华盛顿总统就职演说中英对照

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华盛顿就职演说135

华盛顿就职演说135

华盛顿就职演说135篇一:华盛顿就职演说1.吾辈需研习谋与战,则子可专攻数、理、史、地、工、商、农,则孙可醉心书画、诗词、礼乐、雕刻、针织、陶瓷。

(imuststudypoliticsandwarthatmysonsmayhavelibertytostudymathematic sandphilosophy.mysonsoughttostudymathematicsandphilosophy,geograph y,naturalhistory,navalarchitecture,navigation,commerceandagricultureinor dertogivetheirchildrenarighttostudypainting,poetry,music,architecture,stat uary,tapestry,andporcelain)2.美国首任总统乔治·华盛顿就职演讲1789年4月30日美国人民的实验参议院和众议院的同胞们:在人生沉浮中,没有一件事能比十四日收到你们送达的通知,使我焦虑不安。

一方面,国家召唤我出任总统一职,对于她的召唤,我只能肃然从命。

但我却十分偏爱、并曾选择了退隐,我还满怀奢望,矢志不移,决心以此作为我暮年的归宿。

星转斗移,我越来越感到隐退的必要和亲切,因为喜爱之余,我已经习惯;还因为岁月催人渐老,身体常感不适。

另一方面,国家召唤我担负的责任如此天大而艰巨,足以使国内最有才智和经验的人度德量力;而我天资愚钝,又没有民政管理的经验,应该倍觉自己能力的不足,因此必然感到难以担此重任。

怀着这种矛盾的心情,我唯一敢断言的是,通过正确理解可能产生影响的各种情况来克尽职责,乃是我忠贞不渝的努力目标。

我唯一敢祈望的是,如果我在执行这项任务时因沉溺于往事,或因由衷感到公民们对我高度的信赖,因而过分受到了影响,以致在处理从未经历过的大事时,忽视了自己的无能和消极,我的错误将会出于动机纯正而减轻,而大家在评判错误的后果时,也会适当宽容产生这些动机的偏见。

【2018最新】华盛顿总统连任就职演说word版本 (11页)

【2018最新】华盛顿总统连任就职演说word版本 (11页)

本文部分内容来自网络整理,本司不为其真实性负责,如有异议或侵权请及时联系,本司将立即删除!== 本文为word格式,下载后可方便编辑和修改! ==华盛顿总统连任就职演说篇一:华盛顿总统就职演说中英对照First Inaugural Address of George WashingtonTHE CITY OF NEW YORKTHURSDAY, APRIL 30, 1789Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in myflattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years--a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who (inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration) ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untriedcares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would bepeculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow- citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every stepby which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquildeliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some returnof pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinkingthat there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President "to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is dueto the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn thecharacters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side nolocal prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there existsin the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and rightwhich Heaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good; for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united andeffective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen anda regard for the public harmony will sufficientlyinfluence your deliberations on the question how far the former canbe impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It concernsmyself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eveof an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed;and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanentprovision for the executive department, and must accordingly praythat the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent ofthe Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.【中文译文】:美国人民的实验乔治-华盛顿第一次就职演讲纽约星期四,1789年4月30日参议院和众议院的同胞们:在人生沉浮中,没有一件事能比本月14日收到根据你们的命令送达的通知更使我焦虑不安,一方面,国家召唤我出任此职,对于她的召唤,我永远只能肃然敬从;而隐退是我以挚爱心憎、满腔希望和坚定的决心选择的暮年归宿,由于爱好和习惯,且时光流逝,健康渐衰,时感体力不济,愈觉隐退之必要和可贵。

