尼克松第二次就职演说
“只有曾身处最深的山谷,你才会知道登临群峰之巅是何等壮美”——尼克松对内阁成员和工作人员的告别演讲
“只有曾身处最深的山谷，你才会知道登临群峰之巅是何等壮美”——尼克松对白宫职员的告别演讲张少军译、校1974年8月8日，美国历史上一个悲剧性的时刻。
为了避免国会因“水门事件”对他的弹勀，尼克松总统向全国发表电视演讲，宣布他将在第二天中午在白宫辞去总统职务。
他成了美国历史上第一个被迫辞职的总统。
第二天的中午，在乘飞机离开之前，尼克松向白宫的工作人员发表告别演说。
这是一篇即兴演说，在整个演讲过程中，尼克松的情绪非常激动，这样的离开当然是很不体面的事情，但是他用这篇演讲为自己做最后的辩解。
他要堂堂正正地离开白宫。
时任国务卿的亨利·基辛格博士在《尼克松告别白宫前夕》一书中这样描绘当时的情形：“1974年8月9日（星期五）早晨，尼克松政府内阁成员和白宫办公厅人员最后一次聚集在白宫东翼。
我们中的许多人都可能记得两次就职庆祝场面的辉煌和宣誓就职的崇高期望。
上午9：30，侍从报告尼克松总统和夫人到，伴随的是一阵《向总统致敬》的乐声。
那令人辛酸的一刻简直叫人受不了。
“接着，尼克松发表了讲话。
那讲话杂乱无章的程度一如前夜向国人发表的辞职演说井井有条的程度；那情绪激动的程度一如前夜讲话不动声色的程度。
这篇讲话着实有点过了，就好像这些年他一直隐忍着，到了这一刻，他不得不将梦魇一吐为快。
他甚至第一次在公众场合戴眼镜，象征性地背弃了一向的虚荣和形象塑造。
“他的讲话耸人听闻令人伤心，但又无从避免。
尼克松离任时无法表现得像一贯在众人面前表现的那样无动于衷。
当时我自己也潸然泪下，为自己再次忍受这种折磨而愤怒；纵使尼克松最后一次亮相时同周围的人谈笑自如，我也会这样的。
当他赞扬自己的母亲时，我不合情理地心想他为什么漏讲到他的妻子帕特，尼克松未能使其信服的帕特此时一定比谁都悲哀。
“当讲台上的痛楚将我们团团包围时，连上述情绪都没了，在失败和耻辱中，尼克松终于战胜了自己。
同时，他把我们的拘谨也统统剥掉，在生命的情感面前，我们都是赤裸裸的。
就职演说 【美国】尼克松(1913～1994)
当我们估量能够做什么时，我们只应许诺能做到的事。但在制订目标时，
却要有远大的理想。
如果你的邻舍没有自由，你就不会得到完全的自由。只有共同前进才能
前进。
这就是说黑人和白人共有一个国家，不是分为两个。法律是按照我们的
洲以及美洲的儿童，他们大多数都是在中华人民共和国成立以后出生的。
我们将给我们的孩子们留下什么遗产呢？他们的命运是要为那些使旧世
界蒙受苦难的仇恨而死亡呢，还是由于我们有缔造一个新世界的远见而活下
去呢？
我们没有理由要成为敌人。我们哪一方都不企图取得对方的领土；我们
哪一方都不企图统治对方。我们哪一方都不企图伸出手去统治世界。
毛主席写过： “多少事，从来急；天地转，光阴迫。一万年太久，只争
朝夕。”
现在就是只争朝夕的时候了，是我们两国人民攀登那种可以缔造一个新
的、更美好的世界的伟大境界的高峰的时候了。
本着这种精神，我请求诸位同我一起举杯，为毛主席，为周总理，为能
够导致全世界所有人民的友谊与和平的中国人民同美国人民之间的友谊，干
的分歧。使我们走到一起的，是我们有超越这些分歧的共同利益。在我们讨
论我们的分歧时，我们哪一方都不会在自己的原则上妥协。但是，虽然我们
不能弥合双方之间的鸿沟，我们却能够设法搭一座桥，以便我们能够越过它
进行会谈。
因此，让我们在今后的五天里一起开始一次长征吧，不是在一起迈步，
而是在不同的道路上向同一个目标前进。这个目标就是建立一个和平和正义
的世界结构，在这个世界结构中，所有的人都可以在一起享有同等的尊严；
每个国家，不论大小，都有权利决定它自己政府的形式，而不受外来的干涉
1969年美国总统尼克松就职演说
First Inaugural Address of Richard Milhous NixonMONDAY, JANUARY 20, 1969Senator Dirksen, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. Vice President, President Johnson, Vice President Humphrey, my fellow Americans--and my fellow citizens of the world community:I ask you to share with me today the majesty of this moment. In the orderly transfer of power, we celebrate the unity that keeps us free.Each moment in history is a fleeting time, precious and unique. But some stand out as moments of beginning, in which courses are set that shape decades or centuries.This can be such a moment.Forces now are converging that make possible, for the first time, the hope that many of man's deepest aspirations can at last be realized. The spiraling pace of change allows us to contemplate, within our own lifetime, advances that once would have taken centuries.In throwing wide the horizons of space, we have discovered new horizons on earth.For the first time, because the people of the world want peace, and the leaders of the world are afraid of war, the times are on the side of peace.Eight years from now America will celebrate its 200th anniversary as a nation. Within the lifetime of most people now living, mankind will celebrate that great new year which comes only once in a thousand years--the beginning of the third millennium.What kind of nation we will be, what kind of world we will live in, whether we shape the future in the image of our hopes, is ours to determine by our actions and our choices.The greatest honor history can bestow is the title of peacemaker. This honor now beckons America--the chance to help lead the world at last out of the valley of turmoil, and onto that high ground of peace that man has dreamed of since the dawn of civilization.If we succeed, generations to come will say of us now living that we mastered our moment, that we helped make the world safe for mankind.This is our summons to greatness.I believe the American people are ready to answer this call.The second third of this century has been a time of proud achievement. We have made enormous strides in science and industry and agriculture. We have shared our wealth more broadly than ever. We have learned at last to manage a modern economy to assure its continued growth.We have given freedom new reach, and we have begun to make its promise real for black as well as for white.We see the hope of tomorrow in the youth of today. I know America's youth.I believe in them. We can be proud that they are better educated, more committed, more passionately driven by conscience than any generation in our history.No people has ever been so close to the achievement of a just and abundant society, or so possessed of the will to achieve it. Because our strengths are sogreat, we can afford to appraise our weaknesses with candor and to approach them with hope.Standing in this same place a third of a century ago, Franklin Delano Roosevelt addressed a Nation ravaged by depression and gripped in fear. He could say in surveying the Nation's troubles: "They concern, thank God, only material things."Our crisis today is the reverse.We have found ourselves rich in goods, but ragged in spirit; reaching with magnificent precision for the moon, but falling into raucous discord on earth.We are caught in war, wanting peace. We are torn by division, wanting unity. We see around us empty lives, wanting fulfillment. We see tasks that need doing, waiting for hands to do them.To a crisis of the spirit, we need an answer of the spirit.To find that answer, we need only look within ourselves.When we listen to "the better angels of our nature," we find that they celebrate the simple things, the basic things--such as goodness, decency, love, kindness.Greatness comes in simple trappings.The simple things are the ones most needed today if we are to surmount what divides us, and cement what unites us.To lower our voices would be a simple thing.In these difficult years, America has suffered from a fever of words; from inflated rhetoric that promises more than it can deliver; from angry rhetoric that fans discontents into hatreds; from bombastic rhetoric that postures instead of persuading.We cannot learn from one another until we stop shouting at oneanother--until we speak quietly enough so that our words can be heard as well as our voices.For its part, government will listen. We will strive to listen in new ways--to the voices of quiet anguish, the voices that speak without words, the voices of the heart--to the injured voices, the anxious voices, the voices that have despaired of being heard.Those who have been left out, we will try to bring in.Those left behind, we will help to catch up.For all of our people, we will set as our goal the decent order that makes progress possible and our lives secure.As we reach toward our hopes, our task is to build on what has gone before--not turning away from the old, but turning toward the new.In this past third of a century, government has passed more laws, spent more money, initiated more programs, than in all our previous history.In pursuing our goals of full employment, better housing, excellence in education; in rebuilding our cities and improving our rural areas; in protecting our environment and enhancing the quality of life--in all these and more, we will and must press urgently forward.We shall plan now for the day when our wealth can be transferred from the destruction of war abroad to the urgent needs of our people at home.The American dream does not come to those who fall asleep.But we are approaching