当代研究生英语原文及翻译(下册)ly

UNIT 1 PASSAGES OF HUMAN GROWTH (I)
1 A person’s life at any given time incorporates both external and internal aspects. The external system is composed of our memberships in the culture: our job, social class, family and social roles, how we present ourselves to and participate in the world. The interior realm concerns the meanings this participation has for each of us. In what ways are our values, goals, and aspirations being invigorated or violated by our present life system? How many parts of our personality can we live out, and what parts are we suppressing? How do we feel about our way of living in the world at any given time?
一个人在每一特定时期内的生活都是由外部生活和内心生活这两个方面结合而成的。

外部生活是指我们在文明社会中的实际生活（对文明社会中实际活动的参与），其中包括我们的工作、社会地位、家庭生活、（担当的）社会角色、我们如何向社会展现自己，以及如何参与到社会中去等。

内心生活是指我们所参与的种种外部活动对我们个人产生的影响。

例如，我们目前的生活体系是符合我们的价值观、目标和理想呢，还是与之相违背? 我们的个性能在多大程度上得到发挥，还是受到某种程度的压抑? 在每一特定时期，我们对自己的生活方式又有何种感受?
2 The inner realm is where the crucial shifts in bedrock begin to throw a person off balance, signaling the necessity to change and move on to a new footing in the next stage of development. These crucial shifts occur throughout life, yet people consistently refuse to recognize that they possess an internal life system. Ask anyone who seems down, “Why are you feeling low?” Most will displace the inner message onto a marker event: “I’ve been down since we moved, since I changed jobs, since my wife went back to graduate school and turned int o a damn social worker in sackcloth,” and so on. Probably less than ten percent would say: “There is some unknown disturbance within me, and even though it’s painful, I feel I have to stay with it and ride it out.” Even fewer people would be able to explain that the turb ulence they feel may have no external cause. And yet it may not resolve itself for several years.
正是在人的内心世界这个领域中，一些重大的和基本的转变开始使人失去自我平衡，这就意味着必须进行调整，以步人人生发展的下一个阶段。

∕人的是阶段性的：在人生必经的一些重大转折关头，如果一个人觉得失去自我平衡，这就意味着要进行调整，以步人人生发展的下一个阶段，这些重大转折贯穿人的一生，只是是人们往往不承认自己具有这样一种内在的生命系统。

如果你问一个看来不得志的人：“你为何如此消沉?” 大部分人总是把那些内心因素解释成比较明显的外部因素——他会对你说：“我之所以以不高兴，是因为我最近搬家了，我原来的工作也换了，我的妻子又回学校去读研究生，还要干什么倒霉的社会工作，还因为其他一些乱七八糟的事，” 或许只有不足十分之一的人会说：“我感到有一种不可名状的烦恼，尽管很痛苦，可我还得设法忍受它、克服它” 更少有人会承认这些思想情绪的波动和外界因素没有什么关系。

然而这种痛苦可能需要好几年才能熬过去。

3 During each of these passages, how we feel about our way of living will undergo subtle changes in four areas of perception. One is the interior sense of self in relation to others. A second is the proportion of safeness to danger we feel in our lives. A third is our perception of time—do we have plenty of it, or are we beginning to feel that time is running out? Last, there will be some shift at the gut level in our sense of aliveness or stagnation. These are the hazy sensations that compose the background tone of living and shape the decisions on which we take action.
在这些变化和转折中，我们对生活方式的看法要经历四个感知方面的微妙变化：第一，通过与他人比较（交往）形成的自我意识（对自己的看法）；第二，在生活的各种威胁面前所具有的安全程度（的变化）；第三是我们时间的认识，是感到来日方长，还是开始感到时日无多? 最后是对自己的精力和活力的直觉意识，是感到精力充沛，还是感到力不从心? 这些都是在我们内心里产生的若明若暗的感觉，它构成了我们生活的基调，影响着我们（作为）采取行动前的（依据的）种种决定。

4 The work of adult life is not easy. As in childhood, each step presents not only new tasks of development but requires a letting go of the techniques that worked before. With each passage some magic must be given up, some cherished illusion of safety and comfortably familiar sense of self must be cast off, to allow for the greater expansion of our own distinctiveness.
成年后的生活（心理发展）很不容易。