华盛顿《告别演说》英汉双语版

华盛顿《告别演说》英汉双语版

《告别演说》 - 英文原稿GEORGE WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL A DDRESS To the People of the United States . FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS: The period for a new election of a citizen, to administer the executive government of the Un ited States, being not far distant, and the ti me actually arrived, when your thoughts mus t be employed designating the person, who is to be clothed with that important trust, it app ears to me proper, especially as it may condu ce to a more distinct expression of the public v oice, that I should now apprize you of the res olution I have formed, to decline being consi dered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made. I beg you at the sa me time to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a str ict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that in withdrawing the tend er of service, which silence in my situationmight imply, I am influenced by no diminuti on of zeal for your future interest, no deficie ncy of grateful respect for your past kindness , but am supported by a full conviction that t he step is compatible with both. The accept ance of, and continuance hitherto in, the of fice to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclinat ion to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constant ly hoped, that it would have been much earli er in my power, consistently with motives,which I was not at liberty to disregard, to ret urn to that retirement, from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclinat ion to do this, previous to the last election,had even led to the preparation of an address t o declare it to you; but mature reflection on t he then perplexed and critical posture of our af fairs with foreign nations, and the unanimou s advice of persons entitled to my confidence i mpelled me to abandon the idea. I rejoice, that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursui t of inclination incompatible with the sentimen t of duty, or propriety; and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my ser vices, that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my dete rmination to retire. The impressions, wit h which I first undertook the arduous trust, w ere explained on the proper occasion. In the di scharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have, with good intentions, contributed to wards the organization and administration of t he government the best exertions of which a v ery fallible judgment was capable. Not uncons cious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myse lf; and every day the increasing weight of ye ars admonishes me more and more, that the s hade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied, that, if any circu mstances have given peculiar value to my serv ices, they were temporary, I have the conso lation to believe, that, while choice and pru dence invite me to quit the political scene, pa triotism does not forbid it. In looking forw ard to the moment, which is intended to term inate the career of my public life, my feeling s do not permit me to suspend the deep ackno wledgment of that debt of gratitude, which I owe to my beloved country for the many hono rs it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has support ed me; and for the opportunities I have thenc e enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attach ment, by services faithful and persevering,though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If be nefits have resulted to our country from these s ervices, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our a nnals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances someti mes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often di scouraging, in situations in which not unfreq uently want of success has countenanced the s pirit of criticism, the constancy of your supp ort was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were ef fected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea,I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a stro ng incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union and brotherly af fection may be perpetual; that the free constit ution, which is the work of your hands, ma y be sacredly maintained; that its administrat ion in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; than, in fine, the hap piness of the people of these States, under th e auspices of liberty, may be made complete , by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every natio n, which is yet a stranger to it. Here, pe rhaps I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare which cannot end but with my life, a nd the apprehension of danger, natural to tha t solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like t he present, to offer to your solemn contempl ation, and to recommend to your frequent re view, some sentiments which are the result o f much reflection, of no inconsiderable obser vation, and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more fre edom, as you can only see in them the disint erested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his c ounsel. Nor can I forget, as an encourageme nt to it, your indulgent reception of my senti ments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.Interwoven as is the love of liberty with e very ligament of your hearts, no recommend ation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirmthe attachment. The unity of Government , which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a mai n pillar in the edifice of your real independenc e, the support of your tranquillity at home,your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very Liberty, which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, t hat, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many a rtifices employed, to weaken in your minds t he conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the bat teries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often cov ertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinit e moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national Union to y our collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yo urselves to think and speak of it as of the Palladium of your political safety and prosperity;watching for its preservation with jealous anxi ety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion, that it can in any event be a bandoned; and indignantly frowning upon th e first dawning of every attempt to alienate an y portion of our country from the rest, or to e nfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. For this you have every i nducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens , by birth or choice, of a common country , that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of american, which bel ongs to you, in your national capacity, mus t always exalt the just pride of Patriotism, m ore than any appellation derived from local dis criminations. With slight shades of difference , you have the same religion, manners, ha bits, and political principles. You have in a c ommon cause fought and triumphed together ; the Independence and Liberty you possess a re the work of joint counsels, and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and su ccesses. But these considerations, howev er powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those , which apply more immediately to your inte rest. Here every portion of our country finds th e most commanding motives for carefully guar ding and preserving the Union of the whole.The North, in an unrestrained intercourse wit h the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds, in the producti ons of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and preci ous materials of manufacturing industry. The S outh, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North , it finds its particular navigation invigorated ; and, while it contributes, in different wa ys, to nourish and increase the general massof the national navigation, it looks forward t o the protection of a maritime strength, to w hich itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already find s, and in the progressive improvement of inte rior