relationship-oriented.14.A. I have not been able to speak up for myself very well.B. I have been outspoken -- I have said what others wished they had the nerve to say.15.A. It's been difficult for me to stop considering alternatives and do something definite.B. It's been difficult for me to take it easy and be more flexible.16.A. I have tended to be careful and hesitant.B. I have tended to be bold and domineering.17.A. My reluctance to get involved has gotten me in trouble with people.B. My eagerness to have people depend on me has gotten me into trouble with them.18.A. Usually, I have been able to put my feelings aside to get the job done.B. Usually, I have needed to work through my feelings before I could act.A. Generally, I've been methodical and cautious.B. Generally, I've been adventurous and taken risks.20.A. I have tended to be a supportive, giving person who seeks intimacy with others.B. I have tended to be a serious, reserved person who likes discussing issues.21.A. I've often felt the need to be a "pillar of strength".B. I have often felt the need to perform perfectly.22.A. I've typically been interested in asking tough questions and maintaining my independence.B. I've typically been interested in maintaining my stability and peace of mind.23.A. I've been a bit cynical and skeptical.B. I've been a bit mushy and sentimental.24.A. I've often worried that I'm missing out on something better.B. I've often worried that if I let down my guard, someone will take advantage of me.A. My habit of being "stand-offish" has annoyed people.B. My habit of telling people what to do has annoyed people.26.A. I have tended to get anxious if there was too much excitement and stimulation.B. I have tended to get anxious if there wasn't enough excitement and stimulation.27.A. I have depended on my friends & they have known that they can depend on me.B. I have not depended on people; I have done things on my own.28.A. I have tended to be detached and preoccupied.B. I have tended to be moody and self-absorbed.29.A. I have liked to challenge people and "shake them up".B. I have liked to comfort people and calm them down.30.A. I have generally been an outgoing, sociable person.B. I have generally been an earnest, self-disciplined person.31.A. I've wanted to "fit in" with others -- I get uncomfortable when I stand out too much.B. I've wanted to standout from others -- I get uncomfortable when I don't distinguish myself.32.A. Pursuing my personal interests has been more important to me than having stability and security.B. Having stability and security has been more important to me than pursuing my personal interests.33.A. When I've had conflicts with others, I've tended to withdraw.B. When I've had conflicts with others, I've rarely backed down.34.A. I have given in too easily and let others push me around.B. I've been too uncompromising and demanding with others.35.A. I've been appreciated for my unsinkable spirit and resourcefulness.B. I've been appreciated for my deep caring and personal warmth.36.A. I have wanted to make a favorable impression on others.B. I have cared little about making a favorable impression on others.37.A. I've depended on my perseverance and common sense.B. I've depended on my imagination and moments of inspiration.A. Basically, I have been easy-going and agreeable.B. Basically, I have been hard-driving and assertive.39.A. I have worked hard to be accepted and well-liked.accepted and well-liked has not been a high priority for me.40.A. In reaction to pressure from others, I have become more withdrawn.B. In reaction to pressure from others, I have become more assertive.41.A. People have been interested in me because I've been outgoing, engaging, and interested in them.B. People have been interested in me because I've been quiet, unusual, and deep.42.A. Duty and responsibility have been important values for me.B. Harmony and acceptance have been important values for me.43.A. I've tried to motivate people by making big plans and big promises.B. I've tried to motivate people by pointing out the consequences of not following my advice.44.A. I have seldom been emotionally demonstrative.B. I have often been emotionally demonstrative.A. Dealing with details has not been one of my strong suits.B. I have excelled at dealing with details.46.A. I have often emphasized how different I am from most people, especially my family.B. I have often emphasized how much I have in common with most people, especially my family.47.A. When situations have gotten heated, I have tended to stay on the sidelines.B. When situations have gotten heated, I have tended to get right into the middle of things.48.A. I have stood by my friends, even when they have been wrong.B. I have not wanted to compromise what is right even for friendship.49.A. I've been a well-meaning supporter.B. I've been a highly-motivated go-getter.50.A. When troubled, I have tended to brood about my problems.B. When troubled, I have tended to find distractions for myself.51.A. Generally, I've had strong convictions and a sense of how things should be.B. Generally, I've had serious doubts and have questioned how things seemed to be.52.A. I've created problems with others by being pessimistic and complaining.B. I've created problems with others by being bossy and controlling.53.A. I have tended to act on my feelings and let the "chips fall where they may"B. I have tended not to act on my feelings lest they stir up more problems.54.A. Being the center of attention has usually felt natural to me.B. Being the center of attention has usually felt strange to me.55.A. I've been careful, and have tried to prepare for unforeseen problems.B. I've been spontaneous, and have preferred to improvise as problems come up.56.A. I have gotten angry when others have not shown enough appreciation for what I have done for them.B. I have gotten angry when others have not listened to what I have told them.57.A. Being independent and self-reliant has been important to me.B. Being valued and admired has been important to me.58.A. When I've debated with friends, I've tended to press my arguments forcefully.B. When I've debated with friends, I've tended to let things go to prevent hard feelings.59.A. I have often been possessive of loved ones — I have had trouble letting them be.B. I have often "tested" loved ones to see if they were really there for me.60.A. Organizing resources and making things happen has been one of my major strengths.B. Coming up with new ideas and getting people excited about them has been one of my major strengths.61.A. I've tended to be driven and very hard on myself.B. I've tended to be too emotional and rather undisciplined.62.A. I have tried to keep my life fast-paced, intense, and exciting.B. I have tried to keep my life regular, stable, and peaceful.63.A. Even though I've had successes, I've tended to doubt my abilities.B. Even though I've had setbacks, I've had a lot of confidence in my abilities.64.A. I generally have tended to dwell on my feelings and to hold onto them for a long time.B. I generally have tended to minimize my feelings and not pay very much attention to them.65.A. I have provided many people with attention and nurturance.B. I have provided many people with direction and motivation.66.A. I've been a bit serious and strict with myself.B. I've been a bit free-wheeling and permissive with myself.67.A. I've been self-assertive and driven to excel.B. I've been modest and have been happy to go at my own pace.68.A. I have been proud of my clarity and objectivity.B. I have been proud of my reliability and commitment.69.A. I have spent a lot of time looking inward —understanding my feelings has been important to me.B. I have not spent much time looking inward — getting things done has been important to me.70.A. Generally, I have thought of myself as a sunny, casual person.B. Generally, I have thought of myself as a serious, dignified person.71.A. I've had an agile mind and boundless energy.B. I've had a caring heart and deep dedication.72.A. I have pursued activities that had a substantial potential for reward and personal recognition.B. I have been willing to give up reward and personal recognition if it meant doing work I was really interested in.73.A. Fulfilling social obligations has seldom been high on my agenda.B. I have usually have taken my social obligations very seriously.74.A. In most situations, I have preferred to take the lead.B. In most situations, I have preferred to let someone else take the lead.75.A. Over the years, my values and lifestyle have changed several times.B. Over the years, my values and lifestyle have remained fairly consistent.A. Typically, I have not had much self-discipline.B. Typically, I have not had much connection with people.77.A. I have tended to withhold my affection, and have wanted others to come into my world.B. I have tended to give my affection too freely, and have wanted to extend myself to others.78.A. I have had a tendency to think of worst case scenarios.B. I have had a tendency to think that everything will work out for the best.79.A. People have trusted me because I am confident and can look out for them.B. People have trusted me because I am fair and will do what is right.80.A. Often, I have been so involved in my own projects that I have become isolated from others.B. Often, I have been so involved with others that I have neglected my own projects.81.A. When meeting someone new, I have usually been poised andself-contained.B. When meeting someone new, I have usually been chatty and entertaining.A. Generally speaking, I have tended to be pessimistic.B. Generally speaking, I have tended to be optimistic.83.A. I have preferred to inhabit my own little world.B. I have preferred to let the world know I'm here.84.A. I have often been troubled by nervousness, insecurity, and doubt.B. I have often been troubled by anger, perfectionism, and impatience.85.A. I realize that I have often been too personal and intimate.B. I realize that I have often been too cool and aloof.86.A. I have lost out because I have not felt up to taking opportunities.B. I have lost out because I have pursued too many possibilities.87.A. I have tended to take a long time to get into action.B. I have tended to get into action quickly.88.A. I usually have had difficulty making decisions.B. I seldom have had difficulty making decisions.A. I have had a tendency to come on a little too strong with people.B. I have had a tendency not to assert myself enough with people.90.A. Typically, I have been even-tempered.B. Typically, 1 have had strong changes of mood.91.A. When I've been unsure of what to do, I've often sought the advice of others.B. When I've been unsure of what to do, I've tried different things to see what worked best for me.92.A. I have worried that I would be left out of other's activities.B. I have worried that others' activities would distract me from whatI had to do.93.A. Typically, when I have gotten angry, I have told people off.B. Typically, when I have gotten angry, I have become distant.94.A. I've tended to have trouble falling asleep.B. I've tended to fall asleep easily.95.A. I have often tried to figure out how I could get closer to others.B. I have often tried to figure out what others want from me.A. I have usually been measured, straight-talking, and deliberate.B. I have usually been excitable, fast-talking, and witty.97.A. Often, I have not spoken up when I've seen others making a mistake.B. Often, I have helped others see that they are making a mistake.98.A. During most of my life, I have been a stormy person who has had many volatile feelings.B. During most of my life, I have been a steady person in whom "still waters run deep".99.A. When I have disliked people, I have usually tried hard to stay cordial — despite my feelings.B. When I have disliked people, I have usually let them know it — one way or another.100.A. Much of my difficulty with people has come from my touchiness and taking everything too personally.B. Much of my difficulty with people has come from my not caring about social conventions.101.A. My approach has been to jump in and rescue people.B. My approach has been to show people how to help themselves.A. Generally, I have enjoyed "letting go" and pushing the limits.B. Generally, I have not enjoyed losing control of myself very much. 103.A. I've been overly concerned with doing better than others.B. I've been overly concerned with making things okay for others. 104.A. My thoughts generally have been speculative—involving my magination and curiosity.B. My thoughts generally have been practical—just trying to keep things going.105.A. One of my main assets has been my ability to take charge of situations.B. One of my main assets has been my ability to describe internal states. 106.A. I have pushed to get things done correctly,even if it made people uncomfortable.B. I have not liked feeling pressured, so I have not liked pressuring anyone else.107.A. I've often taken pride in how important I am in others' lives.B. I've often taken pride in my gusto and openness to new experiences. 108.A. I have perceived that I've often come across to others as presentable, even admirable.B. I have perceived that I've often come across to others as unusual, even odd.109.A. I have mostly done what I had to do.B. I have mostly done what I wanted to do.110.A. I have usually enjoyed high-pressure, even difficult, situations.B. I have usually disliked being in high-pressure, even difficult, situations.111.A. I've been proud of my ability to be flexible—what's appropriate or important often changes.B. I've been proud of my ability to take a stand—I've been firm about what I believe in.112.A. My style has leaned toward sparseness and austerity.B. My style has leaned toward excess and over-doing things.113.A. My own health and well-being have suffered because of my strong desire to help others.B. My relationships have suffered because of my strong desire to attend to my personal needs.114.A. Generally speaking, I've been too open and naïve.B. Generally speaking, I've been too wary and guarded.A. I have sometimes put people off by being too aggressive.B. I have sometimes put people off by being too "up-tight".116.A. Being of service and attending to the needs of others has been a high priority for me.B. Finding alternative ways of seeing and doing things has been a high priority for me.117.A. I've been single-minded and persistent in pursuing my goals.B. I've preferred to explore various courses of action to see where they lead.118.A. I have frequently been drawn to situations that stir up deep, intense emotions.B. I have frequently been drawn to situations that make me feel calm and at ease.119.A. I have cared less about practical results than about pursuing my interests.B. I have been practical and have expected my work to have concrete results.120.A. I have had a deep need to belong.B. I have had a deep need to feel balanced.A. In the past, I've probably insisted on too much closeness in my friendships.B. In the past, I've probably kept too much distance in my friendships. 122.A. I've had a tendency to keep thinking about things from the past.B. I've had a tendency to keep anticipating things I'm going to do. 123.A. I've tended to see people as intrusive and demanding.B. I've tended to see people as disorganized and irresponsible. 124.A. Generally, I have not had much confidence in myself.B. Generally, I have had confidence only in myself.125.A. I've probably been too passive and uninvolved.B. I've probably been too controlling and manipulative.126.A. I've frequently been stopped in my tracks by my self-doubt.B. I've rarely let self-doubt stand in my way.127.A. Given a choice between something familiar and something new, I've usually chosen something new.B. I've generally chosen what I knew I already liked: why be disappointed with something I might not likeA. I have given a lot of physical contact to reassure others about how I feel about them.B. I have generally felt that real love does not depend on physical contact.129.A. When I've needed to confront someone, I've often been too harsh and direct.B. When I've needed to confront someone, I've often "beaten around the bush" too much.130.A. I have been attracted to subjects that others would probably find disturbing, even frightening.B. I have preferred not to spend my time dwelling on disturbing, frightening subjects.131.A. I have gotten into trouble with people by being too intrusive and interfering.B. I have gotten into trouble with people by being too evasive and uncommunicative.132.A. I've worried that I don't have the resources to fulfill the responsibilities I've taken on.B. I've worried that I don't have the self-discipline to focus on what will really fulfill me.A. Generally, I've been a highly intuitive, individualistic person.B. Generally, I've been a highly organized, responsible person. 134.A. Overcoming inertia has been one of mv main problems.B. Being unable to slow down has been one of my main problems. 135.A. When I've felt insecure. I've reacted by becoming arrogant and dismissive.B. When I've felt insecure, I've reacted by becoming defensive and argumentative.136.A. I have generally been open-minded and willing to try new approaches.B. I have generally been self-revealing and willing to share my feelings with others.137.A. I've presented myself to others as tougher than I really am.B. I've presented myself to others as caring more than I really do. 138.A. I usually have followed my conscience and reason.B. I usually have followed my feelings and impulses.139.A. Serious adversity has made me feel hardened and resolute.B. Serious adversity has made me feel discouraged and resigned.A. I usually have made sure that I had some kind of "safety net" to fall back on.B. I usually have chosen to live on the edge and to depend on others as little as possible.141.A. I've had to be strong for others, so I haven't had time to deal with my feelings and fears.B. I've had difficulty coping with my feelings and fears, so it's been hard for me to be strong for others.142.A. I have often wondered why people focus on the negative when there is so much that's wonderful about life.B. I have often wondered why people arc so happy when so much in life is messed up.143.A. I have tried hard not to be seen as a selfish person.B. I have tried hard not to be seen as a boring person.144.A. I have avoided intimacy when I feared I would be overwhelmed by people's needs and demands.B. I have avoided intimacy when I feared I would not be able to live up to people's expectations of me.。