正如童年时代一样，每一步不但提出新的发展仟务，还要求我们放弃对从前有效的方法。

在每一发展阶段，一些不切实际的幻想得放弃，一些虚幻的安全感和舒适良好的自我感觉也得放弃，以便能有更大的空间发展自己的独特个性。

Pulling Up Roots 寻求自立
5 Before 18, the motto is loud and clear: “I have to get away from my parents.” But the words are seldom connected to action. Generally still safely part of our families, even if away at school, we feel our autonomy to be subject to erosion from moment to moment.
不到18岁，我们的座右铭就已非常明确而响亮：“离开父母，自力更生。

”话虽如此，实际情况未必尽然。

一般说来，我们依然还是家庭中无法自立的成员。

即便是离家在外上学：，我们也经常感到自主权不时地要受到客观因素的限制和侵犯。

6 After 18, we begin Pulling Up Roots in earnest. College, military service, and short-term travels are all customary vehicles our society provides for the first round trips between family and a base of one’s own. In the attempt to separate our view of the world from our family’s view, despite vigorous protestations to the contrary—“I know exactly what I want!”— we cast about for any beliefs we can call our own. And
18岁之后，我们便开始认真考虑如何才能真正地离家独立自主。

上大学、服兵役以及短期外出旅行等自然是社会为我们提供的
第一次在家庭和自己的基地之间进行的双程旅行。

为了显示自己对社会的看法与父母不同，我们常常急于寻找一切可称之为独立见
解的看法。

我们大声抗议“我很清楚我该做什么!” 但实际上对此并不确定。

我们为证实自己的信念，常常追求“一些时尚概念，尤其
是在父母感到神秘或者不懂的问题上更想独树一帜。

7 Whatever tentative memberships we try out in the world, the fear haunts us that we are really kids who cannot take care of ourselves. We cover that fear with acts of defiance and mimicked confidence. For allies to replace our parents, we turn to our contemporaries. They become conspirators. So long as their perspective meshes with our own, they are able to substitute fo r the sanctuary of the family. But that doesn’t last very long. And the instant they diverge from the shaky ideals of “our group”, they are seen as betrayers. Rebounds to the family are common between the ages of 18 and 22.
无论在社会上尝试什么角色我们都时时有一种恐惧，即自己还是个孩子，无力照管自已。

于是我们就采取了对什么都不在乎的
态度，假装信心十足，以此掩盖我们的恐惧心理。

为了寻求支持以摆脱父母的羁绊，我们求助于同伴，于是他们便成了为我们出谋
划策的参谋。

只要同伴与我们的看法一致，意趣相投，他们就可以取代家庭的庇护。

但这种关系一般长不了。

一旦彼此的看法出现
矛盾，双方便会分道扬镳。

这时我们就又有可能回到家里。

对于18到22岁的青年人来说，这种去而复返的现象司空见惯。

8 The tasks of this passage are to locate ourselves in a peer group role, a sex role, an anticipated occupation, an ideology or world view. As
a result, we gather the impetus to leave home physically and the identity to begin leaving home emotionally.
人生这一阶段的任务是，在同龄人中、在性别角色中、在期望的职业中、以及化思想意识和世界观方面确立自己的位置。

这样，
我们既有离家独立的动力，也有了离家独立的心理准备。

9 Even as one part of us seeks to be an individual, another part longs to restore the safety and comfort of merging with another. Thus one of the most popular myths of this passage is: We can piggyback our development by attaching to a Stronger One. But people who marry during this time often prolong financial and emotional ties to the family and relatives that impede them from becoming self-sufficient.
在这个阶段，我们想离开家庭独立生活，而另一方向又渴望与另一个人结合以重新找到安全和舒适感。

因此，在这段时间里，
最神秘、最令人神往的事之一莫过于同一个出众的异性想结合，来带动我们事业的发展。

然而，在这个阶段内结婚的青年人，越发
延长同家庭及亲属在经济和感情上的维系，无法实现真正独立的愿望。

10 A stormy passage through the Pulling Up Roots years will probably facilitate the normal progression of the adult life cycle. If one doesn’t have an identity crisis at this point, it will erupt during a later transition, when the penalties may be harder to bear.
在力图自立的阶段中，风风雨雨的锻炼也许有利于促使一个人正常地长大成人。