communications by land and water, will more and more find, a valuable vent for the c ommodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and co mfort, and, what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the se cure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, a nd the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissolubl e community of interest as one nation. Any oth er tenure by which the West can hold this esse ntial advantage, whether derived from its ow n separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connexion with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious. While, then, every part of our country thus feels an i mmediate and particular interest in Union, al l the parts combined cannot fail to find in the u nited mass of means and efforts greater strengt h, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations ; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from Union an exemption from th ose broils and wars between themselves, whi ch so frequently afflict neighbouring countries not tied together by the same governments,which their own rivalships alone would be suff icient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues woul d stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, t hey will avoid the necessity of those overgrow n military establishments, which, under an y form of government, are inauspicious to lib erty, and which are to be regarded as particul arly hostile to Republican Liberty. In this sens e it is, that your Union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the pres ervation of the other. These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continu ance of the union as a primary object of Patriot ic desire. Is there a doubt, whether a commo n government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere spec ulation in such a case were criminal. We are a uthorized to hope, that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of go vernments for the respective subdivisions, wi ll afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With suc h powerful and obvious motives to Union, af fecting all parts of our country, while experie nce shall not have demonstrated its impractica bility, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who in any quarter m ay endeavour to weaken its bands. In conte mplating the causes, which may disturb ourUnion, it occurs as matter of serious concern , that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by Geographical dis criminations, Northern and Southern, Atla ntic and Western; whence designing men ma y endeavour to excite a belief, that there is a real difference of local interests and views. On e of the expedients of party to acquire influenc e, within particular districts, is to misrepres ent the opinions and aims of other districts. Yo u cannot shield yourselves too much against th e jealousies and heart-burnings, which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to r ender alien to each other those, who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The i nhabitants of our western country have lately h ad a useful lesson on this head; they have see n, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate,of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the Unit ed States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in r egard to the mississippi; they have been witn esses to the formation of two treaties, that wi th Great Britain, and that with Spain, whic h secure to them every thing they could desire , in respect to our foreign relations, toward s confirming their prosperity. Will it not be the ir wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were p rocured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to th ose advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect t hem with aliens? To the efficacy and perm anency of your Union, a Government for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, howev er strict, between the parts can be an adequat e substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions, which all al liances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improvedupon your first essay, by the adoption of a C onstitution of Government better calculated th an your former for an intimate Union, and fo r the efficacious management of your common concerns. This Government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed , adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles , in the distribution of its powers, uniting s ecurity with energy, and containing within it self a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your suppo rt. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true Liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter t heir Constitutions of Government. But the Con stitution which at any time exists, till change d by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The v ery idea of the power and the right of the people to establish Government presupposes the dut y of every individual to obey the established G overnment. All obstructions to the executio n of the Laws, all combinations and associati ons, under whatever plausible character, wi th the real design to direct, control, counter act, or awe the regular deliberation and actio n of the constituted authorities, are destructiv e of this fundamental principle, and of fatal t endency. They serve to organize faction, tog ive it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put, in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the commu nity; and, according to the alternate triump hs of different parties, to make the public ad ministration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than t he organ of consistent and wholesome plans di gested by common counsels, and modified b y mutual interests. However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are li kely, in the course of time and things, to be come potent engines, by which cunning, a mbitious, and unprincipled men will be enab led to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government ; destroying afterwards the very engines, w hich have lifted them to unjust dominion. T owards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happy sta te, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its ack nowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its princ iples, however specious the pretexts. One me thod of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the constitution, alterations, which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown . In all the changes to which you may be invite d, remember that time and habit are at least a s necessary to fix the true character of governments, as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard, by which t o test the real tendency of the existing constitu tion of a country; that facility in changes, u pon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion , exposes to perpetual change, from the end less variety of hypothesis and opinion; and re member, especially, that, for the efficient management of our common interests, in a c ountry so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty its elf will find in such a government, with pow ers properly distributed and adjusted, its sure st guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a n ame, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confi ne each member of the society within the limit s prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all i n the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the righ ts of person and property. I have already in timated to you the danger of parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and w arn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party, general ly. This spirit, unfortunately, is insepar able from our nature, having its root in the st rongest passions of the human mind. It exists u nder different shapes in all governments, mo re or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but, in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their wo rst enemy. The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, wh ich in different ages and countries has perpetra ted the most horrid enormities, is itself a frig htful despotism. But this leads at length to a m ore formal and permanent despotism. The diso rders and miseries, which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and r epose in the absolute power of an individual;and sooner or later the chief of some prevailin g faction, more able or more fortunate than h is competitors, turns this disposition to the p urposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of Public Liberty. Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which neverthele ss ought not to be entirely out of sight,) the c ommon and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrai n it. It serves always to distract the Public Councils, and enfeeble the Public Administr ation. It agitates the Community with ill-found ed jealousies and false alarms; kindles the an imosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, whi ch find a facilitated access to the government i tself through the channels of party passions. T hus the policy and the will of one country are s ubjected to the policy and will of another. There is an opinion, that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the Government, and serve to keep alive t he spirit of Liberty. This within certain limits i s probably true; and in Governments of a Mo narchical cast, Patriotism may look with ind ulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit o f party. But in those of the popular character, in Governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tende ncy, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And, there being constant danger of excess, the ef fort ought to be, by force of public opinion , to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be q uenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to p revent its bursting into a flame, lest, instea d of warming, it should consume. It is im portant, likewise, that the habits of thinkin g in a free country should inspire caution, in those intrusted with its administration, to con fine themselves within their respective constitu tional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of thepowers of one department to encroach upon a nother. The spirit of encroachment tends to co nsolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just esti mate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human h eart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of t his position. The necessity of reciprocal check s in the exercise of political power, by dividi ng and distributing it into different depositorie s, and constituting each the Guardian of the Public Weal against invasions by the others,has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some of them in our country and un der our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opin ion of the people, the distribution or modific ation of the constitutional powers be in any par ticular wrong, let it be corrected by an amen dment in the way, which the constitution des ignates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for, though this, in one instance, ma y be the instrument of good, it is the customa ry weapon by which free governments are dest royed. The precedent must always greatly over balance in permanent evil any partial or transie nt benefit, which the use can at any time yiel d. Of all the dispositions and habits, whic h lead to political prosperity, Religion and M orality are indispensable supports. In vain wou ld that man claim the tribute of Patriotism, w ho should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of Men and Citizens. The mere Politicia n, equally with the pious man, ought to res pect and to cherish them. A volume could not t race all their connexions with private and publi c felicity. Let it simply be asked, Where is th e security for property, for reputation, for li fe, if the sense of religious obligation desert t he oaths, which are the instruments of investi gation in Courts of Justice? And let us with ca ution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined ed ucation on minds of peculiar structure, reaso n and experience both forbid us to expect, th at national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle. It is substantially true , that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, e xtends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who, that is a sincere fr iend to it, can look with indifference upon att empts to shake the foundation of the fabric ?Promote, then, as an object of primary imp ortance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion,it is essential that public opinion should be enli ghtened. As a very important source of stre ngth and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is, to use it as sparin gly as possible; avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering als o that timely disbursements to prepare for dan ger frequently prevent much greater disbursem ents to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumu lation of debt, not only by shunning occasion s of expense, but by vigorous exertions in ti me of peace to discharge the debts, which un avoidable wars may have occasioned, not un generously throwing upon posterity the burthe n, which we ourselves ought to bear. The exe cution of these maxims belongs to your repres entatives, but it is necessary that public opini on should cooperate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that tow ards the payment of debts there must be Reven ue; that to have Revenue there must be taxes ; that no taxes can be devised, which are no t more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; t hat the intrinsic embarrassment, inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it , and for a spirit of acquiescence in the meas ures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. Observ e good faith and justice towards all Nations;cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and Morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoini t? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, a nd, at no distant period, a great Nation, t o give to mankind the magnanimous and too n ovel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can dou bt, that, in the course of time and things,the fruits of such a plan would richly repay an y temporary advantages, which might be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the permanent f elicity of a Nation with its Virtue? The experi ment, at least, is recommended by every se ntiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! isit rendered impossible by its vices ? In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more es sential, than that permanent, inveterate anti pathies against particular Nations, and passio nate attachments for others, should be exclud ed; and that, in place of them, just and a micable feelings towards all should be cultivat ed. The Nation, which indulges towards anot her an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondnes s, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and i ts interest. Antipathy in one nation against ano ther disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of um brage, and to be haughty and intractable, w hen accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The Natio n, prompted by ill-will and resentment, so metimes impels to war the Government, cont rary to the best calculations of policy. The Government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times, it mak es the animosity of the nation subservient to pr ojects of hostility instigated by pride, ambiti on, and other sinister and pernicious motives . The peace often, sometimes perhaps the lib erty, of Nations has been the victim. So li kewise, a passionate attachment of one Natio n for another produces a variety of evils. Symp athy for the favorite Nation, facilitating the il lusion of an imaginary common interest, in c ases where no real common interest exists, a nd infusing into one the enmities of the other , betrays the former into a participation in th e quarrels and wars of the latter, without ade quate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite Nation of privile ges denied to others, which is apt doubly to i njure the Nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill-。