the limits of what government alone can do.Our greatest need now is to reach beyond government, and to enlist the legions of the concerned and the committed.What has to be done, has to be done by government and people together or it will not be done at all. The lesson of past agony is that without the people we can do nothing; with the people we can do everything.To match the magnitude of our tasks, we need the energies of ourpeople--enlisted not only in grand enterprises, but more importantly in those small, splendid efforts that make headlines in the neighborhood newspaper instead of the national journal.With these, we can build a great cathedral of the spirit--each of us raising it one stone at a time, as he reaches out to his neighbor, helping, caring, doing.I do not offer a life of uninspiring ease. I do not call for a life of grim sacrifice.I ask you to join in a high adventure--one as rich as humanity itself, and as exciting as the times we live in.The essence of freedom is that each of us shares in the shaping of his own destiny.Until he has been part of a cause larger than himself, no man is truly whole.The way to fulfillment is in the use of our talents; we achieve nobility in the spirit that inspires that use.As we measure what can be done, we shall promise only what we know we can produce, but as we chart our goals we shall be lifted by our dreams.No man can be fully free while his neighbor is not. To go forward at all is to go forward together.This means black and white together, as one nation, not two. The laws have caught up with our conscience. What remains is to give life to what is in the law: to ensure at last that as all are born equal in dignity before God, all are born equal in dignity before man.As we learn to go forward together at home, let us also seek to go forward together with all mankind.Let us take as our goal: where peace is unknown, make it welcome; where peace is fragile, make it strong; where peace is temporary, make it permanent.After a period of confrontation, we are entering an era of negotiation.Let all nations know that during this administration our lines of communication will be open.We seek an open world--open to ideas, open to the exchange of goods and people--a world in which no people, great or small, will live in angry isolation.We cannot expect to make everyone our friend, but we can try to make no one our enemy.Those who would be our adversaries, we invite to a peacefulcompetition--not in conquering territory or extending dominion, but in enriching the life of man.As we explore the reaches of space, let us go to the new worldstogether--not as new worlds to be conquered, but as a new adventure to be shared.With those who are willing to join, let us cooperate to reduce the burden of arms, to strengthen the structure of peace, to lift up the poor and the hungry.But to all those who would be tempted by weakness, let us leave no doubt that we will be as strong as we need to be for as long as we need to be.Over the past twenty years, since I first came to this Capital as a freshman Congressman, I have visited most of the nations of the world.I have come to know the leaders of the world, and the great forces, the hatreds, the fears that divide the world.I know that peace does not come through wishing for it--that there is no substitute for days and even years of patient and prolonged diplomacy.I also know the people of the world.I have seen the hunger of a homeless child, the pain of a man wounded in battle, the grief of a mother who has lost her son. I know these have no ideology, no race.I know America. I know the heart of America is good.I speak from my own heart, and the heart of my country, the deep concern we have for those who suffer, and those who sorrow.I have taken an oath today in the presence of God and my countrymen to uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States. To that oath I now addthis sacred commitment: I shall consecrate my office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon, to the cause of peace among nations.Let this message be heard by strong and weak alike:The peace we seek to win is not victory over any other people, but the peace that comes "with healing in its wings"; with compassion for those who have suffered; with understanding for those who have opposed us; with the opportunity for all the peoples of this earth to choose their own destiny.Only a few short weeks ago, we shared the glory of man's first sight of the world as God sees it, as a single sphere reflecting light in the darkness.As the Apollo astronauts flew over the moon's gray surface on Christmas Eve, they spoke to us of the beauty of earth--and in that voice so clear across the lunar distance, we heard them invoke God's blessing on its goodness.In that moment, their view from the moon moved poet Archibald MacLeish to write:"To see the earth as it truly is, small and blue and beautiful in that eternal silence where it floats, is to see ourselves as riders on the earth together, brothers on that bright loveliness in the eternal cold--brothers who know now they are truly brothers."In that moment of surpassing technological triumph, men turned their thoughts toward home and humanity--seeing in that far perspective that man's destiny on earth is not divisible; telling us that however far we reach into the cosmos, our destiny lies not in the stars but on Earth itself, in our own hands, in our own hearts.We have endured a long night of the American spirit. But as our eyes catch the dimness of the first rays of dawn, let us not curse the remaining dark. Let us gather the light.Our destiny offers, not the cup of despair, but the chalice of opportunity. So let us seize it, not in fear, but in gladness-- and, "riders on the earth together," let us go forward, firm in our faith, steadfast in our purpose, cautious of the dangers; but sustained by our confidence in the will of God and the promise of man.我们都是地球的乘客-理查德-尼克松第一次就职演讲星期一,1969年1月20日历史的每一个时刻转瞬即逝，它既珍贵又独特。
TheSecondInauguralAddressbyBillClinton（中文翻译）
TheSecondInauguralAddressbyBillClinton（中文翻译）第一篇：The Second Inaugural Address by Bill Clinton(中文翻译)克林顿第二次就职演说同胞们：藉此二十世纪最后一届总统就职演说之际，让我们睁开眼睛迎接下一世纪我们将面临的挑战。
所幸的是，时间和机遇不仅将我们置身于一个新世纪的边缘，一个新的千周年，而且将我们置身于人类事业一个崭新新的、光辉的边缘——一个决定我们未来数十年方向和地位的时刻。
我们必须使我们古老的民主永葆青春。
在“希望之乡”这一古老憧憬的指引下，让我们着眼于新的“希望之乡”。
美国的希望源于十八世纪一种无畏的信念：人生来皆平等。
在十九世纪，我们的国家横跨大陆，拯救了联邦，废除了恐怖的奴隶制的蹂躏。
这一信念得以流传和扩展。
然后，在辛劳和胜利之中，这种希望奔上了世界的舞台，使本世纪成为美国的世纪。
这是怎样的一个世纪啊。
美国成为世界上最强大的工业大国，它把世界从两次世界大战和旷日持久的冷战的暴虐中拯救出来，并且一再向全球上百万像我们一样渴望自由赐福的人们伸出援助之手。
在这一进程中，美国产生了庞大的中产阶级和老年人保险制度，建立了无与伦比的学习中心，并对全民开放公立学校，分裂了原子且探索了太空，发明了计算机和微芯片，通过发起一场非裔美国人和少数民族的民权革命，及扩大妇女的公民权利，就业机会和人身尊严，而深掘了正义之泉。
现在，也是第三次，一个新世纪来到我们面前，这又是一个选择的时候，我们进入十九世纪时有一个选择，使得我们国家从一个海岸扩展到另一个海岸，我们进入二十世纪时又有一个选择，使得工业革命能符合我们的价值观，即自由经营，水土保持，和恪守人类正义，这些选择使得一切迥然不同。
在二十一世纪曙光来临之际，一个自由的民族必须做出选择，去打造信息时代和全球一体化的力量。
去释放全民无尽的潜能，并且，去成就一个更完美的联邦国家。
上次我们在此相聚时，我们向这个新未来的进军似乎没有今天这么明确，我们那时曾宣誓确立新的道路，复兴我们的国家。
美国总统就职典礼上的“尴尬事”_名人故事
美国总统就职典礼上的“尴尬事”尽管美国历史上已经产生了55届总统，但就职仪式并不是总能够按照既定程序进行。
翻开美国历史，回顾过去历任美国总统的就职典礼，人们会发现其中有许多的“经典”片断。
1829年：支持者大闹白宫吓跑总统在安德鲁杰克逊1829年宣誓就职后，他邀请公众参加白宫的欢庆活动。
他的意思是，这座建筑是属于人民的，但民众不必非得在同一时间都进入到白宫里面。
可民众却不这样理解。
于是，大量的参观者一拥而入，撞倒了服务生，把地毯踩得千疮百孔，还有穿着靴子的男子踏在昂贵、装有软垫的家具上。