如果一个人没有在这一阶段遇到任何自立的危
机的话，那在将来某个发展阶段他一定还会遇到，但那时他要付出的代价将可能更加沉重。

The Trying Twenties迷惘求索的二十几岁
11 The Trying Twenties confront us with the question of how to take hold in the adult world. Our focus shifts from the interior turmoils of late adolescence—“Who am I?” “What is truth?”—and we become almost totally preoccupied with working out the externals. “How do I put my aspirations into effect?” “What is the best way to start?” “Where do I go?” “Who can help me?” “How did you do it?”
到了二十几岁，我们面临的难题是如何在这成年人的世界中生存（自立）。

再内心波功的青春期后期，我们关注的焦点是：“我
究竟是怎样的一个人?”“生活的真谛到底是什么?”而此时我们几乎全沉浸在有关外部生活的问题上：“怎样才能使自己的抱负得以实现?”“最好从何处着手？” “我们应该朝什么目标努力?”“谁能帮我的忙?”“别人是如何走过来的?”
12 In this period, which is longer and more stable compared with the passage that leads to it, the tasks are as enormous as they are exhilarating: To shape a Dream, that vision of ourselves which will generate energy, aliveness, and hope. To prepare for a lifework. To find a mentor if possible. And to form the capacity for intimacy, without losing in the process whatever consistency of self we have thus far mustered. The first test structure must be erected around the life we choose to try.
与前一阶段相比，这个阶段的时间更长，也更稳定一些。

在这个阶段中，人们的任务既艰巨而又令人振奋：绘制一幅美妙的生
活蓝图，这种美好的憧憬会使我们充满活力、激情和希望；为毕生的事业做好准备；如果可能的话，找一个良师益友。

还要培养一
种既不丧失自己固有的风格，又能做到善解人意的能力。

最初的实验基地必须围绕自己设计的生活监图去建立
13 Doing what we “should” is the most pervasive theme of the twenties. The “shoulds” are largely defined by family models, the p ress
of the culture, or the prejudices of our peers. If the prevailing cultural instructions are that one should get married and settle down behind one’s own door, a nuclear family is born.
“做我们‘应该’做的事。

”这是二十儿岁的人的生活基调。

但我们应该做什么主要取决于家庭的类型，文化的影响，以及同龄人的特定见解。

如果当时最盛行的社会时尚就是到了这种年龄要结婚成家，那么年青人就会去建立小家庭。

14 One of the terrifying aspects of the twenties is the inner conviction that the choices we make are irrevocable. It is largely a false fear. Change is quite possible, and some alteration of our original choices is probably inevitable.
二十几岁的人内心有一种可怕的想法，他们认定自已所做的选择将来不能改弦易辙。

实际上这种担忧是不对的，因为变化是可
能的，改变初衷也常常是必然的。

15 Two impulses, as always, are at work. One is to build a firm, safe structure for the future by making strong commitments, to “be set”. Yet people who slip into a ready-made form without much self-examination are likely to find themselves locked in.
这个时期有两个方面的动力在起作用。

一种动力是信誓旦旦地要为未求筑造一个坚实而安全的生活构架。

不过那些未经深思熟虑就落入一种现成的生活模式的人，往往到头来会发观自己陷入了一个十分狭小的天地里而不能自拔。

16The other urge is to explore and experiment, keeping any structure tentative and therefore easily reversible. Taken to the extreme, these are people who skip from one trial job and one limited personal encounter to another, spending their twenties in the transient state.
另外一种动力就是不断地开拓和尝试。

他们把任何生活结构都看成是试验性的，因而可以随意更改的。

在极端的情况下，这些人的工作试来换去，人际之间的短暂邂逅接二连三，结果很可能在一种反复不定的状态中度过这二十几岁的时光。

17 Although the choices of our twenties are not irrevocable, they do set in motion a Life Pattern. Some of us follow the locked-in pattern, others the transient pattern, the wunderkind pattern, the caregiver pattern, and there are a number of others. Such patterns strongly influence the particular questions raised for each person during each passage through the life.
虽然我们在二十几岁时的选择并不是一成不变的，它们对于我们生活方式的形成还是起着决定性的作用。