美国开国总统华盛顿的离职演说(中英文节选)送给诸位抽脸用的

美国开国总统华盛顿的离职演说(中英文节选)送给诸位抽脸用的

美国开国总统华盛顿的离职演说(中英⽂节选)送给诸位抽脸⽤的33 So likewise, a passionate attachment of one Nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite Nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite Nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the Nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens, (who devote themselves to the favorite nation,) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.34 As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent Patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the Public Councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.35 Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove, that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of Republican Government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.⼀国对他国怀着热烈的喜爱,也⼀样能产⽣种种弊端。

最新-华盛顿就职演讲稿英文 美国总统乔治-华盛顿的就职演讲稿 精品

最新-华盛顿就职演讲稿英文 美国总统乔治-华盛顿的就职演讲稿 精品

华盛顿就职演讲稿英文美国总统乔治-华盛顿的就职演讲稿怀着这种矛盾心情,我唯一敢断言的是,通过正确估计可能产生影响的各种情况来克尽厥职,乃是我忠贞不渝的努力目标.我唯一敢祈望的是,如果我在执行这项任务时因陶醉于往事,或因由衷感激公民们对我的高度信赖,因而受到过多影响,以致在处理从未经历过的大事时,忽视了自己的无能和消极,我的错误将会由于使我误人歧途的各种动机而减轻,而大家在评判错误的后果时;也会适当包涵产生这些动机的偏见.
我从这些高贵品格中看到了最可靠的保证:其一,任何地方偏见或地方感情,任何意见分歧或党派敌视,都不能使我们偏离全局观点和公平观点,即必须维护这个由不同地区和利益所组成的大联合;因此,其二,我国的政策将会以纯洁而坚定的个人道德原则为基础,而自由政府将会以那赢得民心和全世界尊敬的一切特点而显示其优越性.我对国家的一片热爱之心激励着我满怀喜悦地展望这幅远景,因为根据自然界的构成和发展趋势,在美德与幸福之间,责任与利益之间,恪守诚实宽厚的政策与获得社会繁荣幸福的硕果之间,有着密不可分的统一;因为我们应该同样相信,上帝亲自规定了永恒的秩序和权利法则,它决不可能对无视这些法则的.
国家慈祥地加以赞许;因为人们理所当然地、满怀深情地、也许是最后一次把维护神圣的自由之火和共和制政府的命运,系于美国人所遵命进行的实验上.
我已将有感于这一聚会场合的想法奉告各位,现在我就要向大家告辞;但在此以前,我要再一次以谦卑的心情祈求仁慈的上帝给予帮助.因为承蒙上帝的恩赐,美国人有了深思熟虑的机会,以及为确保联邦的安全和促进幸福,用前所未有的一致意见来决定政府体制的意向;因而,同样明显的是,上帝将保佑我们扩大眼界,心平气和地进行协商,并采取明智的措施,而这些都是本届政府取得成功所必不可少的依靠.。

华盛顿总统就职演说中英对照

华盛顿总统就职演说中英对照

华盛顿总统就职演讲(中英文对照版完整版)First Inaugural Address of George WashingtonTHE CITY OF NEW YORKTHURSDAY, APRIL 30, 1789Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years--a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who (inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration) ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow- citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems tohave been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President "to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good; for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united andeffective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed; and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.【中文译文】:美国人民的实验乔治-华盛顿第一次就职演讲纽约星期四,1789年4月30日参议院和众议院的同胞们:在人生沉浮中,没有一件事能比本月14日收到根据你们的命令送达的通知更使我焦虑不安,一方面,国家召唤我出任此职,对于她的召唤,我永远只能肃然敬从;而隐退是我以挚爱心憎、满腔希望和坚定的决心选择的暮年归宿,由于爱好和习惯,且时光流逝,健康渐衰,时感体力不济,愈觉隐退之必要和可贵。