FMPS中文版及英文原版及统计方法

FMPS中文版及英文原版及统计方法

Frost多维完美主义心理量表(Mainland Chinese Version)1注:本问卷为Frost所编Frost’s Multidimensional Perfectionism Scale (FMPS),其信效度检验见:Frost, R., Marten, P., Lahart, C., & Rosenblate, R. The dimensions of perfectionism. Cognitive Therapy and Research, 1990, 14: 449-468.2注:中文翻译由Cheng完成,其信效度检验见Cheng, K. S., Chong, G. H., & Wong, C. W. (1999). Chinese Frost Multidimensional Perfectionism Scale: A validation and prediction of self-esteem and psychological distress. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 55(9). 1051-1061。

(样本为香港中学生)訾非对Cheng的翻译略作修改,用大陆大学生样本进行信效度检验见:訾非, 周旭. 中文Frost多维度完美主义问卷的信效度检验. 中国临床心理学杂志 2007各维度如下:(注意:已有许多研究表明,条理性维度为适应性维度,其他维度则是非适应性维度,计算总分时建议不包括条理性维度,详细见訾非,2004)担心错误(concern over mistakes, CM):item 9, 10, 13, 14, 18, 21, 23, 25, 34行为的迟疑(doubts about actions, DA):17, 28, 32, 33个人标准(personal standards, PS):4, 6, 12, 16, 19, 24, 30父母期望(parental expectations, PE):1, 11, 15, 20, 26父母批评(parental criticism, PC): 3, 5, 22, 35条理性(organization, OR):2, 7, 8, 27, 29, 31英文版原文如下:Item in FMPSCM 9. If I fail at work/school, I am a failure as a person.10. I should be upset if I make a mistake.13. If someone does a task at work/school better than I, then I feel likeI failed the whole task.14. If I fail partly, it is as bad as being a complete failure.18. I hate being less than best at things.21. People will probably think less of me if I make a mistake.23. If I do not do as well as other people, it means I am an inferiorhuman being.25. If I do not do well all the time, people will not respect me.34. The fewer mistakes I make, the more people will like me.OR 2. Organization is very important to me.7. I am a neat person.8. I try to be an organized person.27. I try to be a neat person.29. Neatness is very important to me.31. I am an organized person.11.My parents wanted me to be the best at everything.15. Only outstanding performance is good enough in my family.20. My parents have expected excellence from me.26. My parents have always had higher expectations for my future thanI have.PS 4. If I do not set the highest standards for myself, I am likely to end upa second-rate person.6. It is important to me that I be thoroughly competent in everything Ido.12.I set higher goals than most people.16. I am very good at focusing my efforts on attaining a goal.19. I have extremely high goals.24. Other people seem to accept lower standards from themselves thanI do.30. I expect higher performance in my daily tasks than most people. DA 17. Even when I do something very carefully, I often feel that it is not quite right.28. I usually have doubts about the simple everyday things I do.32. I tend to get behind in my work because I repeat things over andover.33. It takes me a long time to do something “right”.PC 3.As a child, I was punished for doing things less than perfect.5. My parents never tried to understand my mistakes.22. I never felt like I could meet my parents’ expectations.35. I never felt like I could meet my parents’ standards.。