支持者你推我搡，场面甚是恐怖。
原本已经被一天行程搞得疲惫不堪、又因刚刚丧妻而精神状态不佳的杰克逊不知如何是好，只得从后门落荒而逃。
直到工作人员将大桶大桶的威士忌酒放到白宫院子的草坪上，人群才渐渐从白宫里退了出来。
1841年：就职典礼“冻死”新总统最具有悲剧色彩的就职典礼发生在1841年。
当天的天气状况非常恶劣，但新总统威廉亨利哈里森却坚持拒绝乘坐马车前往国会。
不仅如此，在刚刚抵达典礼现场后，这位68岁高龄、只穿着单薄的西装还没有戴帽子的老人就开始在寒风中发表就职演说。
他的演讲稿由8495个词汇构成，演说总计耗时1小时45分，堪称美国史上最长的就职演说。
不过，哈里森也因此染上了急性肺炎，并于一个月后病逝。
他成为美国史上首位在任内过世的总统，也是在位时间最短的总统。
1865年：总统醉酒搞砸典礼1865年，曾任亚伯拉罕林肯副总统的安德鲁约翰逊喝得醉醺醺的，结果他在接下来的就职演讲中语无伦次，甚至一度胡说八道起来，将就职典礼搞得一塌糊涂，以至于一位议员称之为“美国历史上最不幸的事件”。
1933年：罗斯福找胡佛“搭讪”1837年，当时的新总统马丁范布伦是在他的好友、卸任总统安德鲁杰克逊的陪同下前往国会大厦的。
自那以后，离任及新任总统会乘坐同一辆马车参加就职庆典。
有一些总统尽管遵循了这一传统，但却表现得非常冷漠。
最尴尬的一对就是赫伯特胡佛与弗兰克林罗斯福。
第二次就职演说
第二次就职演说1957年l月21日* *1957年1月20日为星期日，总统就职典礼延至次日举行。
主席先生，副总统先生①，首席大法官先生②，众议院议长先生③，我的亲友们，同胞们及我们国家的朋友们：①指理查德·米尔豪斯·尼克松。
他在1953—1961年间任副总统，1969年出任总统。
②指厄尔·沃伦（1891—1974）。
他在1953—1969年间任联邦最高法院首席大法官。
③指萨姆·雷伯恩（1882—1961）。
他于1911—1961年间多次担任众议院议长。
尽管大家分散在各地，但我们又重新相聚，正如四年前的此刻一样，你们再次亲眼目睹我庄严宣誓为你们诸位服务。
今天，我也是一个见证人，对于我们作为一个民族而保证奉行的原则和目标，我以你们的名义来作证。
首先，我们寻求全能的上帝保佑我们作为一个国家所做的共同努力。
我们心中的希望造就了全体人民最深切的祝福。
但愿我们追求正义而不自命公正。
但愿我们懂得在求同存异的基础上保持团结。
但愿我们的力量不断壮大而杜绝骄傲自满。
但愿我们与世界各国人民交往时永远讲真话和奉守公道。
这样，美国将在一切怀有善良愿望的人们面前证明，它对各项光荣的目标是忠诚不渝的。
在我们所经历的充满考验的整个时代里，我们作为一个民族受到这些目标的制约和支配。
我们生活在一个富饶的国度，但是整个世界却面临从未有过的危机。
①①当时美国在世界上不仅与苏联、中国等国处于对峙状态，同时日益卷入越南战争（参见本书第411页注释①）。
在我们的国家里，人民各安其业，财富十分丰裕。
我国的人口不断增加。
我们的河流、港口、铁路和公路舟车云集，天空飞机穿梭，商业一派兴旺繁盛。
我国土地肥沃，农业出产丰富。
天空里回荡着工业奏出的乐章，这是一曲由轧钢机、冶炼炉、发电机、大水坝和装配线所奏出的富足美国的大合唱。
这就是我们的国家。
但这并不是我们世界的全部景象。
因为我们的世界包括我们的全部命运所涉及的每一角落，已获自由和即将获得自由的国家和人民都在其中。
林肯第二次就职演说译文
林肯第二次就职演说译文篇一：林肯第二次就职演说的全文如下:同胞们,我在今天站在这里,向大家发表这篇演说,是因为我知道,我们的国家需要更多的英雄来领导我们。
我们的国家曾经历了无数的痛苦和磨难,但我们有足够的勇气和智慧来克服这些困难。
我们需要一个领袖,一个能够为我们的国家和人民利益而战斗的领袖。
我们的国家曾经被背叛和破坏,我们失去了我们的自由和尊严。
但现在,我们需要更多的英雄来重建我们的国家,让我们重新找回我们的自由和尊严。
我们需要一个领袖,一个能够领导我们走向自由和民主的领袖。
我们的国家需要更多的英雄来领导我们,因为我们的国家正在面临着各种挑战。
我们的社会和经济正在不断变化,我们需要一个领袖来适应这些变化,并为我们的国家提供新的希望和方向。
我们的国家需要更多的英雄来领导我们,因为我们的国家需要更多的英雄来保护我们的文化和传统。
我们的文化和传统是我们人民的文化遗产,我们需要一个领袖来保护和传承这些文化遗产,并让我们的国家更加多元化和包容。
同胞们,我是一个公民,我有责任为我的祖国服务。
我相信,如果我们团结一心,如果我们共同努力,我们一定能够创造更加美好的未来。
让我们携手前行,为了我们的梦想和我们的祖国。
谢谢大家。
篇二：林肯第二次就职演说的译文如下:尊敬的联邦人民:我林肯,今天站在这里,代表联邦人民发表这篇就职演说,感到非常荣幸。
在过去的一年中,我们经历了许多挑战和困难。
我们的国家面临着分裂和危险,我们的人民面临着无数的痛苦和苦难。
然而,我相信,我们有一个强大的国家和一个伟大的人民,我们能够克服这些挑战,重振我们的国家,让我们的人民过上更加美好的生活。
我们的国家在过去几十年中取得了巨大的进步。
我们的人民通过团结合作,克服了许多困难和挑战。
我们建立了一个强大的国家,一个能够为我们的所有人民提供安全和繁荣的国家。
但是,我们需要继续保持我们的团结和合作,以便我们能够在未来取得更大的成就。
我们需要继续团结一致,为我们的国家和我们的人民创造一个更加美好的世界。
历届美国总统就职演说 中英双语
历届美国总统就职演说中英双语
历届美国总统就职演说优习网> 英语听力> 听力教程> 历届美国总统就职演说
1933年罗斯福、1949年杜鲁门、1953年艾森豪威尔、1961年肯尼迪、1963年约翰逊、1969年尼克松、1974年福特、1977年卡特、1981年里根、1989年乔治·H·W·布什、1993年克林顿、2001年乔治·W·布什、2009年奥巴马就职演说！·2009年美国第44任总统奥巴马就职演说
·2001年美国总统布什就职演说
·1993年美国总统克林顿就职演说
·1989年美国总统老布什就职演说
·1981年美国总统里根就职演说
·1974年美国总统福特就职演说
·1969年美国总统尼克松就职演说
·1961年美国总统肯尼迪就职演说·1965年美国总统约翰逊就职演说·1953年美国总统艾森豪威尔就职演说·1949年美国总统杜鲁门就职演说·1933年美国总统罗斯福就职演说·1974年美国总统福特就职演说。
第二次就职演说
精神危机
• 1835年，26岁的林肯与未婚妻安妮.拉 特利奇订婚，不久，未婚妻因为斑疹 伤寒病逝，林肯伤心过度，几欲自杀；
• 1836年，27岁的林肯难以承受未婚妻 病逝，精神崩溃卧病在床6个月，期 间失去了州议员的资格；
• 1838年，29岁的林肯尝试争取成为州 议员发言人，落选告终；
我现在是世上最不幸的人，我究竟能不 能突破困境，我也不敢说，这似乎不会 好转。
• 胜利：《宅地法》，《解放黑奴宣言》保障了战争胜利。1865 年4月9日南部投降。
• 评价：南北战争是工业革命后的第一次大规 模战争，在此期间确立了战术、战略思想、 战地医疗等现代战争的标准。参战的350万人 中绝大多数为志愿兵。战争造成75万士兵死 亡，40万士兵伤残，相关协会估计阵亡人数 可能更多，不明数量的平民也遭到波及。
童年:一部贫穷的编年史
• 1809年，出生在
肯塔基州霍金维 尔镇以南约5千米
的一片原始森林 中的一座孤独的 小木屋
林肯没有受过正规教育， 他一生中进学校的时候， 加在一起总共不到一 年。”他放牛、砍柴、挖 地、伐木、开荒……
9岁的时候，林肯年仅36岁的母亲不 幸去世了。一年后，父亲与一位名叫 莎莉·布什(Sally Bush)的善良开明的女 性结婚。
就爆发了。 尽可能客观、公正陈述
3、不过我们还是不要议论别人，免得被人家议论。 谨慎、谦虚的态度
这篇演讲稿的特点
1、篇幅短小,内容精炼。没有从政治和道德方面进行长篇大论。
2、情感激烈却又充满理性光辉。 3、具有政治宗教色彩，多次引用《圣经840年，31岁，争取成为被选举人，落选了。
• 1843年，34岁，参加国会大选，又落选了。
• 1846年，37岁，再次参加国会大选，这次当选了。
林肯第二次就职演说译文
林肯第二次就职演说译文
林肯第二次就职演说原文如下:
尊敬的联邦公民们:
我谨代表美国人民,在此宣誓就职。
我相信,我们的国家需要一位更加伟大的领袖来引领我们前进。
正如我们在第一次就职演说中所说的那样,我们的国家正处于危急时刻。
我们需要有人能够承担起这个责任,为我们的国家和我们的人民谋福利。
我们的国家在过去几十年中经历了许多挑战和困难。
我们的人民受到了不公正待遇,受到了种族歧视和压迫。
这些问题我们必须克服,因为这些问题不仅影响我们个人的生活,而且不仅影响我们子孙后代的生活,而且不仅影响整个人类的未来。
我们需要采取积极的措施来解决这个问题。
我们必须继续推动平等、公正和自由,确保每个人都受到尊重和平等对待。
我们必须确保所有种族、所有民族和所有性别的人都能够在我们的社会中发挥他们应有的作用。
我们必须保护我们的文化和价值观,确保它们不会被摧毁或削弱。
但是,这些措施需要我们的共同努力。
我们需要团结一致,共同努力克服这些挑战。
我们需要发挥我们的创造力,共同努力创造更好的社会。
我们需要教育我们的下一代,让他们成为更好的领袖,带领我们走向更加美好的未来。
我相信,只要我们共同努力,我们的国家必将变得更加强大和繁荣。
只要我们团结一致,我们必将克服任何困难,实现我们的梦想。
我
期待着我们共同迈向更加美好的未来。
谢谢大家。
林肯第二次就职演说
---------------------------------------------------------------范文最新推荐------------------------------------------------------林肯第二次就职演说各位同胞：在这第二任就职的宣誓典礼上，不必像在第一任的时候那样做一个长篇的演说。
在那时，对于当时所采取的政策多少作一点详细的说明，自然是适当的。
现在四年任期届满，对于眼前这场为全国所关注并占用了全国力量的重大斗争的每一重要关头和方面，这四年已不断地发出公告，所以现在很少有什么新的发展可以奉告。
我们的军事进展，为其他一切问题的关键所在，而各界人士对其情形和我同样了解，我深切相信，进展的状况可以使我们全体人民满意和信任。
所以对于将来既然可以寄予极大的希望，那么我们在这一方面就用不着做什么预测了。
在四年前同一个场合里，所有的思虑都焦急地指向于一场即将来临的内战。
大家害怕它，想尽办法避免它。
当正在这里就职演说的时候，尽心尽力地为了使联邦不再用战争手段而能保存，然而，城内叛变分子的内奸却在设法不用战争来破坏联邦，在设法瓦解联邦，而以谈判的方法来分割联邦。
双方都声称反对战争，可是有一方宁愿打仗而不愿意让国家生存。
另一方则宁可接受打这场仗，也不愿国家灭亡，于是战争就来临了。
我们全国人口的八分之一是黑奴，他们不是遍布于全联邦，而是局部地分布于南方。
这些奴隶构成了一种奇特而有力的权益。
大家知道1 / 5大体上这种权益就是这场战争的原因。
为了使这种权益加强，永久不变，而且予以扩大，叛变分子曾不惜用战争来分裂联邦，而政府则只要限制这种权益而使之区域化，并没有再多要求别的权利。
当初，任何一方都没有想到战争会弄到目前这么大的范围和这么长的时间，也没有料想到冲突的原因会随冲突本身的终止而终止，甚至会在冲突本身终止以前而终止。
双方都在寻求一个较为容易的胜利，都没有期盼一个基本和惊人的结果。
历届美国总统就职演讲大全
美国历届总统就职演讲（大全）内容简介美国总统的就职演讲是美国政治的一种形式，但它已经成为了美国的一种文化，美国总统的演讲辞更成为美国、乃至世界的文化遗产。
美国是实行总统制的典型国家。
美国总统身兼国家元首和行政首脑，在三权分立的政治结构中居重要地位。
美国实行总统内阁制，每四年选举一次总统，可连选连任一次。
每当新总统当选后，便要举行庄严而隆重的就职典礼。
这是美国政治生活中的一项重大的庆典。
总统就职典礼一般有4个程序：首先是就职宣誓；宣誓之后，总统发表就职演说；演说完毕，便开始盛大的庆祝游行；最后举行舞会。
美国总统借就职演说，表明自己政见和立场，起着鼓舞人民、教育人民的作用。
为了给人民留下良好的印象，总统对演说词斟酌推敲，以求打动人心。
好的演说词常常诞生在重大历史时刻，时势造英雄，这演说词也造就了传诵千古的名篇。
这里收集的《美国历届总统就职演讲（大全）》主要参考了李其荣《美国历届总统就职演讲辞》，另有一部分是从网络媒体下载的，并增加了最新的2013年奥巴马第二次就职演讲内容。
但第二十四届第二十一任切斯特·艾伦·阿瑟、第二十九届第二十六任西奥多•罗斯福、第三十四届第三十任卡尔文-柯立芝、第四十届第三十三任哈里·杜鲁门和第四十四届第三十六任林顿·约翰逊的就职演讲译文未找到。
截至目前，这个版本应该是收集的美国总统就职演讲大全了。
另附李其荣《美国历届总统就职演讲辞》“前言”。
目录第一届第一任乔治·华盛顿（1789～1793）首次就职演讲第二届第一任乔治·华盛顿（1793～1797）第二次就职演讲第三届第二任约翰·亚当斯（1797～1801）就职演讲第四届第三任托马斯·杰斐逊（1801～1805）首次就职演讲第五届第三任托马斯·杰斐逊（1805～1809）第二次就职演讲第六届第四任詹姆斯·麦迪逊（1809～1813）首次就职演讲第七届第四任詹姆斯·麦迪逊（1813-1817）第二次就职演讲第八届第五任詹姆斯·门罗（1817-1821）首次就职演讲第九届第五任詹姆斯·门罗（1821～1825）第二次就职演讲第十届第六任约翰·昆西·亚当斯（1825～1829）就职演讲第十一届第七任安德鲁·杰克逊（1829-1833）首次就职演讲第十二届第七任安德鲁·杰克逊（1833～1837）第二次就职演讲第十三届第八任马丁·范·布伦（1837～1841）就职演讲第十四届第九任威廉·亨利·哈里森（1841）就职演讲第十四届第十任约翰·泰勒（1841～1845）就职演讲第十五届第十一任詹姆斯·波尔克（1845～1849）就职演讲第十六届第十二任扎卡里·泰勒（1849～1850）就职演讲第十六届第十三任米勒德·菲尔莫尔（1850～1853）就职演讲第十七届第十四任富兰克林·皮尔斯（1853～1857）就职演讲第十八届第十五任詹姆斯·布坎南（1857～1861）就职演讲第十九届第十六任亚伯拉罕·林肯（1861～1865）首次就职演讲第二十届第十六任亚伯拉罕·林肯（1865）第二次就职演讲第二十届第十七任安德鲁·约翰逊（1865～1869）就职演讲第二十一届第十八任尤利西斯·格兰特（1869-1873）首次就职演讲第二十二届第十八任尤利西斯·格兰特（1873～1877）第二次就职演讲第二十三届第十九任拉瑟福德·海斯（1877～1881）就职演讲第二十四届第二十任詹姆斯·加菲尔德（1881）就职演讲第二十四届第二十一任切斯特·艾伦·阿瑟（1881～1885）就职演讲（暂无演讲词）第二十五届第二十二任格罗弗·克利夫兰（1885～1889）就职演讲第二十六届第二十三任本杰明·哈里森（1889-1893）就职演讲第二十七届第二十四任格罗弗·克利夫兰（1893～1897）就职演讲第二十八届第二十五任威廉·麦金莱（1897～1901）首次就职演讲第二十九届第二十五任威廉·麦金莱（1901）第二次就职演讲第二十九届第二十六任西奥多·罗斯福（1901～1905）首次就职演讲第三十届第二十六任西奥多·罗斯福（1905～1909）第二次就职演讲第三十一届第二十七任威廉·塔夫特（1909～1913）就职演讲第三十二届第二十八任伍德罗·威尔逊（1913-1917）首次就职演讲第三十三届第二十八任伍德罗·威尔逊（1917～1921）第二次就职演讲第三十四届第二十九任华伦·哈丁（1921～1923）就职演讲第三十四届第三十任卡尔文-柯立芝（1923～1925）就职演讲第三十五届第三十任卡尔文-柯立芝（1925-1929）就职演讲第三十六届第三十一任赫伯特·胡佛（1929～1933）就职演讲第三十七届第三十二任富兰克林·罗斯福（1933～1937）首次就职演讲第三十八届第三十二任富兰克林·罗斯福（1937～1941）第二次就职演讲第三十九届第三十二任富兰克林·罗斯福（1941～1945）第三次就职演讲第四十届第三十二任富兰克林·罗斯福（1945）第四次就职演讲第四十届第三十三任哈里·杜鲁门（1945～1949）首次就职演讲（暂无演讲词）第四十一届第三十三任哈里·杜鲁门（1949～1953）第二次就职演讲第四十二届第三十四任德怀特·艾森豪威尔威尔（1953-1957）首次就职演讲第四十三届第三十四任德怀特·艾森豪威尔威尔（1957～1961）第二次就职演讲第四十四届第三十五任约翰·肯尼迪（1961～1963）就职演讲第四十四届第三十六任林顿·约翰逊（1963～1965）首次就职演讲（无演讲词）第四十五届第三十六任林顿·约翰逊（1965～1969）第二次就职演讲第四十六届第三十七任理查德德·尼克松（1969～1973）首次就职演讲第四十七届第三十七任理查德德·尼克松（1973～1974）第二次就职演讲第四十七届第三十八任杰拉德·鲁道夫·福特（1974～1977）就职演讲第四十八届第三十九任杰米·卡特（1977～1981）就职演讲第四十九届第四十任罗纳德·里根（1981-1985）首次就职演讲第五十届第四十任罗纳德·里根（1985-1989）第二次就职演讲第五十一届第四十一任乔治·布什（1989～1993）就职演讲第五十二届第四十二任比尔·克林顿（1993～1997）首次就职演讲第五十三届第四十二任比尔·克林顿（1997-2001）第二次就职演讲第五十四届第四十三任乔治·沃克·布什（2001～2005）首次就职演讲第五十五届第四十三任乔治·沃克·布什（2005～2009）第二次就职演讲第五十六届第四十四任巴拉克·奥巴马（2008～2013）首次就职演讲第五十七届第四十四任巴拉克·奥巴马（2013～2017）第二次就职演讲（注：以下所谓届、任——届：根据美国宪法，总统选举每四年举行一次，总统任期四年，任满四年为一届。