乔治·华盛顿离职演说(中英文)

乔治·华盛顿离职演说(中英文)

乔治·华盛顿离职演说(中英文)乔治·华盛顿是美国独立战争时期的武装部队总司令,并任一七八七年制宪会议主席,经一致推选,出任新国家第一任总统,并于一七九二年再度当选连任。

毫无疑问,华盛顿本来可以终身担任总统,因为没有别人比他更受人民敬仰与尊重了。

但是,他认为担任两届总统已经足够,他从第二任总统职位退休时,准备了这篇告别辞,于一七九六年九月十七日向美国人民发布。

告别辞对党争与派系倾轧的警告;对外国影响或卷入国外纠纷的警告;在公共事务方面对道德与忠诚精神的呼吁,都是忠告与诫言,对美国历史影响深远,实非华盛顿自己始料所及。

各位朋友和同胞:我们重新选举一位公民来主持美国政府的行政工作,已为期不远。

此时此刻,大家必须运用思想来考虑这一重任付托给谁。

因此,我觉得我现在应当向大家声明,尤其因为这样做有助于使公众意见获得更为明确的表达,那就是我已下定决心,谢绝将我列为候选人。

关于我最初负起这个艰巨职责时的感想,我已经在适当的场合说过了。

现在辞掉这一职责时,我要说的仅仅是,我已诚心诚意地为这个政府的组织和行政,贡献了我这个判断力不足的人的最大力量。

就任之初,我并非不知我的能力薄弱,而且我自己的经历更使我缺乏自信,这在别人看来,恐怕更是如此。

年事日增,使我越来越认为,退休是必要的,而且是会受欢迎的。

我确信,如果有任何情况促使我的服务具有特别价值,那种情况也只是暂时的;所以我相信,按照我的选择并经慎重考虑,我应当退出政坛,而且,爱国心也容许我这样做,这是我引以为慰的。