有的人按照关在自己小天地里的生活模式一直生活下去，有些人则变来变去很难定型；有的人少年得志，成就卓著，有的人一心为他人奉献。

当然还有其他一些类型。

这些生活模式都极大地影响着每个人在人生每一阶段所面临的具体问题。

18 Buoyed by powerful illusions and belief in the power of the will, we commonly insist in our twenties that what we have chosen to do is the one true course in life. Our backs go up at the merest hint that we are like our parents, that two decades of parental training might be reflected in our current actions and attitudes.
由于幻想的鼓舞和支持以及对自己的意志充满信心，我们在二十几岁时普遍认定自己所选择的道路是人生真正的事业所在。

如果有人说我们很像自已的父母，说我们的言行举止是父母十多年来教育和熏陶的结果，我们会很不高兴。

19 “Not me,” is the motto, “I’m different.”
“不，我绝不是那样，我与他们不同。

”我们总会这样说。

UNIT 2 AIDS IN THE THIRD WORLD A GLOBAL DISASTER
1 In rich countries AIDS is no longer a death sentence. Expensive drugs keep HIV-positive patients alive and healthy, perhaps indefinitely. Loud public-awareness campaigns keep the number of infected Americans, Japanese and West Europeans to relatively low levels. The sense of crisis is past.
在富裕的国家里，艾滋病不再意味着死亡。

昂贵的药物使HIV呈阳性的患者能够维持生命，保持健康，或许还能长期地延续这种状态。

声势浩大的提高公众防意识的运动唤起了人们对艾滋病的关注。

在美国、日本以及西欧国家，艾滋病感染人数维持在相对较低的水平上。

人们的危机感已成为过去。

2In developing countries, by contrast, the disease is spreading like nerve gas in a gentle breeze. The poor cannot afford to spend $10,000 a year on wonder pills. Millions of Africans are dying. In the longer term, even greater numbers of Asians are at risk. For many poor countries, there is no greater or more immediate threat to public health and economic growth. Yet few political leaders treat it as a priority.
相比之下，在发展中国家，这种疾病的传播却如同在风中传播的致命毒气。

穷人们付不起每年价值1万美元的神奇药物，因此上百万非洲人正面临着死亡。

从更长远的时间上看，有更多的的亚洲人也将面临此运。

在许多贫穷国家，艾滋病对公众健康和经济增长是最大的、也是最直接的威胁。

但一些国家的领导者却很少把它列为头等大事来对待。

3 Since HIV was first identified in the 1970s, over 47 million people have been infected, of whom 1
4 million have died. Last year saw the biggest annual death toll yet: 2.
5 million. The disease now ranks fourth among the world’s big killers, after respiratory infections, diarrhea disorders and tuberculosis. It now claims many more lives each year than malaria, a growing menace, and is still nowhere near its peak. If India and other Asian countries do not take it seriously, the number of infect ions could reach “a new order of magnitude”, says Peter Piot, head of the UN’s AIDS programme.
自从20世纪70年代HIV首次被发现以来，已有4700万以上的人感染了此病毒，其中1400万人为此丧生。

去年的死亡总数达到了最高的年死亡率，即250万人。

现在HIV病毒已成为世界上第四号巨型杀手，前三号依次为呼吸系统感染、腹泻和结核病。

每年死于HIV病毒的人数已超过了疟疾，其威胁性正日益增长，并且无法估计何时能达到顶峰。

彼得·帕尔德是联合国艾滋病项目的负责人，他认为如果印度等亚洲国家不认真对待此事，受感染的人数可达到一个新的高峰。

4 The human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), which causes acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS), is thought to have crossed from chimpanzees to humans in the late 1940s or early 1950s in Congo. It took several years for the virus to break out of Congo’s dense and sparsely populated jungles but, once it did, it marched with rebel armies through the continent’s numerous war zones, rode wi th truckers from one rest-stop brothel to the next, and eventually flew, perhaps with an air steward, to America, where it was discovered in the early 1980s. As American homosexuals and drug infectors started to wake up to the dangers of bath-houses and needle-sharing, AIDS was already devastating Africa.
引起AIDS(获得性免疫功能缺损综合症)的HIV(人体免疫缺损病毒)被认为是20∽世纪纪40年代末至50年代初由刚果的黑猩猩
传染给人类的。