最新-1974年美国总统福特就职演说1 精品
1974年美国总统福特就职演说篇一：美国总统富尼克松的就职演讲稿美国总统富尼克松的就职演讲稿历史的每一个时刻转瞬即逝，它既珍贵又独特。
可是，其中某些显然是揭开序幕的时刻，此时，一代先河得以开创，它决定了未来数十年或几个世纪的航向。
现在可能就是这样一个时刻。
现在，各方力量正在汇聚起来，使我们第一次可以期望人类的许多夙愿最终能够实现。
不断加快的变革速度，使我们能在我们这一代期望过去花了几百年才出现的种种进步。
由于开辟了大空的天地，我们在地球上也发现了新的天地。
由于世界人民希望和平，而世界各国领袖害怕战争，因此，目前形势第一次变得有利于和平。
从现在起，再过8年，美国将庆祝建国200周年。
在现在大多数人的有生之年，人类将庆祝千载难逢的、辉煌无比的新年——第三个百年盛世的开端。
我们的国家将变成怎样的国家，我们将生活在怎样的世界上，我们要不要按照我们的希望铸造未来，这些都将由我们根据自己的行动和选择来决定。
历史所能赐予我们的最大荣誉，莫过于和平缔造者这一称号。
这一荣誉现在正在召唤美国——这是领导世界最终脱离动乱的幽谷，走向自文明开端以来人类一直梦寐以求的和平高坛的一个机会。
我们若获成功，下几代人在谈及现在在世的我们时会说，正是我们掌握了时机，正是我们协力相助，使普天之下国泰民安。
这是要我们创立宏伟大业的召唤。
我相信，美国人民准备响应这一召唤。
经过一段对抗时期，我们正进入一个谈判时代。
让所有国家都知道，在本届政府任期内，交流通道是敞开的。
我们谋求一个开放的世界——对各种思想开放，对物资和人员的交流开放，在这个世界中，任何民族，不论大小，都不会生活在怏怏不乐的孤立之中。
我们不能指望每个人都成为我们的朋友，可是我们能设法使任何人都不与我们为敌。
我们邀请那些很可能是我们对手的人进行一场和平竞赛——不是要征服领土或扩展版图，而是要丰富人类的生活。
在探索宇宙空间的时候，让我们一起走向新的世界——不是走向被征服的新世界，而是共同进行一次新的探险。
浅析尼克松总统的缓和国际战略
浅析尼克松总统的缓和国际战略在美国约巴林达葱郁的森林中，有一片飘着星条旗的建筑，上面写着“尼克松图书博物馆与出生地”，在纪念他的那块黑色墓碑上雕刻着这样一句话：历史所能赋予的最高荣誉是和平缔造者。
尼克松总统的墓志铭，节选自他的第一次就职演说。
1969年1月他宣誓成为总统后的第一次演讲，他在演讲中说到，历史可以赠予的最大荣耀就是和平缔造者的称号。
因为他已经在思考处置三个重要危机——越南战争、与苏联关系的恶化和同中国的绝交。
1969年尼克松步入白宫之时，面对着一系列的内外危机：美国深陷越战泥潭，五十多万的美国士兵在遥远的土地上与越南、中国人战斗；在约翰逊执政期间美苏关系也逐渐降温，现在承受着来自苏联的威慑；还有盟国的竞争，美国的国际地位大受挑战。
美国二战后对外政策的基本目标一直是世界霸权，在世界广泛承担“义务”，到处侵略、颠覆和干涉。
在无视自身力量限度的错误思想下，在远东挑起了两场大规模军事干涉行动。
从朝鲜战争到越南战争，美国的全球干涉达到了顶点，同时能力也达到了极限。
侵越战争的失败，是美国60年代力量衰减的最重要体现。
与此同时，苏联在核威慑能力建设方面与美国基本持平。
丧失了核优势，核威慑的能力不足支撑全球战略体系的需要。
在经济上，美国在世界上的经济霸主的优势地位不再，其占世界经济份额明显下降。
在对欧、日的关系上，由于西欧、日本经济腾飞，加速了美国经济霸权地位的衰落。
当下，美国的力量已大大下降，其对外政策丧失了国内支持——不管是普通美国民众，还是统治阶层普遍要求政府改变政策，反战呼声日益高涨；经济状况也在恶化，政局动荡，在世界上到处侵略、干涉和颠覆的方针再也无法维持下去。
在对当时的国际形势进行分析和对美国处境作出基本的判断后，尼克松在美国的外交安全政策问题上，特别是在有关战争与和平等重大问题上提出了体现个人主张的“尼克松主义”。
尼克松的目标，是美国应减少并最终结束越南战争对美国士兵的需要，以及减少在远东军事存在，将军事重心转向欧洲。
美国总统尼克松的就职演讲稿
美国总统尼克松的就职演讲稿以下整理的美国总统尼克松就职演讲稿,供大家参考,希望大家能够有所收获!美国总统尼克松的就职演讲稿Senator Dirksen, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. Vice President, President Johnson, Vice President Humphrey, my fellow Americans--and my fellow citizens of the world community:I ask you to share with me today the majesty of this moment. In the orderly transfer of power, we celebrate the unity that keeps us free.Each moment in history is a fleeting time, precious and unique. But some stand out as moments of beginning, in which courses are set that shape decades or centuries.This can be such a moment.Forces now are converging that make possible, for the first time, the hope that many of man's deepest aspirations can at last be realized. The spiraling pace of change allows us to contemplate, within our own lifetime, advances that once would have taken centuries.In throwing wide the horizons of space, we have discovered new horizons on earth.For the first time, because the people of the world want peace, and the leaders of the world are afraid of war, the times are on the side of peace.Eight years from now America will celebrate its 200th anniversary as a nation. Within the lifetime of most people now living, mankind will celebrate that great new year which comes only once in a thousand years--the beginning of the third millennium.What kind of nation we will be, what kind of world we will live in, whether we shape the future in the image of our hopes, is ours to determine by our actions and our choices.The greatest honor history can bestow is the title of peacemaker. This honor now beckons America--the chance to help lead the world at last out of the valley of turmoil, and onto that high ground of peace that man has dreamed of since the dawn of civilization.If we succeed, generations to come will say of us now living that we mastered our moment, that we helped make the world safe for mankind.This is our summons to greatness.I believe the American people are ready to answer this call.The second third of this century has been a time of proud achievement. We have made enormous strides in science and industry and agriculture. We have shared our wealth more broadly than ever. We have learned at last to manage a modern economy to assure its continued growth.We have given freedom new reach, and we have begun to make its promise real for black as well as for white.We see the hope of tomorrow in the youth of today. I knowAmerica's youth. I believe in them. We can be proud that they arebetter educated, more committed, more passionately driven by conscience than any generation in our history.No people has ever been so close to the achievement of a just and abundant society, or so possessed of the will to achieve it. Because our strengths are so great, we can afford to appraise our weaknesses with candor and to approach them with hope.Standing in this same place a third of a century ago, Franklin Delano Roosevelt addressed a Nation ravaged by depression and gripped in fear. He could say in surveying the Nation's troubles: "They concern, thank God, only material things."Our crisis today is the reverse.We have found ourselves rich in goods, but ragged in spirit; reaching with magnificent precision for the moon, but falling into raucous discord on earth.We are caught in war, wanting peace. We are torn by division, wanting unity. We see around us empty lives, wanting fulfillment. We see tasks that need doing, waiting for hands to do them.To a crisis of the spirit, we need an answer of the spirit.To find that answer, we need only look within ourselves.When we listen to "the better angels of our nature," we find that they celebrate the simple things, the basic things--such as goodness, decency, love, kindness.Greatness comes in simple trappings.The simple things are the ones most needed today if we are to surmount what divides us, and cement what unites us.To lower our voices would be a simple thing.In these difficult years, America has suffered from a fever of words; from inflated rhetoric that promises more than it can deliver; from angry rhetoric that fans discontents into hatreds; from bombastic rhetoric that postures instead of persuading.We cannot learn from one another until we stop shouting at one another--until we speak quietly enough so that our words can be heard as well as our voices.For its part, government will listen. We will strive to listen in new ways--to the voices of quiet anguish, the voices that speak without words, the voices of the heart--to the injured voices, the anxious voices, the voices that have despaired of being heard.Those who have been left out, we will try to bring in.Those left behind, we will help to catch up.For all of our people, we will set as our goal the decent order that makes progress possible and our lives secure.As we reach toward our hopes, our task is to build on what has gone before--not turning