讲到这里,我似乎应当结束讲话。

但我对你们幸福的关切,虽于九泉之下也难以割舍。

由于关切,自然对威胁你们幸福的危险忧心忡忡。

这种心情,促使我在今天这样的场合,提出一些看法供你们严肃思考,并建议你们经常重温。

这是我深思熟虑和仔细观察的结论,而且在我看来,对整个民族的永久幸福有着十分重要的意义。

你们的心弦与自由息息相扣,因此用不着我来增强或坚定你们对自由的热爱。

华盛顿总统就职演说华盛顿就职演说稿

华盛顿总统就职演说华盛顿就职演说稿

华盛顿总统就职演说华盛顿就职演说稿尊敬的各位贵宾,亲爱的国民们:今天,我站在这里,庄严宣誓就任美利坚合众国第一任总统,我感到无比的荣幸和责任重大。

我们这个国家的诞生是来自于自由的渴望和人权的追求。

我们的祖先为了追求自由与公正而奋斗,为了给我们创造一个更好的未来而付出了巨大的努力。

今天,我们应该怀念他们的付出和牺牲,同时也肩负起继承传统和开创未来的重任。

在我执掌国家大权的这一刻,我郑重宣告,我们将坚定不移地捍卫我国人民的自由和尊严。

我们将以毫不动摇的信念迎接各种挑战,为了实现我们国家的理想而努力奋斗。

我相信,我们的国家的成功取决于每一个国民的努力和承担责任的精神。

我们必须团结一致,克服种族、宗教和阶级的分歧,共同推动我们国家的繁荣和进步。

我们面临许多重大问题,包括经济发展、社会不平等、环境保护等等。

我会全力以赴,与我的团队和国民们一起,寻找解决问题的切实有效的方法。

我们需要鼓励创新和创造力,推动科技进步和经济增长,为我们的国民创造更多的机会和福利。

同时,我们也不能忽视我们作为一个国家的国际责任。

我们必须积极参与全球事务,尊重国际法和国际关系准则,与其他国家共同应对全球挑战,构建和平、安全、繁荣的世界。

作为总统,我承诺为人民的利益和福祉工作,维护法律和宪法的尊严,为国家的繁荣和发展作出贡献。

我期待与各位联合起来,共同为我们的国家创造辉煌的未来。

最后,我想向全国人民发出呼吁,我们需要团结起来,放下分歧和纷争,共同迈向一个更加美好的未来。

让我们牢记我们国家的价值观和理想,为实现一个繁荣、公正、自由的美利坚合众国而努力。

感谢大家!愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国!。

历届美国总统就职演讲稿

历届美国总统就职演讲稿

历届美国总统就职演讲稿篇一:美国历届总统就职演说华盛顿:First Inaugural Address of George WashingtonTHE CITY OF NEW YORKTHURSDAY, APRIL 30, 1789Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylumof my declining years--a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by anaffectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States aGovernment instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and privategood, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow- citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand whichconducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of somany distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President “torecommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.” Thecircumstances under which I nowmeet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with thosecircumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of arecommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, onanother, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble unionbetween virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right whichHeaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is renderedexpedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in yourdiscernment and pursuit of the public good; for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effectivegovernment, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which Icontemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed; and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has beenpleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleledunanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.美国人民的实验乔治-华盛顿第一次就职演讲纽约星期四,1789年4月30日参议院和众议院的同胞们:在人生沉浮中,没有一件事能比本月14日收到根据你们的命令送达的通知更使我焦虑不安,一方面,国家召唤我出任此职,对于她的召唤,我永远只能肃然敬从;而隐退是我以挚爱心憎、满腔希望和坚定的决心选择的暮年归宿,由于爱好和习惯,且时光流逝,健康渐衰,时感体力不济,愈觉隐退之必要和可贵。

布什在华盛顿连任美国总统英语演讲稿_英语演讲稿_

布什在华盛顿连任美国总统英语演讲稿_英语演讲稿_

布什在华盛顿连任美国总统英语演讲稿President Bush:Thank you all. Thank you all for coming.We had a long night -- (laughter) -- and a great night. (Cheers, applause.) The voters turned out in record numbers and delivered an historic victory. (Cheers, applause.)Earlier today, Senator Kerry called with his congratulations. We had a really good phone call. He was very gracious.Senator Kerry waged a spirited campaign, and he and his supporters can be proud of their efforts. (Applause.)Laura and I wish Senator Kerry and Teresa and their whole family all our best wishes.America has spoken, and Im humbled by the trust and the confidence of my fellow citizens. With that trust comes a duty to serve all Americans, and I will do my best to fulfill that duty every day as your president. (Cheers, applause.)There are many people to thank, and my family comes first. (Cheers, applause.) Laura is the love of my life. (Cheers, applause.) Im glad you love her, too. (Laughter.)I want to thank our daughters, who joined their dad for his last campaign. (Cheers, applause.) I appreciate the hard work of my sister and my brothers. I especially want to thank my parents for their loving support. (Cheers, applause.)Im grateful to the vice president and Lynne and their daughters, who have worked so hard and been such a vital part of our team. (Cheers, applause.)The vice president serves America with wisdom and honor, and Im proud to serve beside him. (Cheers, applause.)I want to thank my superb campaign team. I want to thankyou all for your hard work. (Cheers, applause.) I was impressed every day by how hard and how skillful our team was.I want to thank Chairman Mark Racicot and -- (cheers, applause) -- the campaign manager Ken Mehlman -- (cheers, applause) – the architect, Karl Rove. (Cheers, applause.) I want to thank Ed Gillespie for leading our party so well. (Cheers, applause.)I want to thank the thousands of our supporters across our country. I want to thank you for your hugs on the rope lines. I want to thank you for your prayers on the rope lines. I want to thank you for your kind words on the rope lines. I want to thank you for everything you did to make the calls and to put up the signs, to talk to your neighbors, and to get out the vote. (Cheers, applause.)And because you did the incredible work, we are celebrating today. (Cheers, applause.)Theres an old saying, "Do not pray for tasks equal to your powers, pray for powers equal to your tasks." In four historic years, America has been given great tasks and faced them with strength and courage. Our people have restored the vigor of this economy and shown resolve and patience in a new kind of war. Our military has brought justice to the enemy and honor to America. (Cheers, applause.) Our nation -- our nation has defended itself and served the freedom of all mankind. Im proud to lead such an amazing country, and I am proud to lead it forward. (Applause.)Because we have done the hard work, we are entering a season of hope. We will continue our economic progress. We will reform our outdated tax code. We will strengthen the Social Security for the next generation.We will make public schools all they can be, and we will uphold our deepest values of family and faith.We will help the emerging democracies of Iraq and Afghanistan -- (cheers, applause) -- so they can -- so they can grow in strength and defend their freedom, and then our servicemen and -women will come home with the honor they have earned. (Cheers, applause.)With good allies at our side, we will fight this war on terror with every resource of our national power so our children can live in freedom and in peace. (Cheers, applause.)Reaching these goals will require the broad support of Americans, so today I want to speak to every person who voted for my opponent. To make this nation stronger and better, I will need your support and I will work to earn it. I will do all I can do to deserve your trust.A new term is a new opportunity to reach out to the whole nation. We have one country, one Constitution, and one future that binds us. And when we come together and work together, there is no limit to the greatness of America. (Cheers, applause.) Let me close with a word to the people of the state of Texas. (Cheers, applause.) We have known each other the longest, and you started me on this journey. On the open plains of T exas, I first learned the character of our country; sturdy and honest, and as hopeful as the break of day. I will always be grateful to the good people of my state. And whatever the road that lies ahead, that road will take me home.A campaign has ended, and the United States of America goes forward with confidence and faith. I see a great day coming for our country, and I am eager for the work ahead.God bless you. And may God bless America. (Cheers,applause.)布什:此次选民的投票率创下了历史新高,带来了历史性的胜利。