大学生自我同一性、人际适应与手机依赖的关系

大学生自我同一性、人际适应与手机依赖的关系

【社会医学】中国卫生事业管理2021年2月第38卷第2期(总第392期)大学生自我同一性、人际适应与手机依赖的关系陈慧萍,郑显亮1(赣南师范大学教育科学学院,江西赣州341000)[摘要]目的:探讨大学生自我同一性状态、人际适应以及手机依赖之间的关系。

方法:采用方便取样并使用大学 生自我同一性状态中文简版问卷、大学生人际适应性问卷和手机成瘾倾向量表对在校大学生332名进行调查。

结果:(1)?從!别11积差相关显示,人际适应总分与同一性延缓、同一性早闭、同一性扩散的得分及手机依赖得分存在负相关(1--0.15、-0.13、-0.29、-0.45,弋<0.05),而与同一性获得得分存在正相关(1'=0.30,/><0.01);手机依赖总分与同一性获得 得分呈负相关(r=-0. 11,/M).05),而与同一性早闭、同一性扩散、同一性延缓的得分呈正相关(r= 0. 11、0.29、0.21,P S<0.05)。

(2)偏差校正的百分位Bootstrap检验得出,人际适应在同一性扩散、同一性延缓与手机依赖的关系中起部分中介作用,中介效应值分别是0.25、0• 15,且中介效应分别占总效应的41.0%、34. 9%;人际适应在同一性早闭、同一性获得与 手机依赖的关系中起完全中介作用。

结论:人际适应在自我同一性状态和手机依赖的关系中发挥中介作用,应关注自我 同一性四种状态对大学生手机依赖的影响。

[关键词]自我同一性;人际适应;手机依赖;中介作用[中图分类号]G446 [文献标志码]A[文章编号]1004-4663 (2021)02-142 -04Studying on the Relationship among Self-identity, Interpersonal Adaptation and Mobile Phone Dependence of Col­lege Students. /Chen Huiping, et al. //T h e Chinese Health Service ManagementAbstract Objective To explore the relationship among self-identity,interpersonal adaptation and mobile phone dependence of college students.Methods332 undergraduates were chosen with convenience sampling and surveyed with EOM-EIS-2, CSAIA and MPATS.Results The total score of interpersonal adaptation was significantly negatively correlated with the scores of identity delay,identity premature closure,identity diffusion and mobile phone dependence,but significantly positively correlated with the score of identity acquisition.The total score of mobile phone dependence was significantly negatively correlated with the score of i-dentity acquisition,but significantly negatively correlated with the scores of identity premature closure,identity diffusion and iden­tity delay.Interpersonal adaptation plays a part mediating role in the relationship among identity diffusion,identity delay and mo­bile phone dependence,and the mediating effect accounts for41.0%and34. 9%of the total effect respectively.Interpersonal ad­aptation plays a full mediating role in the relationship among identity early closure,identity acquisition and mobile phone depend­ence.Conclusion Interpersonal adaptation plays a mediating role in the relationship between self-identity and mobile phone de­pendence.The influence of the four states of self-identity on mobile phone dependence of college students should be valued Author’s address Gannan Normal University,Ganzhou,P.R.China.Key words self-identity;interpersonal adaptation;mobile phone dependence;mediation.手机依赖(mobile addiction)是指个体由于过度使用手机而 导致行为无法自控,使得个体的生理、心理和社会功能明显受 损的痴迷状态U。

大学生自我同一性的发展及与情绪适应的关系

大学生自我同一性的发展及与情绪适应的关系

大学生自我同一性的发展及与情绪适应的关系王树青1,石猛2,陈会昌*(1.济南大学教育与心理科学学院,山东济南250022;2.山东英才学院科研处,山东济南250104)【摘要】目的:考察大学生自我同一性发展的基本特点,以及自我同一性状态与情绪适应之间的关系。

方法:采用自我同一性状态问卷(EOM-EIS-2)、自尊问卷(SES)、焦虑问卷(SAS )和抑郁问卷(BDI)对1131名大学生进行调查。

结果:①大三学生比大一、大二表现出更高水平的同一性获得;与其他年级相比,大一学生具有较低的同一性早闭水平。

在非独生子女大学生中男生比女生具有更高的同一性获得水平;来自城市的大学生中女生比男生具有更高的同一性早闭得分。

②大学生的同一性获得状态可正向预测自尊,负向预测焦虑、抑郁,同一性早闭状态和扩散状态负向预测自尊,同一性延缓状态正向预测焦虑、抑郁。

结论:大学生的自我同一性状态呈现出一定的性别差异、独生/非独生以及城乡差异特点;自我同一性状态对大学生的情绪适应有较强的影响。

【关键词】大学生;自我同一性;同一性状态;情绪适应中图分类号:R395.6文献标识码:A文章编号:1005-3611(2010)02-0215-04Ego Identity Development and Its ’Relation to Emotional Adjustment in College StudentsWANG Shu-qing ,SHI Meng ,CHEN Hui-changUniversity of Jinan ,Jinan 250022,China【Abstract 】Objective:T he study aims to investigate the characteristics of college students ’ego identity development,and to explore the relation between ego identity status and emotional adjustment.Methods:T he Extend Objective Measure of Ego Identity Status-2,the Self-Esteem Scale,the Self-Rating Anxiety Scale and the Beck Depression Inventory were used to investigate 1131college students.Results:①Juniors had higher scores in the identity achievement status than freshmen and sophomores.Freshmen scored lower in the identity foreclosure than college students in other grades.Male college students who were non-only children had higher scores in the identity achievement status than females.Female college students from the cities had higher scores in the identity foreclosure status than males.②Identity achievement status had positive influence on self-esteem,and negative influence on anxiety and depression.Both identity foreclosure and identity diffusion status negatively influenced self-esteem.Identity moratorium status had positive effect on anxiety and depression.Conclusion:There is developmental trend in college students ’ego identity status,and gender differences,only children/non-only children differences and city/rural differences are found in the identity status.Ego identity status has strong influence on college students ’emotional adjustment.【Key words 】C ollege students ;E go identity ;I dentity status ;E motional adjustment【基金项目】教育部人文社科重点基地重大项目(06JJDXLX002);济南大学博士基金课题(B0813);济南大学教学研究课题(JZ0802)通讯作者:陈会昌;*北京师范大学心理学院大学生处于从青少年晚期向成年早期的过渡阶段,生活在社会许可的制度化延缓期,拥有更为开放和自由的环境,以及更多实践自己理想或选择的机会,面临自我同一性形成的重要发展任务。

自我同一性理论及研究进展

自我同一性理论及研究进展

自我同一性理论及研究进展摘要:对自我同一性理论研究进行归纳概括,从自我同一性概念界定、自我同一性的测量、自我同一性模型建构、相关因素及应用研究等方面进行综述。

发现自我同一性理论研究越来越关注内在心理结构及现象学方面的影响因素,中国对自我同一性理论本身缺乏深入研究,国内的研究主要集中在引进、评述国外的研究成果及应用上。

关键词:自我同一性理论青少年自我同一性模型自我同一性测量同一性几乎是当代社会科学无所不在的概念,它遍及哲学、心理学、精神分析学、政治科学、社会学、人类学和历史学。

埃里克森(Erikson)1946年将同一性概念引入心理学,1963年首创自我同一性概念并被广泛地应用于社会心理学、人格心理学、发展心理学、教育心理学、咨询心理学和文化心理学。

继埃里克森之后,玛西亚(Marcia)等对自我同一性进行不断的深入研究,自我同一性理论研究已经取得一定的成果。

目前关于自我同一性理论的研究主要集中于自我同一性概念的界定、自我同一性的实证研究、自我同一性模型的建构等。

本文主要是针对自我同一性理论的现有研究进行综述,通过对现有研究成果及最新的研究进展的陈述,分析自我同一性理论的研究发展趋势,以便更好地把握自我同一性理论,并有效地运用自我同一性理论。

一、自我同一性的概念界定自我同一性是西方心理学中一个重要概念,它被广泛用于发展心理学、人格心理学、社会心理学、咨询心理学、教育心理学等,但是自我同一性概念内涵丰富、复杂,到目前尚缺乏明确统一的定义,这影响了自我同一性理论的进一步发展。