away from the old, but turning toward the new.In this past third of a century, government has passed more laws, spent more money, initiated more programs, than in all our previous history.In pursuing our goals of full employment, better housing, excellence in education; in rebuilding our cities and improving our rural areas; in protecting our environment and enhancing the quality of life--in all these and more, we will and must press urgently forward.We shall plan now for the day when our wealth can be transferred from the destruction of war abroad to the urgent needs of our peopleat home.The American dream does not come to those who fall asleep.But we are approaching the limits of what government alone can do.Our greatest need now is to reach beyond government, and toenlist the legions of the concerned and the committed.What has to be done, has to be done by government and people together or it will not be done at all. The lesson of past agony is that without the people we can do nothing; with the people we can do everything.To match the magnitude of our tasks, we need the energies of our people--enlisted not only in grand enterprises, but more importantlyin those small, splendid efforts that make headlines in the neighborhood newspaper instead of the national journal.With these, we can build a great cathedral of the spirit--each of us raising it one stone at a time, as he reaches out to his neighbor, helping, caring, doing.I do not offer a life of uninspiring ease. I do not call for alife of grim sacrifice. I ask you to join in a high adventure--one as rich as humanity itself, and as exciting as the times we live in.The essence of freedom is that each of us shares in the shapingof his own destiny.Until he has been part of a cause larger than himself, no man is truly whole.The way to fulfillment is in the use of our talents; we achieve nobility in the spirit that inspires that use.As we measure what can be done, we shall promise only what we know we can produce, but as we chart our goals we shall be lifted by our dreams.No man can be fully free while his neighbor is not. To go forward at all is to go forward together.This means black and white together, as one nation, not two. The laws have caught up with our conscience. What remains is to give life to what is in the law: to ensure at last that as all are born equal in dignity before God, all are born equal in dignity before man.As we learn to go forward together at home, let us also seek to go forward together with all mankind.Let us take as our goal: where peace is unknown, make it welcome; where peace is fragile, make it strong; where peace is temporary, make it permanent.After a period of confrontation, we are entering an era of negotiation.Let all nations know that during this administration our lines of communication will be open.We seek an open world--open to ideas, open to the exchange of goods and people--a world in which no people, great or small, will live in angry isolation.We cannot expect to make everyone our friend, but we can try to make no one our enemy.Those who would be our adversaries, we invite to a peaceful competition--not in conquering territory or extending dominion, butin enriching the life of man.As we explore the reaches of space, let us go to the new worlds together--not as new worlds to be conquered, but as a new adventure to be shared.With those who are willing to join, let us cooperate to reducethe burden of arms, to strengthen the structure of peace, to lift up the poor and the hungry.But to all those who would be tempted by weakness, let us leave no doubt that we will be as strong as we need to be for as long as we need to be.Over the past twenty years, since I first came to this Capital as a freshman Congressman, I have visited most of the nations of the world.I have come to know the leaders of the world, and the great forces, the hatreds, the fears that divide the world.I know that peace does not come through wishing for it--thatthere is no substitute for days and even years of patient and prolonged diplomacy.I also know the people of the world.I have seen the hunger of a homeless child, the pain of a man wounded in battle, the grief of a mother who has lost her son. I know these have no ideology, no race.I know America. I know the heart of America is good.I speak from my own heart, and the heart of my country, the deep concern we have for those who suffer, and those who sorrow.I have taken an oath today in the presence of God and my countrymen to uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States. To that oath I now add this sacred commitment: I shall consecrate my office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon, to the cause of peace among nations.Let this message be heard by strong and weak alike:The peace we seek to win is not victory over any other people,but the peace that comes "with healing in its wings"; with compassion for those who have suffered; with understanding for those who have opposed us; with the opportunity for all the peoples of this earth to choose their own destiny.Only a few short weeks ago, we shared the glory of man's first sight of the world as God sees it, as a single sphere reflectinglight in the darkness.As the Apollo astronauts flew over the moon's gray surface on Christmas Eve, they spoke to us of the beauty of earth--and in that voice so clear across the lunar distance, we heard them invoke God's blessing on its goodness.In that moment, their view from the moon moved poet Archibald MacLeish to write:"To see the earth as it truly is, small and blue and beautiful in that eternal silence where it floats, is to see ourselves as riderson the earth together, brothers on that bright loveliness in the eternal cold--brothers who know now they are truly brothers."In that moment of surpassing technological triumph, men turned their thoughts toward home and humanity--seeing in that far perspective that man's destiny on earth is not divisible; telling us that however far we reach into the cosmos, our destiny lies not in the stars but on Earth itself, in our own hands, in our own hearts.We have endured a long night of the American spirit. But as our eyes catch the dimness of the first rays of dawn, let us not curse the remaining dark. Let us gather the light.Our destiny offers, not the cup of despair, but the chalice of opportunity. So let us seize it, not in fear, but in gladness-- and, "riders on the earth together," let us go forward, firm in our faith, steadfast in our purpose, cautious of the dangers; but sustained by our confidence in the will of God and the promise of man.。
1960年尼克松肯尼迪辩论英汉
1960年尼克松肯尼迪辩论英汉第一篇：1960年尼克松肯尼迪辩论英汉美国裹足不前（1960年总统辩论：肯尼迪—尼克松）肯尼迪：我说过，我已经为这个国家服务了14年，我在战时去保卫美国，我把我的一切奉献给我的祖国。
如果我在这次竞选中失败了，我要继续在参议院为建设一个强大的美国而奋斗。
我之所以要参加竞选，是因为我看到了美国在今年有很大的发展机会，有在国内和全世界大展宏图的机会，有重新把美国建设成一个朝气蓬勃、蒸蒸日上的社会的机会。
我认为，共和党在美国仍然裹足不前，在世界也裹足不前。
我们今天仅使用了美国50%的钢铁生产能力。
我在1958年出现了经济衰退，我在1954年出现了经济衰退。
如果我们仍然裹足不前，如果我们任命的大使和华盛顿的其他官员不能意识到现在处于革命性的阶段，那么美国就不会保持它的实力。
如果我们失败了，自由的事业也就失败了。
我认为下一任美国总统有责任让这个国家重新运转起来，发展我们的经济，向美国人民明确美国的目标和未完成的事业。
然后，在全世界尽可能任命最优秀的人才，大使要会讲驻在国的语言，不是看他的政治捐献，而看他会不会讲驻在国的语言。
我认为这个党——共和党——的25年的领导一直裹足不前，它反对罗斯福和其他总统提出的所有计划，如最低工资、住房、经济增长、开发美国自然资源和田纳西大峡谷等计划。