几年之后此病毒从刚果荒蛮浓密的从林爆发出来。

一旦流传开来，它就随着反叛部队穿越大陆的各个战区；随着货车司机驶过符个妓院；最终，可能随着空中乘务员飞往美国，并在那里于20世纪80年代初被发现。

当美国的同性恋者和开始意识到公共浴池、吸毒者开始意识到公共浴池、共用针头的危险性时，艾滋病已经开始在非洲制造巨大灾难了。

5 So far, the worst-hit areas are east and southern Africa. In Botswana, Namibia, Swaziland and Zimbabwe, between a fifth and a quarter
of people aged 15-49 are afflicted with HIV or AIDS. In Botswana, children born early in the next decade will have a life expectancy of 40; without AIDS it would have been near 70. Of the 25 monitoring sites in Zimbabwe where pregnant women are tested for HIV, only two in 1997 showed prevalence below 10%. At the remaining 23 sites, 20-50% of women were infected. About a third of these women will pass the virus on to their babies.
到目前为止，受害最严重的地区是非洲的东部和南部。

在博茨瓦纳、纳米比业、斯威士兰以及津巴布韦，有五分之一到四分之一年龄在15到19岁的人正在遭受由HIV或艾滋病带来的痛苦。

几年以后出生的博茨瓦纳儿童，其寿命将为40年。

而如果不是艾滋病，他们本来可以活到近70岁。

在津巴布韦的25个受监控的地区，怀孕的妇女接受了HIV病毒的检测。

1997年只有两个地区显示其感染率在10％以下。

在其它23个地区，受感染的妇女达到20％到50％，其中大约有三分之一的妇女将会把病毒传染给她们的婴儿。

6 The region’s giant, South Africa, was largely protected by its isolation from the rest of the world during the apartheid y ears. Now it is host to one in ten of the world’s new infections—more than any other country. In the country’s most populous provi nce, KwaZulu-Natal, perhaps a third of sexually active adults are HIV-positive.
非洲大国南非在种族隔离的年代由于很少与世界其他地区往来而免受艾滋病的影响，可是现在它却拥有世界上十分之一的艾滋病感染者，其数量超过其他任何一个国家。

在这个国家人口最多的省卡瓦祖鲁一纳塔尔，大约有三分之一的青壮年为HIV阳性患者。

7 Asia is the next disaster-in-waiting. Already, 7 million Asians are infected. India’s 930 million people look increasingly vulnerable. The Indian countryside, which most people imagined relatively AIDS-free, turns out not to be. A recent study in Tamil Nadu found over 2% of rural people to be HIV-positive: 500,000 people in one of India’s smallest states. Since 10% had other sexually transmitted diseases (STDS), the avenue for further infections is clearly open. A survey of female STD patients in Poona, in Maharashtra, found that over 90% had never had sex with anyone but their husband; and yet 13.6% had HIV.
亚洲将是下一个受灾地区，现已拥有700万感染者。

有着9．3亿人口的印度，处境不容乐观。

许多人认为印度的乡村地区相对安全，可以不受艾滋病的袭击，但事实并非如此、泰米尔那都是印度最小的邦之一，只有50万人口。

但最近的研究表明这里2％的乡间人口为HIV阳性。

由于10％的人口患其他性传播疾病，十分可能产生进一步的感染。

在浦那、马哈拉施特拉，人们对女性性病患者进行了一次调查，结果发现90％的人以前从未与她们丈夫以外的任何人发生过性关系，但是13．6％的人呈HIV阳性。

8 No one knows what AIDS will do to poor countries’ economies, for nowhere has the epidemic run its course. An optimistic assessment, by Alan Whiteside of the University of Natal, suggests that the effect of AIDS on measurable GDP will be slight. Even at high prevalence, Mr. Whiteside thinks it will slow growth by no more than 0.6% a year. This is because so many people in poor countries do not contribute much
to the formal economy. To put it even more crudely, where there is a huge oversupply of unskilled labour, the dead can easily be replaced.
艾滋病将会给贫穷国家的经济造成什么影响，现在无法说清，因为无法预测这种传染病将发展到什么程度。