目前关于自我同一性概念的研究也有许多,比较有代表性的有韩晓峰、郭金山的《论自我同一性概念的整合》、郭金山的《西方心理学自我同一性概念的解析》。

郭金山的《西方心理学自我同一性概念的解析》主要分析了埃里克森自我同一性概念的奠基、自我同一性概念的实证研究以及自我同一性概念发展的新趋势。

Erikson 是第一个系统全面地阐释自我同一性的理论家,被称为自我同一性之父。

自我同一性状态

自我同一性状态

青少年自我同一性状态问卷性别:__年龄:__1.您目前正在:读书工作2.如果您目前正在读书,您现在是:本科生研究生您现在的年级是:3.如果您现在是本科生,请回答:您就读于大学您所就读的大学属于:985院校211院校省/市重点其它您所就读的专业属于:一本二本三本专科您所就读的专业属于:文科理科工科4.如果您现在是研究生或已工作,请回答:您就读于大学您所就读的大学属于:985院校211院校省/市重点其它您所就读的专业属于:一本二本三本专科您所就读的专业属于:文科理科工科5.如果您现在是研究生,请回答:您就读于学校您所就读的学校属于:外国院校985院校211院校省/市重点其它指导语:请仔细阅读下面每一句话,注意要对整句话而不是句子的某一部分做出判断。

“1”至“6”表示句子的描述在多大程度上符合你的情况,请如实做出回答,并在题目前相应的()内标出您的答案。

我们采用不计名调查方式,并会对您的答案予以保密。

每题只准选一个答案。

请您在确保已明确此次问卷调查的后,开始作答。

感谢您能牺牲宝贵的时间来配合这次调查!()1. 我还没有决定自己真正想从事的职业,有什么工作就先做什么,等有了更好的再说。

()2. 我不关注信仰问题,我觉得人在做事情时也不需要考虑信仰。

()3. 在男性和女性的角色方面,我与父母的看法一致,他们赞成的我也赞成。

?()4. 没有哪一种生活方式比其他生活方式更加吸引我(如以工作为重还是以休闲生活为重)。

()5. 世上人有很多种,我尽可能地寻找那些适合做我朋友的人。

()6. 我有时会在别人的邀请下参加一些娱乐活动,但很少主动尝试。

()7. 我还没有真正考虑过“约会方式”问题,我也没有好好想过我是否该谈恋爱。

?()8. 政治上的事我拿不准,因为这类事情变化太快,但我真的认为政治立场和信仰很重要。

()9. 我一直在试图评价我的个人能力如何,我适合做什么样的工作。

()10. 对于信仰问题我没做多少思考,我也不会因此而烦恼。

职业同一性状态量表的中文修订及初步应用

职业同一性状态量表的中文修订及初步应用

职业同一性状态量表的中文修订及初步应用作者:宋仕婕顾雪英来源:《心理技术与应用》2024年第01期摘要為检验中文版职业同一性状态量表在中国青年学生中的信效度,并考察大学生和高中生职业同一性状态分布及差异,通过四轮施测对总计871名大学生样本和760名高中生样本进行项目分析、因素分析、信效度分析、等值性检验并初步应用。

修订后的中文版职业同一性状态量表(C-VISA)包含六个因子,分别为广度探索、深度探索、作出承诺、认同承诺、自我怀疑和职业灵活性,共计26个项目;验证性因素分析结果显示模型拟合良好;总量表和分量表的内部一致性信度和重测信度良好,效标关联效度良好;在大学生和高中生群体中具有跨年龄的等值性,可以区分达成、延缓、探寻性延缓、早闭、扩散和无忧扩散六种职业同一性状态。

这表明C-VISA具有较好的信效度,可作为测量大学生和高中生职业同一性状态的有效工具。

关键词职业同一性状态;信度;效度;跨年龄等值分类号 B849DOI:10.16842/ki.issn2095-5588.2024.01.0051 引言生涯教育作为职业心理学的重要分支,是心理学在教育实践层面的关键着力点。

目前,我国生涯教育已在高校构建了较为成熟的工作体系,并有逐步向高中及义务教育阶段推进的趋势,为促进学生升学就业和人格发展提供了许多帮助(凌斌等, 2017; 俞国良,李天然,2019)。

然而随着社会分工逐渐细化,学生的生涯发展需求日渐多样化与个性化,突破以往单一笼统的就业指导,提高生涯教育的针对性与实效性,成为促进生涯教育长足发展面临的重要课题(宋健等, 2022; Rezayat & Sheu, 2020; Zhou et al., 2016)。

职业同一性是个体在寻求职业发展的过程中,对自我在职业世界中定位的思考和确认,当这种确定性处于不同发展阶段时,可以区分出不同的职业同一性状态(Skorikov & Vond-racek, 1998)。

最新研究生的自我同一性状态与学业拖延行为的相关研究资料

最新研究生的自我同一性状态与学业拖延行为的相关研究资料

研究生的自我同一性状态与学业拖延行为的相关研究了解研究生群体自我同一性的发展状况和特点,并探讨其与学业拖延行为的关系。

方法采用方便取样法,使用大学生自我同一性状态量表与Aitken拖延行为量表对深圳大学267名在读研究生进行调查。

结果①研究生中处于延缓型同一状态的人最多(42.3%),其次是弥散型(27%)。

②男生在获得型同一状态的总量表和两个分量表上的得分均高于女生;文科生在延缓型、早闭型和扩散型同一性状态上的得分均低于理工科的学生,获得型同一状态上得分无差异;有工作经验的研究生在所有扩散型分量表上的得分均低于无工作经验的研究生,所有获得型分量表上的得分则相反?。

③个体在所有获得型同一性状态量表上的得分与学业拖延行为成负相关(r=-0.07~-0.11),在其它分量表上的得分与学业拖延行为成正相关(r=0.08~0.22)。

结论研究生自我同一性状态的发展需要引起关注,尤其是注意女生和理工科研究生。

促进研究生的自我同一性的发展可能有助于改善其学业拖延行为。

埃里克森在关于人格的心理社会发展理论中提出了一个非常重要的概念——自我同一性,它是指一种关于自己是谁,在社会上占什么样的地位,将来准备成为什么样的人以及怎样努力成为理想中的人等一系列主观感觉;是个体在寻求自我的发展中,对自我的确认和对自我发展的一些重大问题,诸如:理想、职业、价值观、人生观等的思考和选择;涉及到个体的过去、现在和将来这一发展的时间维度[1,2]。

玛西亚将自我同一性划分成4种状态:扩散型同一性(identity diffusion) ,是指没有固定的承诺并不主动寻求形成承诺, 没有经历过探索的阶段, 或者处于同一性危机之中但不能成功地解决,对未来彷徨迷惑, 不知所措, 没有确定的目的、价值或打算。

早闭型同一性(identity foreclosure) ,是指没有经历探索阶段(同一性危机) 就对一定的目标、价值观和信念形成了承诺, 这些承诺反映的是父母或权威人物的希望和要求。

当代大学生自我同一性研究概述

当代大学生自我同一性研究概述

第16卷第4期Vol.16 No.4珠海城市职业技术学院学报Zhuhai City Polytechnic college2010年12月Dec.2010当代大学生自我同一性研究概述王书(重庆教育学院,重庆 400067)[摘要] 自我同一性,也称自我统合,是青年大学生人格发展的关键性阶段任务。

当代大学生因自我意识的成熟与周遭环境变迁,自我认同越发困难,易产生一些诸如焦虑、失落、无所适从、人际交往障碍等心理困扰和行为问题。

这恰恰反映了当代大学生在其心理素质的适应、发展与自组织功能上存在的不足。

因此,作为大学生健全心理素质培养的核心内容,从其自我同一性发展的可塑性入手,引发教育心理研究者的长期关注与探索。

[关键词] 大学生;自我同一性;理论基础;相关研究自我同一性 (ego-identity)的概念源自埃里克森(Erik.H.Erikson)的同一性渐成说。

他提到,个体一生中要经历8个自我发展的关键性和转折性阶段,每个阶段都有其特殊的身心发展需要、任务与面临的社会心理问题,并且呈前后继承和开拓创新的上升态势,即“心理•社会的危机”。