我认为，如果我们能有一个坚信运转、坚信发展的党，那么我们就能重新树立起我们在世界的地位——强大的国防、高速的经济增长、对我们人民的公正、确保宪法权利，让人民相信我们说到做到，然后，在全世界重新建立像富兰克林·罗斯福总统所创建的拉丁美洲那样的环境（译者注：当时的拉丁美洲是美国的势力范围，是美国的“后院”）。
罗斯福总统在拉丁美洲人的眼里是个好邻居，因为他在美国就是个好邻居，因为他们看到的我们是一个充满同情心、互相关爱、推动国家前进的社会。
我相信，作为民主党领袖的我有责任提醒美国人民，1960年是决定性的一年，我们不能再裹足不前了，我们不能再屈居第二了。
第二次就职演说
第二次就职演说1985年1月21日* *1985年1月20日为星期日，故就职典礼改在次日举行。
马赛厄斯参议员，伯格首席大法官，布什副总统，奥尼尔众议院议长，多尔参议员，尊敬的牧师，我的家人和朋友们，同胞们：今天由于有一位一度外出的人的光临我们的典礼更加光彩夺目。
约翰·斯坦尼斯参议员，上帝保佑你，欢迎你的归来。
然而，有一个人今天不能和我们在一起了。
他就是来自路易斯安那州的众议员吉利斯·朗，他于昨晚离开了我们。
我提议我们一起为他默默祈祷片刻。
阿门。
对于你们所赋予我的巨大荣誉，我无法用语言充分表达我的感激之情。
我将鞠躬尽瘁，决不辜负你们的重托。
正如马赛厄斯参议员所说，今天是我们美国人民第五十次举行这一历史性的庆典。
第一任总统乔治·华盛顿把手放在《圣经》上时，他．所站立的地方与原始而未被开发的荒原相距不远，只有骑马不到一天的路程。
那时，联邦只有十三个州，人口不过四百万。
如今我们的联邦已有五十个州，人口则是当年的六十倍。
我们的创造发明照亮了整个世界，世界上无论什么地方有人呼救，我们就立即前去援助；我们登上了月球，接着又安全地返回。
这个世界已是沧海桑田，但我们依然像两个世纪前那样紧密地站在一起。
四年前我宣誓就职之际，正值我国经济困难的时期。
那时有很多人呼吁，我们必须回顾我们昔日的伟大和光荣。
但是，我们这些当代的美国人没有沉缅于回顾过去。
因为在这块上帝踢福的土地上，总是拥有一个更为美好的明天。
四年前我曾向你们谈及“新开端”的问题，现在我们已经完成这个任务。
但从另一个意义上说，我们现在的这个新开端，乃是两个世纪前创立的那个开端的延续。
那时，人民在人类历史上首次宣告，政府并非我们的主人，而是我们的仆人，其唯一权力不过是人民允许它拥有的那些权力。
这一制度从未让我们失望，但我们却一度有负于这一制度。
我们向政府要求它没有能力提供的东西。
我们把原本属于州政府、地方政府或人民自己的权力，拱手让与联邦政府。
8 理查德-尼克松 第二次就职演讲
Second Inaugural Address of Richard Milhous NixonMr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, Senator Cook, Mrs. Eisenhower, and my fellow citizens of this great and good country we share together:When we met here four years ago, America was bleak in spirit, depressed by the prospect of seemingly endless war abroad and of destructive conflict at home.As we meet here today, we stand on the threshold of a new era of peace in the world.The central question before us is: How shall we use that peace? Let us resolve that this era we are about to enter will not be what other postwar periods have so often been: a time of retreat and isolation that leads to stagnation at home and invites new danger abroad.Let us resolve that this will be what it can become: a time of great responsibilities greatly borne, in which we renew the spirit and the promise of America as we enter our third century as a nation. This past year saw far-reaching results from our new policies for peace. By continuing to revitalize our traditional friendships, and by our missions to Peking and to Moscow, we were able to establish the base for a new and more durable pattern of relationships among the nations of the world. Because of America's bold initiatives, 1972 will be long remembered as the year of the greatest progress since the end of World War II toward a lasting peace in the world. The peace we seek in the world is not the flimsy peace which is merely an interlude between wars, but a peace which can endure for generations to come. It is important that we understand both the necessity and the limitations of America's role in maintaining that peace. Unless we in America work to preserve the peace, there will be no peace. Unless we in America work to preserve freedom, there will be no freedom. But let us clearly understand the new nature of America's role, as a result of the new policies we have adopted over these past four years.We shall respect our treaty commitments.We shall support vigorously the principle that no country has the right to impose its will or rule on another by force.We shall continue, in this era of negotiation, to work for the limitation of nuclear arms, and to reduce the danger of confrontation between the great powers. We shall do our share in defending peace and freedom in the world. But we shallexpect others to do their share. The time has passed when America will make every other nation's conflict our own, or make every other nation's future our responsibility, or presume to tell the people of other nations how to manage their own affairs. Just as we respect the right of each nation to determine its own future, we also recognize the responsibility of each nation to secure its own future. Just as America's role is indispensable in preserving the world's peace, so is each nation's role indispensable in preserving its own peace. Together with the rest of the world, let us resolve to move forward from the beginnings we have made. Let us continue to bring down the walls of hostility which have divided the world for too long, and to build in their place bridges of understanding—so that despite profound differences between systems of government, the people of the world can be friends. Let us build a structure of peace in the world in which the weak are as safe as the strong—in which each respects the right of the other to live by a different system—in which those who would influence others will do so by the strength of their ideas, and not by the force of their arms. Let us accept that high responsibility not as a burden, but gladly—gladly because the chance to build such a peace is the noblest endeavor in which a nation can engage; gladly, also, because only if we act greatly in meeting our responsibilities abroad will we remain a great Nation, and only if we remain a great Nation will we act greatly in meeting our challenges at home. We have the chance today to do more than ever before in our history to make life better in America—to ensure better education, better health, better housing, better transportation, a cleaner environment—to restore respect for law, to make our communities more livable—and to insure the God-given right of every American to full and equal opportunity. Because the range of our needs is so great—because the reach of our opportunities is so great—let us be bold in our determination to meet those needs in new ways. Just as building a structure of peace abroad has required turning away from old policies that failed, so building a new era of progress at home requires turning away from old policies that have failed. Abroad, the shift from old policies to new has not been a retreat from our responsibilities, but a better way to peace. And at home, the shift from old policies to new will not be a retreat from our responsibilities, but a better way to progress. Abroad and at home, the key to those new responsibilities lies in the placing and the division of responsibility. We have lived too long with the consequences of attempting to gather all power and responsibility in Washington.Abroad and at home, the time has come to turn away from the condescending policies of paternalism—of "Washington knows best."A person can be expected to act responsibly only if he has responsibility. This is human nature. So let us encourage individuals at home and nations abroad to do more for themselves, to decide more for themselves. Let us locate responsibility in more places. Let us measure what we will do for others by what they will do for themselves.That is why today I offer no promise of a purely governmental solution for every problem. We have lived too long with that false promise. In trusting too much in government, we have asked of it more than it can deliver. This leads only to inflated expectations, to reduced individual effort, and to a disappointment and frustration that erode confidence both in what government can do and in what people can do.Government must learn to take less from people so that people can do more