来自纳塔尔大学的艾伦·怀特塞德持一种较为乐观的态度，认为艾滋病对国内生产总值的影响不大，并指出即使是在此传染病的高发期，对其影响也不会超过0．6％，这是因为在贫穷国家许多人对正常的经济发展不起作用。

说得再残酷些，在一个拥有大量非技术劳力的国家里，死去的劳力很容易被取代。

9 Other researchers are more pessimistic. AIDS takes longer to kill than did the plague, so the cost of caring for the sick will be more crippling. Modern governments, unlike medieval ones, tax the healthy to help look after the ailing, so the burden will fall on everyone. And AIDS, because it is sexually transmitted, tends to hit the most energetic and productive members of society. A recent study in Namibia estimated that AIDS cost the country almost 8% of GNP in 1996. Another analysis predicts that Kenya’s GDP will be 14.5% smaller in 2005 than it would have been without AIDS, and that income per person will be 10% lower.
也有一些研究人员持较为悲观的态度。

他们认为艾滋病比瘟疫折磨人的时间更长，所以治疗过程所需的花费就更大。

不同于中世纪时的政府，现代政府向健康人征收税款来帮助患者。

这样，负担便摊到每个人的头上。

同时，由于艾滋病是通过性行为传播的，受害者可能是社会上那些最年富力强的人。

最近一项在纳米比亚进行的调查显示，1996年艾滋病耗去这个国家生产总值的8％。

另一项分析预测，肯尼亚2005年的国内生产总值将为艾滋病的影响而减少14．5％，其人均收入将减少10％。

The cost of the disease艾滋病的治疗费用
10 In general, the more advanced the economy, the worse it will be affected by a large number of AIDS deaths. South Africa, with its advanced industries, already suffers a shortage of skilled manpower, and cannot afford to lose more. In better-off developing countries, people have more savings to fall back on when they need to pay medical bills. Where people have health and life insurance, those industries will be hit by bigger claims. Insurers protect themselves by charging more or refusing policies to HIV-positive customers. In Zimbabwe,
life-insurance premiums quadrupled in two years because of AIDS. Higher premiums force more people to seek treatment in public hospitals:
in South Africa, HIV and AIDS could account for between 35% and 84% of public-health expenditure by 2005, according to one projection.
总体来说，经济越发达的国家，越难以承受艾滋病带来的大量人员死亡的后果。

南非有着发达的工业，可现在已因为技术人才
的短缺而受到打击，再也经不起失去更多的人才了。

在生活条件较好的发展中国家里，人们可以依赖较多的存款来支付医疗费。

而
在有健康和人寿保险的国家里，那些保险业会因为大量的赔付遭受损失。

，于是保险公司为了保护自己的利益就会提高保险费或拒绝
给HIV阳性的顾客进行办理保险。

在津巴布韦，人寿保险费由于艾滋病在两年内上升了四倍。

高昂的保险费迫使更多的人到公共医
院寻求治疗。

根据一项推算，到2005年南非在HlV和艾滋病方面的公共医疗开支将达到总额的35％到84％。

11 At a macro level, the impact of AIDS is felt gradually. But at a household level, the blow is sudden and catastrophic. When a breadwinner develops AIDS, his (or her) family is impoverished twice over: his income vanishes, and his relations must devote time and
money to nursing him. Daughters are often forced to drop out of school to help. Worse, HIV tends not to strike just one member of a family. Husbands give it to wives, mothers to babies.
从宏观的角度上看，艾滋病的冲击是逐渐显现出来的，但从一个家庭的角度来看，这个打击是突如其来的，也是灾难性的。