其中,“固定于青年期末的同一性,对之前从婴儿期以来的过去所有单个同一性都起了概括的作用,并将之改造成一个独特而连贯性的整体。

”[1]这说明青年期自我同一性在个体人生发展中具有不可替代的重要意义和作用,而研究与教育的目的就在于帮助青年们顺利地完成发展课题,促进积极人格品质的形成。

一、理论基础(一)自我同一性的概念埃里克森认为“一个人的自我同一性即是自我认知的原则导向,自我情绪情感体验的信念化,自我调节的监控化和自我评价的固着化”。

这即是说,自我同一性不仅是一种自我体验,也包含了自我认识与自我调节的成分;是个体自我一致的心理感受。

这种一致,首先来自时空中的“过去、现在和将来的自身作为同一实体的存在感和意识”[2]。

其次它也意味着本文为重庆教育学院2009年院级科研课题项目成果。

量表设计

量表设计

制作和使用过程: 提出调查的问题 规定评分标准 进行测量试验 评估测试结果 制定加总量表 进行实际测量
第一步:提出想调查的问题。 第一步:提出想调查的问题。 根据课题研究要求,在初步探索的基础上提出 一组调查问题,由于有一部分问题辨别力不强将被 删除,因此开始可多提一些问题。
如:要了解农民对费改税的态度,可以先提出一些问题: 要了解农民对费改税的态度,可以先提出一些问题:
第四步评估测试结果: 第四步评估测试结果:
得分高低排序——列出每人每题得分 , 计算前后 ( 高低 ) 列出每人每题得分, 得分高低排序 列出每人每题得分 25%的人在每个问题的平均分;计算平均分值差;差值较低的问 的人在每个问题的平均分;计算平均分值差; 的人在每个问题的平均分 题()被剔除。 被剔除。
Forced Ranking Scale 集中排列量表
Data: Ordinal 直接将选項进行排序 Porsche BMW Lexus Mercedes Audi
Successive intervals 连续区间法
适用于有许多比较項目 利用卡片让受測者以卡片对比 较項目进行排序 Data: Ordinal
ATTITUDE SCALE 态度量表
方向性 Direction
喜欢 vs. 不喜欢
強弱度 Valence
普通喜欢 ……………….非常喜欢
一致性 Consistency
就对同一事物的态度而言,态度的三层面间关系 一致关系
量表分类
依回答的形式(针对问题选项而言)
RATING SCALE
评比量表
RANKING SCALE
问题1 费改税没有必要 问题1.费改税没有必要 问题2 问题2.费改税是搞好农村经济的必要条件 问题3 问题3.费改税伤筋动骨很难 问题4 问题4.要减轻农民负担必须稿费改税 问题5 问题5.费改税有些地区搞搞就行了 问题6 问题6.现在农村都在抓经济顾不上费改税 问题7.费改税涉及长远应尽快进行 问题7 问题8 农村温饱问题没解决, 问题8.农村温饱问题没解决,哪会搞费改税 问题9 问题9.费改税国家政府的政策农民要求一定顺利 问题10. 问题10.农村基本改革没普及更不可能费改税 10 问题11. 问题11.尽管费改税有困难但迟早会完成 11 问题12. 问题12.农村差异较大全面费改税要求是否太高 12

大学生自我同一性状态量表

大学生自我同一性状态量表

大学生自我同一性状态量表大学生自我同一性状态量表是由吉林大学郭金山在其博士论文中所引修订的加拿大Guelph 大学 Gerald R.Adams 教授编制的自我同一性状态客观测量的标准化量表(EOM-ELS-2) ,该量表采用 6 点量表计分, 1 代表非常赞同, 6 代表非常不赞同。

量表共计 64 道题目,包含 8 个内容领域,其中 4 个意识形态领域为政治观点、宗教信仰、职业和人生观; 4 个人际关系领域为友谊、交往、性别角色和娱乐活动。

因此,该量表有 4 个分量表:成就型同一性状态量表 (ACH) 、延缓型同一性状态量表 (MOR) 、排他型同一性状态量表 (FOR) 和弥散型同一性状态量表 (DIF) 。

每一个分量表又有两个子量表,共同构成了 8 个子量表,即意识形态领域上的成就型 (IDACH) 、延缓型 (IDMOR) 、排他型 (IDFOR) 和弥散型 (IDDIF) 同一性状态量表;人际关系领域上的成就型 (INACH) 、延缓型(INMOR) 、排他型 (INFOR) 和弥散型 (INDIF) 同一性状态量表,每一子量表各 8 道题目。

大学生自我同一性状态量表维度与项目意识形态领域上的成就型 (IDACH) 、延缓型 (IDMOR) 、排他型 (IDFOR) 和弥散型 (IDDIF) 同一性状态量表IDDIF弥散性我还没有确定我真正想从事的职业,我想待机遇而定。

我对信仰方面的问题不感兴趣,觉得不用去探讨。

我并不关心自己要选择什么生活方式,没有哪一种生活方式能吸引我。

对信仰方面的问题,我考虑的不多,也不为此而烦恼。

我没有真正地考虑过政治问题,它没有引起我太多的兴趣。

对于我适合什么工作,没做太多考虑,想随遇而安。

我觉得自己没有形成特定的人生观,我只想过得快乐些。

我对政治了解不多,还没有形成固定的立场。

IDFOR排他性我本可以考虑许多不同的工作,但自从父母表示了他们的想法之后,我就听从了。

青少年自我同一性状态问卷及维度

青少年自我同一性状态问卷及维度

青少年自我同‎一性状态问卷‎指导语:仔细阅读下面‎每一句话,注意要对整句‎话而不是句子‎的某一部分做‎出判断。

“1”至“6”表示句子的描‎述在多大程度‎上符合你的情‎况,请如实做出回‎答,并在题后相应‎数字上打勾(√)。

非常不比较不有点不有点比较非常符合符合符合符合符合符合1 2 3 4 5 61. 我还没有决定‎自己真正想从‎事的职业,有什么工作就‎先做什么,等有了更好的‎再说。

2. 我不关注信仰‎问题,我觉得人在做‎事情时也不需‎要考虑信仰。

3. 在男性和女性‎的角色方面,我与父母的看‎法一致,他们赞成的我‎也赞成。

?4. 没有哪一种生‎活方式比其他‎生活方式更加‎吸引我(如以工作为重‎还是以休闲生‎活为重)。

5. 世上人有很多‎种,我尽可能地寻‎找那些适合做‎我朋友的人。

6. 我有时会在别‎人的邀请下参‎加一些娱乐活‎动,但很少主动尝‎试。

7. 我还没有真正‎考虑过“约会方式”问题,我也没有好好‎想过我是否该‎谈恋爱。

?8. 政治上的事我‎拿不准,因为这类事情‎变化太快,但我真的认为‎政治立场和信‎仰很重要。

9. 我一直在试图‎评价我的个人‎能力如何,我适合做什么‎样的工作。

10. 对于信仰问题‎我没做多少思‎考,我也不会因此‎而烦恼。

11. 婚姻中划分夫‎妻双方责任的‎方式有许多种‎,我正试图确定‎哪一种最适合‎我。

12. 我正在寻找一‎种适合自己的‎生活方式,但目前没有找‎到。

13. 确立友谊关系‎的原则有很多‎,我是根据价值‎观和彼此间的‎相似性来选择‎朋友的。

14. 没有一种娱乐‎活动让我特别‎投入,我喜欢参加多‎种娱乐活动,以便从中找出‎自己最喜欢的‎。

15. 根据以往的经‎历,现在我已明确‎了我喜欢的约‎会关系类型(如约会频率和‎方式)。

16. 我还没有真正‎考虑过政治方‎面的问题,这类问题不会‎让我非常激动‎。

17. 我原来可能想‎过将来从事什‎么职业的问题‎,但自从父母说‎出他们的期望‎之后,对此我就再也‎没有任何疑问‎了。

Hamilton汉密尔顿抑郁量表(HAMD) (24项版)

Hamilton汉密尔顿抑郁量表(HAMD) (24项版)

Hamilton汉密尔顿抑郁量表(HAMD)HAMD量表是临床上评定抑郁状态时最常用的量表。

(24项版)五级评分项目:(0)为无(1)轻度(2)中度(3)重度(4)很重三级评分项目:(0)为无(1)轻度~中度(2)重度1.抑郁情绪●只在问到时才诉述;--------------------------------------------------------------------- 1 ●在言语中自发地表达;------------------------------------------------------------------ 2 ●不用言语也可从表情、姿势、声音或欲哭中流露出这种情绪;-------------------------------------------------------------- 3 ●病人的自发语言和非自发语言(表情、动作),几乎完全表现为这种情绪。

----------------------------------------------- 4 2.有罪感●责备自己,感到自己已连累他人;------------------------------------------------- 1 ●认为自己犯了罪,或反复思考以往的过失和错误;---------------------------- 2 ●认为目前的疾病,是对自己错误的惩罚,或有罪恶妄想;------------------- 3 ●罪恶妄想伴有指责或威胁性幻觉。

------------------------------------------------- 4 3.自杀●觉得活着没有意义;------------------------------------------------------------------- 1 ●希望自己已经死去,或常想到与死有关的事;---------------------------------- 2 ●消极观念(自杀念头);-------------------------------------------------------------- 3●有严重自杀行为。

大学生自我同一性状态量表

大学生自我同一性状态量表

大学生自我同一性状态量表大学生自我同一性状态量表是由吉林大学郭金山在其博士论文中所引修订的加拿大 Guelph 大学 Gerald R.Adams 教授编制的自我同一性状态客观测量的标准化量表 (EOM-ELS-2) ,该量表采用 6 点量表计分, 1 代表非常赞同, 6 代表非常不赞同。