for themselves.Let us remember that America was built not by government, but by people—not by welfare, but by work—not by shirking responsibility, but by seeking responsibility.In our own lives, let each of us ask—not just what will government do for me, but what can I do for myself?In the challenges we face together, let each of us ask—not just how can government help, but how can I help? Your National Government has a great and vital role to play. And I pledge to you that where this Government should act, we will act boldly and we will lead boldly. But just as important is the role that each and every one of us must play, as an individual and as a member of his own community. From this day forward, let each of us make a solemn commitment in his own heart: to bear his responsibility, to do his part, to live his ideals—so that together, we can see the dawn of a new age of progress for America, and together, as we celebrate our 200th anniversary as a nation, we can do so proud in the fulfillment of our promise to ourselves and to the world. As America's longest and most difficult war comes to an end, let us again learn to debate our differences with civility and decency. And let each of us reach out for that one precious quality government cannot provide—a new level of respect for the rights and feelings of one another, a new level of respect for the individual human dignity which is the cherished birthright of every American. Above all else, the time has come for us to renew our faith in ourselves and in America.In recent years, that faith has been challenged.Our children have been taught to be ashamed of their country, ashamed of their parents, ashamed of America's record at home and of its role in the world.At every turn, we have been beset by those who find everything wrong with America and little that is right. But I am confident that this will not be the judgment of history on these remarkable times in which we are privileged to live.America's record in this century has been unparalleled in the world's history for its responsibility, for its generosity, for its creativity and for its progress.Let us be proud that our system has produced and provided more freedom and more abundance, more widely shared, than any other system in the history of the world. 42Let us be proud that in each of the four wars in which we have been engaged in this century, including the one we are now bringing to an end, we have fought not for our selfish advantage, but to help others resist aggression. Let us be proud that by our bold, new initiatives, and by our steadfastness for peace with honor, we have made a break-through toward creating in the world what the world has not known before—a structure of peace that can last, not merely for our time, but for generations to come. We are embarking here today on an era that presents challenges great as those any nation, or any generation, has ever faced. We shall answer to God, to history, and to our conscience for the way in which we use these years. As I stand in this place, so hallowed by history, I think of others who have stood here before me. I think of the dreams they had for America, and I think of how each recognized that he needed help far beyond himself in order to make those dreams come true. Today, I ask your prayers that in the years ahead I may have God's help in making decisions that are right for America, and I pray for your help so that together we may be worthy of our challenge. Let us pledge together to make these next four years the best four years in America's history, so that on its 200th birthday America will be as young and as vital as when it began, and as bright a beacon of hope for all the world. Let us go forward from here confident in hope, strong in our faith in one another, sustained by our faith in God who created us, and striving always to serve His purpose.副总统先生，议长先生，首席大法官先生，库克参议员，艾森豪威尔夫人，共同生活在这个伟大而美好的国度的公民们：四年前，我们在此相聚之时，美国正因为看起来无休无止的国外战争和毁灭性的国内冲突而灰心丧气，整个国家情绪低落，精神不振。
著名的英语演讲
著名的英语演讲各位读友大家好，此文档由网络收集而来，欢迎您下载，谢谢第一部分美国总统演说亚伯拉罕·林肯：葛底斯堡演说富兰克林·罗斯福：第一次就职演说富兰克林·罗斯福：论四大自由富兰克林·罗斯福：向日本宣战哈里·杜鲁门：在日本投降时发表的广播演说哈里·杜鲁门：杜鲁门主义德怀特·艾森豪威尔：告别演说约翰·F·旨尼迪：第一次就职演况约翰·F·肯尼迪：美国大学毕业典礼演讲林登·贝恩斯·约翰逊：我们会战胜理查德·尼克松：告别白宫罗纳德·里根：第一次就职演说罗纳德·里根：怀念挑战者号宇航员比尔·克林顿：告别演说比尔·克林顿：2004民主党全国大会演说乔治·W·布什：针对9·11恐怖分子袭击在参众议院联席会议上发表的演说乔治·W·布什：清华大学演讲乔治·W·布什：纪念哥伦比亚号宇航员乔治·W·布什：2004大选获胜时的演讲乔治·W·布什：第二次就职演说第二部分著名人士演说温德尔·威基：忠诚的反对党德怀特·艾森豪威尔：反攻动员令欧内斯特·海明威：接受诺贝尔奖时的演说乔治·C·马歇尔：马歇尔计划威廉·福克纳：接受诺贝尔奖时的演说道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟：结束军事生涯之际的演说阿德莱·史蒂文森：接受提名马丁·路德·金：我有一个梦马丁·路德·金：打破沉默的时候罗伯特·肯尼迪：马丁·路德·金之死斯皮罗·西奥多·阿格纽：电视新闻覆盖率芭芭拉·布什：威尔斯莉学院毕业典礼上的讲话玛丽·费雪：艾滋的低语柯林·鲍威尔：我的美国之旅查尔顿·赫斯顿：赢得文化战争伊利·威塞尔：冷漠的危险希拉里·克林顿：竞选纽约参议员的演讲史蒂夫·马丁及凯瑟琳·泽塔-琼斯：第七十三届奥斯卡颁奖晚会1 世界著名英文演讲一．Man’s dearest possession is life. It is given to him but once, and he must live it so as to feel no torturing regrets for wasted years, never know the burning shame of a mean and petty past; so live that, dying, he might say: all my life, all my strength were given to the finest cause in all theworld—the fight for the Liberation of Mankind.人生最宝贵的是生命。
最新-1974年美国总统福特就职演说1 精品
1974年美国总统福特就职演说篇一：美国总统富尼克松的就职演讲稿美国总统富尼克松的就职演讲稿历史的每一个时刻转瞬即逝，它既珍贵又独特。
可是，其中某些显然是揭开序幕的时刻，此时，一代先河得以开创，它决定了未来数十年或几个世纪的航向。
现在可能就是这样一个时刻。
现在，各方力量正在汇聚起来，使我们第一次可以期望人类的许多夙愿最终能够实现。
不断加快的变革速度，使我们能在我们这一代期望过去花了几百年才出现的种种进步。
由于开辟了大空的天地，我们在地球上也发现了新的天地。
由于世界人民希望和平，而世界各国领袖害怕战争，因此，目前形势第一次变得有利于和平。
从现在起，再过8年，美国将庆祝建国200周年。
在现在大多数人的有生之年，人类将庆祝千载难逢的、辉煌无比的新年——第三个百年盛世的开端。
我们的国家将变成怎样的国家，我们将生活在怎样的世界上，我们要不要按照我们的希望铸造未来，这些都将由我们根据自己的行动和选择来决定。
历史所能赐予我们的最大荣誉，莫过于和平缔造者这一称号。
这一荣誉现在正在召唤美国——这是领导世界最终脱离动乱的幽谷，走向自文明开端以来人类一直梦寐以求的和平高坛的一个机会。
我们若获成功，下几代人在谈及现在在世的我们时会说，正是我们掌握了时机，正是我们协力相助，使普天之下国泰民安。
这是要我们创立宏伟大业的召唤。
我相信，美国人民准备响应这一召唤。
经过一段对抗时期，我们正进入一个谈判时代。
让所有国家都知道，在本届政府任期内，交流通道是敞开的。
我们谋求一个开放的世界——对各种思想开放，对物资和人员的交流开放，在这个世界中，任何民族，不论大小，都不会生活在怏怏不乐的孤立之中。
我们不能指望每个人都成为我们的朋友，可是我们能设法使任何人都不与我们为敌。
我们邀请那些很可能是我们对手的人进行一场和平竞赛——不是要征服领土或扩展版图，而是要丰富人类的生活。
在探索宇宙空间的时候，让我们一起走向新的世界——不是走向被征服的新世界，而是共同进行一次新的探险。
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尼克松第二次就职演说篇一：8理查德-尼克松第二次就职演讲SecondinauguraladdressofRichardmilhousnixonmr.VicePresident,mr.Speaker,mr.chiefJustice,Senatorcook,mrs.Eisenhowe r,andmyfellowcitizensofthisgreatandgoodcountrywesharetogether: whenwemetherefouryearsago,americawasbleakinspirit,depressedbythepro spectofseeminglyendlesswarabroadandofdestructiveconflictathome.aswe meetheretoday,westandonthethresholdofaneweraofpeaceintheworld.Thece ntralquestionbeforeusis:Howshallweusethatpeace?Letusresolvethatthisera weareabouttoenterwillnotbewhatotherpostwarperiodshavesooftenbeen:ati meofretreatandisolationthatleadstostagnationathomeandinvitesnewdanger abroad.Letusresolvethatthiswillbewhatitcanbecome:atimeofgreatresponsi bilitiesgreatlyborne,inwhichwerenewthespiritandthepromiseofamericaasw eenterourthirdcenturyasanation.Thispastyearsawfar-reachingresultsfromo urnewpoliciesforpeace.Bycontinuingtorevitalizeourtraditionalfriendships, andbyourmissionstoPekingandtomoscow,wewereabletoestablishthebasefo ranewandmoredurablepatternofrelationshipsamongthenationsoftheworld. Becauseofamerica'sboldinitiatives,1972willbelongrememberedasthe yearofthegreatestprogresssincetheendofworldwariitowardalastingpeaceint