当全家主要的挣钱者染上了艾滋病，他或她的家庭损失就不是一个人的事了。

因为不只是他的收人没有了，他的亲属还要花时间和金钱去照料他，通常女儿们也不得不辍学在家帮忙。

更糟的是HIV感染也不仅仅是一个人的事，它会由丈夫传染给妻子．母亲传染给婴儿。

12 The best hope for halting the epidemic is a cheap vaccine. Efforts are under way, but a vaccine for a virus that mutates as rapidly as
HIV will be hugely difficult and expensive to invent. For poor countries, the only practical course is to concentrate on prevention. But this,
too, will be hard, for a plethora of reasons.
Sex is fun... Many feel that condoms make it less so. Zimbabweans ask: “Would you eat a sweet with its wrapper on?”
... and discussion of it is often taboo. In Kenya, Christian and Islamic groups have publicly burned anti-AIDS leaflets and condoms, as a
protest against what they see as the encouragement of promiscuity.
Poverty. Those who cannot afford television find other ways of passing the evening. People cannot afford antibiotics, so the untreated sores
from STDS provide easy openings for HIV.
Migrant labour. Since wages are much higher in South Africa than in the surrounding region, outsiders flock in to find work. Migrant miners (including South Africans forced to live far from their homes) spend most of the year in single-sex dormitories surrounded by prostitutes.
Living with a one-in-40 chance of being killed by a rockfall, they are inured to risk. When they go home, they often infect their wives.
War. Refugees, whether from genocide in Rwanda or state persecution in Myanmar, spread HIV as they flee. Soldiers, with their regular pay
and disdain for risk, are more likely than civilians to contract HIV from prostitutes. When they go to war, they infect others. In Africa the problem is dire. In Congo, where no fewer than seven armies are embroiled, the government has accused Ugandan troops (which are helping
the Congolese rebels) of deliberately spreading AIDS. Unlikely, but with estimated HIV prevalence in the seven armies ranging from 50% for
the Angolans to an incredible 80% for the Zimbabweans, the effect is much the same. Sexism. In most poor countries, it is hard for a woman
to ask her partner to use a condom. Wives who insist risk being beaten up. Rape is common, especially where wars rage. Forced sex is a particularly effective means of HIV transmission, because of the extra blood. Drinking. Asia and Africa make many excellent beers. They are
also home to a lot of people for whom alcohol is the quickest escape from the stresses of acute poverty. Drunken lovers are less likely to remember to use condoms.
人们把阻止艾滋病传播的最大希望寄托于廉价的疫苗，目前正在做这方衙的努力。

但是，要研制出对付像HIV病毒这样变化无常的疫苗是十分艰难的，代价也会十分高昂。

因此，对贫穷国家来说，唯一现实的办法就是注重预防。

而这也困难重重，有各种各样的原因，其中包括：
·性生活是享受。

许多人认为避孕套妨碍了他们的享受。

津巴布韦的人这样问道：“你愿意吃糖果时带着包装纸吗?”
·此话题为禁忌。

在肯尼亚，基督教和伊斯兰教徒们公开烧毁那些抵御艾滋的传病的传单和避孕套，因为他们认为这些东西是在鼓励人们性乱交。

·贫穷。

那些买不起电视的人晚上会选择其他方式打发时光。

另外．由于买不起抗生素，一些由性传播疾病带来的伤病无法治疗，这样就极易感染上HIV病毒。

·流动的劳力。

由于在南非打工所得的收人大大高于周围地区，外来人口大量涌入。

外来矿工，其中包括那些离家很远的南非矿工，一年中大部分时间生活在常有妓女出现的单一性别宿舍里。

矿工们的生命本来就因为矿井倒塌而面临1:40的死亡威胁，他们也就习惯于冒险。

可当他们回家时，便将病毒传染给他们的妻子。

·战争。

无论是由于卢旺达种族灭绝的大屠杀还是缅甸的政治迫害而逃离家园的难民，在逃离的同时也在传播HIV病毒。

军人们有固定的收入，又不惜冒险，因此比平民更容易从妓院里染上爱滋病。

当他们参战时，就将病毒传给他人。

在非洲，这个问题更为严峻。

不下七只军队卷入了在刚果的战争，乌干达军队也在其中帮助刚果的反叛力量。

刚果政府指责乌干达军队有意传播爱滋病病毒。

这不太可能，但是如果考虑到这七支军队中的高感染率，从发安哥拉部队的50％到津巴布韦的高达80％，便可知道其影响实际是一样的。

·男性至上主义。

在贫穷国家中，妇女很难向其性伙伴提出使用避孕套，妻子会因此遭受毒打。

强奸是经常发生的事，尤其是双方争执起来的时候。

强迫的性生活会因为出血而特别容易传播病毒。