量表共计 64 道题目,包含 8 个内容领域,其中 4 个意识形态领域为政治观点、宗教信仰、职业和人生观; 4 个人际关系领域为友谊、交往、性别角色和娱乐活动。

因此,该量表有 4 个分量表:成就型同一性状态量表 (ACH) 、延缓型同一性状态量表 (MOR) 、排他型同一性状态量表 (FOR) 和弥散型同一性状态量表 (DIF) 。

每一个分量表又有两个子量表,共同构成了 8 个子量表,即意识形态领域上的成就型 (IDACH) 、延缓型 (IDMOR) 、排他型 (IDFOR) 和弥散型(IDDIF) 同一性状态量表;人际关系领域上的成就型 (INACH) 、延缓型(INMOR) 、排他型(INFOR) 和弥散型 (INDIF) 同一性状态量表,每一子量表各 8 道题目。

大学生自我同一性状态量表维度与项目意识形态领域上的成就型 (IDACH) 、延缓型 (IDMOR) 、排他型 (IDFOR) 和弥散型 (IDDIF) 同一性状态量表IDDIF弥散性我还没有确定我真正想从事的职业,我想待机遇而定。

我对信仰方面的问题不感兴趣,觉得不用去探讨。

我并不关心自己要选择什么生活方式,没有哪一种生活方式能吸引我。

对信仰方面的问题,我考虑的不多,也不为此而烦恼。

我没有真正地考虑过政治问题,它没有引起我太多的兴趣。

对于我适合什么工作,没做太多考虑,想随遇而安。

我觉得自己没有形成特定的人生观,我只想过得快乐些。

我对政治了解不多,还没有形成固定的立场。

IDFOR排他性我本可以考虑许多不同的工作,但自从父母表示了他们的想法之后,我就听从了。

心理学英文文献报告

心理学英文文献报告

方法

家庭关系的测量 家庭环境量表(家庭凝聚/情感表达/家庭冲突) 李克特五点量 表,1代表从不,5代表总是 本研究量表的系数为0.73 自我同一性状态 该量表采用6点量表计分,1代表非常赞同,6代表非常不赞同 包括四个分量表(成就型、排他型、弥散性、延缓型)本研究量表的系数0.66


自我同一性风格测量 采用Berzonsky修订的自我同一性风格问卷,该问卷共34个 项目,每个项目从“一点也不像我”到“非常像我”,均为5点计分。问卷包括4个 分量表,即信息风格、标准风格、扩散-回避风格和承诺分量表。由于本研究只考 察大一学生的同一性风格,因此对承诺分量表不做分析。本研究总量表的Cronbach 系数为0.62
同一性获得(identity 同一性拒斥(identity 同一性扩散(identity 同一性延缓(identity
achievement)YES foreclosure)NO diffusion) NO
YES YES NO NO
moratorium) YES
自我同一性风格

在批判玛西亚理论的基础上,berzonsky(1990)提出了个体认同的过

对象&方法
1.采取整群抽样法,选取351名大学一年级学生进行问卷调查。 男生 119名(34%) 女生 232名(66%)(男女比例接近1:2,与本校大一新生 男女比例相仿) 年龄介于18—21,平均值为19.22
大多数学生来自欧洲中产阶级
2.方法 社会心理情况 问卷法,包括八个量表,与埃里克森八阶段论相对应,但我 们重点关注的是晚期青少年阶段量表,所以集中于前五个阶段(希望、意志、目 标、能力、诚实),最终成绩为五个量表分数之和,五个变量值和可以解释变量 的66% coefficientα为0.89 学校关系(1-5点李克特量表,学生vs全体教职工;学生vs导师;学生vs同 伴)

浅析当前硕士研究生的自我同一性状态

浅析当前硕士研究生的自我同一性状态

第2l卷第9期成都大学学报(教育科学版)V01.2l N0.9 2007年9月Journal ofC h en g d u Un i v e r s i t y(E d u c a t io n a l Sciences Edition) Se p.2007浅析当前硕士研究生的自我同一性状态-谢闻麒1杨绿2‘(1.吉林大学文学院吉林长春13G012;2.吉林大学哲学社会学院吉林长春130012)【摘要1自我同一性是人格的棱心,走个体最长的具有动力性的心理社套蛄构。

当前,特珠的现实环境,使硕士研究生赴于十俸成熟的转折点上,其自我同一性状态呈现出发展阶段的延缓性、发展内客的不均衡性、发展过程的反复性、发展白身的终身性等特点。

其根泺在于个体探索经历的不足和社套转型的影响。

【关键词1项士研完生;自我乒l一性;人格【中围分类号】B848:C643【文献标识码】A 【文章编号】l嘲一9144(2007}09—0009—03人格成熟是个体获得全面发展的前提,是个体发展的(二)自袁孵一性皮展的内善不砖衡挂作为人格核动因。

作为精英群体的硕士研究生,其人格发展的偏颇会心的自我同一性,在描述层面有其内容维度.即,可从个体给学业、事业的发展带来臣大障碍,妨碍人生价值的实现。

成长的不同方面来描述其自我同一性状态。

马锡亚(M小这一问愿已经引起高校教育工作者的广泛关注。

本文以血,1966)依据同一性对同一性混乱阶段理论,提出了以探顽士研究生的自我同一性建构问题为切人点,试图解析其索(钢如哦ioll)和承诺(岫砷ihlHt)为变量的自我同一性的发展所面临的困境,并探寻其根源。

操作定义。

w咄盯n蚰在此基础上提出:个体在生活的所有一,自我同一性的概念殛特点领域中都表现为相同的同一性状态吗?wm—m(1985)考美国精神分析学家埃里克森(Erjk H.瞄k啪)提出的自察了职业、宗教等道德信念、政治观点、性别角色四个同一我同一性(e∞一id er正ty)概念,主要包括三层涵义:(1)个人性领域的发展后.得出结论:同一性在不同领域内的发展在时问和空间之中的连续感和一致性;(2)带有动力性特征并不是始终平衡的。