heworld.Thepeaceweseekintheworldisnottheflimsypeacewhichismerelyaninterludebetweenwars,butapeacewhichcanendureforgenerationstocome.iti simportantthatweunderstandboththenecessityandthelimitationsofamerica 'sroleinmaintainingthatpeace.Unlessweinamericaworktopreservethe peace,therewillbenopeace.Unlessweinamericaworktopreservefreedom,the rewillbenofreedom.Butletusclearlyunderstandthenewnatureofamerica 9;srole,asaresultofthenewpolicieswehaveadoptedoverthesepastfouryears. weshallrespectourtreatycommitments.weshallsupportvigorouslytheprincip lethatnocountryhastherighttoimposeitswillorruleonanotherbyforce.weshall continue,inthiseraofnegotiation,toworkforthelimitationofnucleararms,andt oreducethedangerofconfrontationbetweenthegreatpowers.weshalldooursh areindefendingpeaceandfreedomintheworld.Butweshall expectotherstodotheirshare.Thetimehaspassedwhenamericawillmakeevery othernation'sconflictourown,ormakeeveryothernation'sfutureo urresponsibility,orpresumetotellthepeopleofothernationshowtomanagethei rownaffairs.Justaswerespecttherightofeachnationtodetermineitsownfuture, wealsorecognizetheresponsibilityofeachnationtosecureitsownfuture.Justas america'sroleisindispensableinpreservingtheworld'speace,sois eachnation'sroleindispensableinpreservingitsownpeace.Togetherwit htherestoftheworld,letusresolvetomoveforwardfromthebeginningswehave made.Letuscontinuetobringdownthewallsofhostilitywhichhavedividedthe worldfortoolong,andtobuildintheirplacebridgesofunderstanding—sothatdespiteprofounddifferencesbetweensystemsofgovernment,thepeopleoftheworldcanbefriends.Letusbuildastructureofpeaceintheworldinwhichth eweakareassafeasthestrong—inwhicheachrespectstherightoftheothertolivebyadifferentsystem—inwhichthosewhowouldinfluenceotherswilldosobythestrengthoftheirideas, andnotbytheforceoftheirarms.Letusacceptthathighresponsibilitynotasabur den,butgladly—gladlybecausethechancetobuildsuchapeaceisthenoblestendeavorinwhichan ationcanengage;gladly,also,becauseonlyifweactgreatlyinmeetingourrespo nsibilitiesabroadwillweremainagreatnation,andonlyifweremainagreatnatio nwillweactgreatlyinmeetingourchallengesathome.wehavethechancetodayt odomorethaneverbeforeinourhistorytomakelifebetterinamerica—toensurebettereducation,betterhealth,betterhousing,bettertransportation,ac leanerenvironment—torestorerespectforlaw,tomakeourcommunitiesmorelivable—andtoinsuretheGod-givenrightofeveryamericantofullandequalopportunity. Becausetherangeofourneedsissogreat—becausethereachofouropportunitiesissogreat—letusbeboldinourdeterminationtomeetthoseneedsinnewways.Justasbuildin gastructureofpeaceabroadhasrequiredturningawayfromoldpoliciesthatfaile d,sobuildinganeweraofprogressathomerequiresturningawayfromoldpolicie sthathavefailed.abroad,theshiftfromoldpoliciestonewhasnotbeenaretreatfr omourresponsibilities,butabetterwaytopeace.andathome,theshiftfromoldpoliciestonewwillnotbearetreatfromourresponsibilities,butabetterwaytopro gress.abroadandathome,thekeytothosenewresponsibilitiesliesintheplacing andthedivisionofresponsibility.wehavelivedtoolongwiththeconsequenceso fattemptingtogatherallpowerandresponsibilityinwashington. abroadandathome,thetimehascometoturnawayfromthecondescendingpolic iesofpaternalism—of"washingtonknowsbest."apersoncanbeexpectedtoactresponsiblyonlyifhe hasresponsibility.Thisishumannature.Soletusencourageindividualsathome andnationsabroadtodomoreforthemselves,todecidemoreforthemselves.Let uslocateresponsibilityinmoreplaces.Letusmeasurewhatwewilldoforothersb ywhattheywilldoforthemselves.Thatiswhytodayioffernopromiseofapurely governmentalsolutionforeveryproblem.wehavelivedtoolongwiththatfalsep romise.intrustingtoomuchingovernment,wehaveaskedofitmorethanitcande liver.Thisleadsonlytoinflatedexpectations,toreducedindividualeffort,andto adisappointmentandfrustrationthaterodeconfidencebothinwhatgovernment ernmentmustlearntotakelessfrompeople sothatpeoplecandomoreforthemselves.Letusrememberthatamericawasbuil tnotbygovernment,butbypeople—notbywelfare,butbywork—notbyshirkingresponsibility,butbyseekingresponsibility.inourownlives,lete achofusask—notjustwhatwillgovernmentdoforme,butwhatcanidoformyself?inthechalle ngeswefacetogether,leteachofusask—notjusthowcangovernmenthelp,buthowcanihelp?YournationalGovernment hasagreatandvitalroletoplay.andipledgetoyouthatwherethisGovernmentsh ouldact,wewillactboldlyandwewillleadboldly.Butjustasimportantistherolet hateachandeveryoneofusmustplay,asanindividualandasamemberofhisown community.Fromthisdayforward,leteachofusmakeasolemncommitmentinh isownheart:tobearhisresponsibility,todohispart,tolivehisideals—sothattogether,wecanseethedawnofanewageofprogressforamerica,andtoge ther,aswecelebrateour200thanniversaryasanation,wecandosoproudintheful fillmentofourpromisetoourselvesandtotheworld.asamerica'slongesta ndmostdifficultwarcomestoanend,letusagainlearntodebateourdifferencesw ithcivilityanddecency.andleteachofusreachoutforthatonepreciousqualitygo vernmentcannotprovide—anewlevelofrespectfortherightsandfeelingsofoneanother,anewlevelofrespe ctfortheindividualhumandignitywhichisthecherishedbirthrightofeveryame rican.aboveallelse,thetimehascomeforustorenewourfaithinourselvesandina merica.inrecentyears,thatfaithhasbeenchallenged.ourchildrenhavebeentau ghttobeashamedoftheircountry,ashamedoftheirparents,ashamedofamerica 'srecordathomeandofitsroleintheworld.ateveryturn,wehavebeenbesetbythosewhofindeverythingwrongwithameric aandlittlethatisright.Butiamconfidentthatthiswillnotbethejudgmentofhistor yontheseremarkabletimesinwhichweareprivilegedtolive.america'sre cordinthiscenturyhasbeenunparalleledintheworld'shistoryforitsresponsibility,foritsgenerosity,foritscreativityandforitsprogress.Letusbeproudth atoursystemhasproducedandprovidedmorefreedomandmoreabundance,mo rewidelyshared,thananyothersysteminthehistoryoftheworld.42Letusbepro udthatineachofthefourwarsinwhichwehavebeenengagedinthiscentury,inclu dingtheonewearenowbringingtoanend,wehavefoughtnotforourselfishadva ntage,buttohelpothersresistaggression. Letusbeproudthatbyourbold,newinitiatives,andbyoursteadfastnessforpeace withhonor,wehavemadeabreak-throughtowardcreatingintheworldwhatthe worldhasnotknownbefore—astructureofpeacethatcanlast,notmerelyforourtime,butforgenerationstoco me.weareembarkingheretodayonanerathatpresentschallengesgreatasthosea nynation,oranygeneration,haseverfaced.weshallanswertoGod,tohistory,an dtoourconscienceforthewayinwhichweusetheseyears.asistandinthisplace,s ohallowedbyhistory,ithinkofotherswhohavestoodherebeforeme.ithinkofthe dreamstheyhadforamerica,andithinkofhoweachrecognizedthatheneededhe lpfarbeyondhimselfinordertomakethosedreamscometrue.Today,iaskyourpr ayersthatintheyearsaheadimayhaveGod'shelpinmakingdecisionsthat arerightforamerica,andiprayforyourhelpsothattogetherwemaybeworthyofo urchallenge.Letuspledgetogethertomakethesenextfouryearsthebestfouryea rsinamerica'shistory,sothatonits200thbirthdayamericawillbeasyoung andasvitalaswhenitbegan,andasbrightabeaconofhopeforalltheworld.Letusg oforwardfromhereconfidentinhope,stronginourfaithinoneanother,sustainedbyourfaithinGodwhocreatedus,andstrivingalwaystoserveHispurpose.副总统先生，议长先生，首席大法官先生，库克参议员，艾森豪威尔夫人，共同生活在这个伟大而美好的国度的公民们：四年前，我们在此相聚之时，美国正因为看起来无休无止的国外战争和毁灭性的国内冲突而灰心丧气，整个国家情绪低落，精神不振。