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The Objective Measure of Ego Identity Status:A Reference ManualGerald R. AdamsCopyright © 1998 by Gerald R. AdamsPrefaceThe original version of the Objective Measure of Ego-Identity Status was published in 1979. Two decades later the instrument is still being widely used in North America, Europe, Australia, and beyond.After twenty years of development, there have been numerous studies focusing on the estimation of the reliability and validity of items. Several modifications and revision of this measure of identity formation, based on an Eriksonian framework, and our own theoretical notions, and a multitude of studies investigating the ego-identity status paradigm, have contributed to the preparation of a revised reference manual to provide information on the psychometric qualities of this instrument. This manual is developed with the intention of introducing the user to the framework of the test, an overview of its various stages of construction, and a summary of information that has been provided over several years in various publications. The versions of the tests included in this manual reflect our efforts in test construction and provide information of our publications regarding available instrumentation. In certain cases it may be useful to refer to the publications for further elaboration of tabled data.The Objective Measure of Ego-Identity Status is a self-report alternative to a clinical interview methodology. It evolved from research experience with the semi-structured interview to allow for wider applications of the foundation constructs of the Ego-Identity Status Paradigm. This self-report measure can be used for research and clinical or educational assessments of identity formation.The development of this instrument has been supported through research grants from the Utah State University Agricultural Experiment Station, National Institute of Mental Health, and the Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada. Research scientists who purchase this manual have permission to copy the manual and instrument for use in projects that have been approved by university human subjects committees. There are no limits to the number of copies of test items for this purpose. Graduate students are granted permission to place the test items in their thesis appendices. Educational or clinical assessments, using the measure, must be accompanied by written approval through arrangements with the copyright holder.Gerald R. AdamsFall, 1998Objective Measure of Ego Identity Status: A Reference ManualHistory and Rationale for Identity MeasurementTheoryErik Erikson (1968) set forth a theory of ego development to account for the interactions between psychological, social, historical and developmental factors in the formation of personality. Perhaps no single theoretician has had a greater impact on our perceptions of adolescent personality development than E. H. Erikson. In particular, Erikson’s (1968) Identity: Youth and Crisis has provided a theoretical framework for theorizing about, and for measuring identity formation.Originally, Erikson was stimulated by the difficulties which some World War II veterans encountered upon reentering society, and became interested in problems associated with acute identity diffusion. Over time and through clinical experience he came to believe that the pathological difficulties which some veterans had in leaving one role (soldier) and entering another (civilian) were psychologically similar to the problem which some adolescents experience as they leave childhood and move through the transition of adolescence into adulthood. From this experiential framework has evolved a psychology of adolescent identity formation.What then did Erikson mean by identity? Drawing on his psychoanalytic thinking with an emphasis on ego development, he derived several definitions of identity. Based on the notion that the ego organizes a coherent personality endowed with a sameness and continuity perceived by others, Erikson (1968) stated: “Ego identity then, in its subjective aspect, is the awareness of the fact that there is a self-sameness and continuity to the ego’s synthesizing methods, the style of one’s individuality, andthat this style coincides with the sameness and continuity of one’s meaning for significant othersin the immediate community” (p. 50).In even earlier writings, Erikson (1956) stated:“The term identity…connotes both a persistent sameness within oneself (self-sameness) and a persistent sharing of some kind of essential character with others” (p. 57).Throughout his writings Erikson proposed that the self-sameness and continuity is expressed through a “conscious sense of individual identity,” an unconscious striving for a “continuity of personal character,” a continuing process of “ego synthesis,” and an “inner solidarity” with a group’s “ideals and social identity.”Erikson delineated major factors that contribute to identity formation during adolescence. He argued that each society provides a scheduled time period for the completion of an identity. While recognizing that there are tremendous variations in the duration, intensity, and ritualization of adolescence, he proposed that all societies offer a psychosocial moratorium wherein the adolescent is expected to make “commitments for life,” and to establish a relatively fixed self-definition. In Erikson’s own words:"Societies offer, as individuals require, more or less sanctioned intermediary periods betweenchildhood and adulthood, institutionalized psychosocial moratoria, during which a lasting patternof ‘inner identity’ is scheduled for relative completion” (p. 66).Thus a psychosocial moratorium, as a critical phase of life, is accompanied by a sense of crisis. Crisis is defined as a normative life event designating:“a necessary turning point, a crucial moment, when development must move one way or another,marshaling resources of growth, recovery, and further differentiation” (Erikson, 1968, p. 16).This normative identity crisis is thought to stimulate identity consciousness that compels the individual to explore life alternatives (e.g., political views, religious choices, etc.) and is resolved through personal ideological commitment.Beginning with Erikson’s theory we have expanded the theoretical base around which a self-report measure of identity formation can be used (see Adams and Marshall, 1996). The general features of a developmental social psychology of identity will be briefly summarized for prospective users of the Objective Measure of Ego-Identity Status.The Nature of Socialization: Individuality and RelatednessSocialization, in a broad sense, includes the tendencies that establish and maintain relations between people and which ensure the integration and respect of individuals as participants within a society that regulates behaviors according to societal codes (Damon, 1983). At a glance, the process of socialization and human development appears to be based on the paradoxical association between two seemingly opposing factors. That is, the duality between agency and communion, individuality versus collectivity, self versus other. Agency, or the individual function of socialization, focuses on the need for, and processes associated with, individuation, uniqueness, or separateness. Communion, or the social function of socialization, centers on the need for and processes which facilitate belongingness, connectedness, and union with others. The seeming opposites, however, are actually false oppositions (to use a term from Damon, 1995). This false opposition is readily seen in Damon’s (1983) concluding analysis of the writings of James Mark Baldwin (an early pioneer in the field of child development), when he states that communion and individuation are…“to a certain extent distinct form one another, and there is always the possibility that actionswhich will further one may not be in the service of the other, or may even stand in opposition tothe other. But in the normal course of development, they go hand in hand, supporting eachother’s growth. There is a creative tension between the two, a dialectical interplay between theneeds of the individual to maintain relations with others and the needs of the individual toconstruct a separate self. The individual can only construct the self in the context of relationswith others, but at the same time, the individual must step beyond the confines of those relationsand forge a unique destiny” (p. 5).Individuals need a sense of uniqueness and a sense of belonging. Therefore, most socialization literature will, in various ways, argue for, or demonstrate, that the individual and social functions of socialization serve psychological and social well-being through feelings that the self is significant or matters (often defined as self-esteem) and perceptions of mattering to others (see Rosenberg, 1985; Erikson, 1964). Feeling significant or mattering is “the individual’s feeling that he or she counts, makes a difference, ‘signifies’” (Rosenberg, 1985, p. 215). At the individual level, this involves personal agency. At the group level mattering signifies communion or belonging.Individual FunctionTo restate our position, the individual function of socialization enhances one’s sense of self as a unique and individuated person. The underlying process supporting such features is differentiation. Intrapersonally, this process centers on the differentiation of various aspect of the self. Interpersonal differentiation focuses on the emergence of an autonomous self from that of others. Hence, socialization that facilitates differentiation will result in a sense of mattering or feeling significant to the self as an autonomous individual with varying differentiated and valued (salient and important) self features.Social FunctionThe social function of socialization enhances one’s sense of belonging to and caring about significant others. The underlying process of the social function is integration. Intrapersonally, this involves the selection and organization of aspects of the social context which are personally meaningful. That is, the individual constructs anidentity out of socially possible faces and voices. Interpersonally, integration centers on the involvement, connection, and, communion with others. Socialization that facilitates integration will result in a sense of mattering in the form of social or collective identity.1.The social and individual functions of socialization indicate that there is an underlying need for identity that ispart of being human. The individual dynamic is the need to be individuated, unique or special. The social dynamic is the need to belong, to be connected, to have union and fellowship with others. Both dynamics serve psychological and social well-being through feelings and self-perceptions of mattering to oneself and to others.2.The individual dynamic (need) is to enhance one’s sense of self as a unique and individuated person.Intrapersonally, this centers on the differentiation of various aspects of the self. Interpersonal processes focus on the emergence of an autonomous self from that of others. Socialization that facilitates the individual dynamic will result in a sense of mattering to the self as an autonomous individual with varying differentiated and valued self features.3.The social dynamic (need) is to enhance one’s sense of belonging and mattering to significant others. Theinterpersonal process focuses on the construction of the self within many socially possible faces or voices.Interpersonal processes center on communion and connectedness with others. Socialization processes that facilitate this need result in a sense of mattering to others in the form of social (collective, role, interpersonal, or group) identity.Balance between the processes of interpersonal differentiation and integration is critical for healthy human development (Erikson, 1968; Grotevant & Cooper, 1986; Papini, 1994). A high degree of differentiation which results in extreme uniqueness of an individual is likely to be met with a lack of acceptance by, and communion with, others. Low interpersonal integration of an individual can lead to marginalization, or a drifting to the periphery of a life system. Some individuals will find community with other marginalized persons and build or join another life system that meets their need for communion. However, low integration into a life system(s) will diminish individuals’ sense of mattering to others and to commitments to particular social roles (Schlossberg, 1989). Conversely, extreme connectedness and low interpersonal differentiation within a life system can curtail individuals’ sense of uniqueness and agency. This can leave individuals prone to difficulties in adapting to new circumstances (e.g., see Josselson, 1987).Up to this point, the individual and social functions of socialization have been considered in light of their influence on human development. However, individuals (with identities) are seen as living and growing in active and evolving life systems. These same individuals both shape and are shaped by the very essence of their physical, social, economic, spiritual, and personal lives (Ford & Lerner, 1992). The individual is an essential unit within the group, just as the family, school, and community are a living part of the individual. Actions by or within either affects the other; therefore, we can state the following proposition:4.An individual’s personal or social identity not only is shaped, in part, by the living systems around theindividual, but the individual’s identity can shape and change the nature of these living systems.In essence, the processes of differentiation and integration which undergird socialization and human development also function to support the life and growth of living systems. Conceptual and analytic literature within family theory (Minuchin, 1974), sociology, and social psychology (Manheim, 1952; Gergen, 1982; Martindale, 1960) and human development (Ford & Lerner, 1992) have been influential in shaping our notions about the nature of life systems.The differentiation between individuals within a given system (interpersonal differentiation/intra-system differentiation) allows for individuals to make unique contributions that facilitate the adaptive evolution of the life system. Inter-system differentiation between groups centers on the emergence of an autonomous group identity. Communion between individuals within a group (interpersonal connectedness/intra-system connected-ness) supports communal life in constructing a cohesive structure. Inter-system communion focuses on the connectionsbetween life systems. Connections between life systems support intergroup compatibility, acceptance, and tolerance, while diminishing defensiveness, friction, and discrimination. Communion between life systems effects the permeability of individual systems. That is, interactions between systems result in exchanges which facilitate the adaptative evolution of systems, but also threaten their uniqueness.The identity of a life system is founded upon the dynamics of integration and relatedness. Indeed, the underlying need for identity that is a part of being human is paralleled in the need for life system identity. As with individuals, the balance between differentiation and integration is critical to the life of the system. High valuation and over-emphasis on differentiation and individuality within a system is likely to result in difficulties in maintaining continuity and cohesion by members over time. Hence, the system may disintegrate if differentiation between members is high. High valuation of differentiation between systems will inhibit permeability which functions to facilitate the adaptive nature of the system. However, the autonomous nature of the system will emerge as a sharp contrast to other systems. Over-emphasis on connections within the system will diminish individual autonomy and hamper the emergence of new ideas that allow for the group to evolve and adapt over time. High valuation of connections between systems will result in permeability, but the system(s) will lack distinctive features.In propositional form, we advance the following:5.Differentiation and integration serve to shape the identity of life systems. Thus, identity is a necessary part ofhuman social groups in that it contributes to the structural characteristics of permeability, continuity, and coherence of each life system. Permeability is the adaptive nature of the system in its relationship to other systems. Continuity and coherence give the structure identifiable features over time.The Nature of SelfhoodFrom the strengths of many diversified perspectives, we have drawn several working propositions that are central to understanding selfhood in the study of identity. We shall state these propositions and move on to a focal concern of identity and context.6.Identity is a social-psychological construct that reflects social influences through imitation and identificationprocesses and active self-construction in the creation of what is important to the self and to others.7.The active self-constructive aspects of identity is founded upon cognitive or ego operations that organize,structure, and construct/reconstruct knowledge of the self.8.Identity, as a psychological structure, is a self-regulatory system which functions to direct attention, filter orprocess information, manage impressions, and select appropriate behaviors.9.Like all social psychological constructs, identity has its own functional purpose. The five most commonfunctions of identity include:(a)providing the structure for understanding who one is;(b)providing meaning and direction through commitments, values and goals;(c)providing a sense of personal control and free will;(d)striving for consistency, coherence, and harmony between values, beliefs, and commitments;(e)enabling the recognition of potential through a sense of future, possibilities, and alternative choices.Process of Growth and DevelopmentBaumeister’s (1986) historical analysis of identity reveals that different societies, or the same society at different times, provide different levels of choice in the construction of self. At one extreme, a society may provide a social structure where an identity is assigned by lineage or gender and is primarily determined by imitation and identification processes. While at the other extreme, a society may require choice, often between incompatible alternatives (e.g., motherhood versus career). Between these two extremes are societies with various degrees of choice, achievement, and self-transformation.Baumeister (1991a; 1991b) also writes on the search for meaning and the self. In this line of thought, he argues there is a need for escaping the self as the burden of finding meaning is placed on the individual to construct and maintain itself. He concludes in an almost apocalyptic tone:“…[that] the movement toward modern society critically weakened several of the culture’s mostpowerful value bases [e.g., religion, marriage, work ethic]. The result was the value gap--asevere shortage of firm bases for distinguishing right from wrong, for justifying and legitimizingactions, and for guiding individual moral choices. The value gap is the most serious problem oflife’s meaning that characterizes modern society, because modern life offers abundant ways ofsatisfying all the needs for meaning except value. Our culture has responded to the value gap inseveral ways, but perhaps the most important of these is the transformation of selfhood into amajor value base” (Baumeister, 1991b, p. 365, parentheses added).Extrapolations from Baumeister’s work suggests that identity is founded upon meanings and values which can be either assigned or selected. In Western societies, identity is most often thought to be selected from many available choices. (Although sub-cultural differences in regards to variations and restrictions of choice are likely within any given society.) The value base that is to be used is either a set of principles or goals assigned by societal institutions (and acquired through identification and imitation) and/or created and established by the individual (self-constructed). Ford (1992) has provided a list of the many goals of life that are likely to fill the major value base for the “maintenance or promotion of the self, and maintenance or promotion of other people or the social groups of which one is a part” (p.92). These goals include feeling unique, the freedom to act, to be valued by others, to be with and cared for, the keeping of interpersonal commitments, fairness, and caring for others. Many of these goals are similar to Erikson’s (1964) notions of ego strengths and healthy psychological functions. We believe, nonetheless, that these value goals are the new emerging value bases of selfhood and identity formation.But what drives the construction and reconstruction of identity? What compels an individual to select a value-base that underlies meaning? Early research in child development focused on identification and imitation as major mechanisms of social development (e.g., Sears, Maccoby & Levin, 1957). In comparison, psychoanalytic theory places the driving mechanism in the form of conflict and emotional resolutions (Blos, 1962) that lead to deidealization of the ego-ideal and to autonomy. Cognitive and life-span development theorists have placed it within dissonance and dialectics (e.g., Festinger, 1957; Riegel, 1976). Social psychologists (e.g., Wicklund, 1975) have argued that self-awareness is the central motivator of change. All of these perspectives share a mechanism of mild to moderate self awareness, distress/discomfort, confrontation and resolution. Our own work on self-consciousness, perspective-taking, and dialectic thought (Adams & Fitch, 1983; Adams, Abrahams, & Markstrom, 1987; Markstrom-Adams, Ascione, Braegger & Adams, 1994) leads us to believe that processes of identity formation are influenced by dialectic-like mechanisms that involve distress, incompatibility, incompleteness, inconsistency, or confrontation, followed by synthesis and/or resolution.The childhood socialization processes of identification and imitation in identity formation are not completely replaced in adolescence and adulthood by dialectic processes. Indeed, it is unlikely that these processes are mutually exclusive. For example, identification and imitation are useful processes in adolescence and adulthood as individuals experiment with alternative values, beliefs, and ways of being as a function of resolving the distress which arises from the awareness of need for change.Processes of identification and imitation are used, to varying degrees, by individuals as are the dialectic mechanism leading to synthesis and resolution. For example, the identity status literature suggests that some individuals are less likely to ‘explore’ options and more likely to identify and imitate others (Marcia et al., 1993). Conversely, some individuals experience greater awareness of incongruities and distress and may, in turn, seek out information to arrive at a resolution (see identity styles as described by Berzonsky, 1989). The degree to which individuals use either identification and imitation over dialectic processes is not simply a function of individual differences. The structure of the life systems in which the individual is embedded will also serve to shape the processes involved in identity formation.Social settings are a source of influence in shaping identity formation. Societies can provide institutionalized situations where individuals can identify with others and imitate roles. Indeed, within western society fan clubs of movie stars, sports heroes, or fashion models build upon this notion. An expectancy of conformity and high cohesion between group members may also facilitate identification and imitation. In contrast, social settings may provide for awareness, distress, confrontation, and resolution. An example of an institutionalized experience that leads to a dialectic processes is the Native American practice of marking the transition from childhood to adulthood through long periods of isolation, fasting, and meditation in the wilderness in search of spirit guardians. Such experiences create self-awareness, force a confrontation within the self, and create an expectation of discovery. Less institutionalized is the circumstance where identity formation is based primarily on idividuals’ establishment of a meaningful value system. This type of setting holds greater ambiguity in the selection of psychological and interpersonal goals. Under such circumstances, there is greater opportunity for individuals to experience a dialectic tension between opposing choices and resolution.We believe that the dialectics of identity resolution are a function of the individual experiencing an incongruity between the self-as-known (real self) and the self that could be (ideal self). Large discrepancies create anxiety surrounding perceived distance between what is and what should be. Hence there is a sense of yearning to find congruity, coherence, and purpose. Such yearning is not as salient in the processes of identification and imitation (unless these processes are being utilized to resolve an incongruity). Underlying this yearning is human faith--what Erikson (1968) refers to as fidelity. Faith is the ability to know that we will reach the goal, resolve the incongruity. In essence, to become aware of incongruity and to resolve the distress a person must have some degree of faith.The use of metaphors of shipwreck, gladness, and amazement described by Parks (1986) to understand human faith can also be useful here. Growth , it is argued, begins with suffering. As we let go of some level of belief we feel a collapse of self, a disorientation, a bewilderment, even feelings of emptiness. We are drained of the rich connections that offer us a sense of significance, delight and purpose. We feel shipwrecked. Parks (1986) states, “Shipwreck may be precipitated by events such as the loss of a relationship, violence to one’s property, the collapse of a career venture, physical illness or injury, the defeat of a cause, a fateful moral choice that irrevocable reorders one’s life, betrayal by a community or government, or the discovery that an intellectual construct is inadequate” (p.24). The shipwreck dissolves the meanings that once served us well. But in time, the ship (person) will travel to a new shore and there will be gladness. Through the shipwreck we come to transform, to discover, move beyond the loss, find new and more robust ways of knowing, understanding, being. Along with gladness, we experience amazement. The survival of the shipwreck tells us we can survive. We are amazed and strengthened.The process of identity formation will generate faith to the extent that individuals experience incongruity, loss, and crises of meaning and are able to determine some resolution within the self and with others. From work by individuals such as Erikson, Baumeister, and Parks, we believe the following propositions are central to an evolving developmental social psychology of identity.10.Identity is an ongoing process. It can be altered through processes of (a) identification and imitation and/or,(b) when self-awareness, self-focusing, or self-consciousness is heightened or incongruity that exists betweenthe self-as-known (real self) and the self that could be (ideal self).11.Identity can be assigned or selected. In most modern technologically complex societies it is selected. What isselected is a set of psychological and interpersonal goals based on the values of individuation (feeling unique),。

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