华盛顿第一届就职演说(1)

华盛顿第一届就职演说(1)

华盛顿第一届就职演说(1)Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with GREater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years ——a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste mitted on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm withdespondence one who (inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration) ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the pres sent station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over theuniverse, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the GREat Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow- citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just acplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct munities from which the event has resulted can not be pared with the means by which most governments have beenestablished without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously mence.。

美国参考资料的国父:乔治·华盛顿 (George Washington) 的就职演讲词

美国参考资料的国父:乔治·华盛顿 (George Washington) 的就职演讲词

美国第一任总统乔治-华盛顿就职演讲乔治-华盛顿第一次就职演讲纽约星期四,1789年4月30日参议院和众议院的同胞们:在人生沉浮中,没有一件事能比本月14日收到根据你们的命令送达的通知更使我焦虑不安,一方面,国家召唤我出任此职,对于她的召唤,我永远只能肃然敬从;而隐退是我以挚爱心憎、满腔希望和坚定的决心选择的暮年归宿,由于爱好和习惯,且时光流逝,健康渐衰,时感体力不济,愈觉隐退之必要和可贵。

另一方面,国家召唤我担负的责任如此重大和艰巨,足以使国内最有才智和经验的人度德量力,而我天资愚钝,又无民政管理的实践,理应倍觉自己能力之不足,因而必然感到难以肩此重任。

怀着这种矛盾心情,我唯一敢断言的是,通过正确估计可能产生影响的各种情况来克尽厥职,乃是我忠贞不渝的努力目标。

我唯一敢祈望的是,如果我在执行这项任务时因陶醉于往事,或因由衷感激公民们对我的高度信赖,因而受到过多影响,以致在处理从未经历过的大事时,忽视了自己的无能和消极,我的错误将会由于使我误人歧途的各种动机而减轻,而大家在评判错误的后果时;也会适当包涵产生这些动机的偏见。

既然这就是我在遵奉公众召唤就任现职时的感想,那么,在此宣誓就职之际,如不热忱地祈求全能的上帝就极其失当,因为上帝统治着宇宙,主宰着各国政府,它的神助能弥补人类的任何不足,愿上帝赐福,侃佑一个为美国人民的自由和幸福而组成的政府,保佑它为这些基本目的而作出奉献,保佑政府的各项行政措施在我负责之下都能成功地发挥作用。

我相信,在向公众利益和私人利益的伟大缔造者献上这份崇敬时,这些话也同样表达了各位和广大公民的心意。

没有人能比美国人更坚定不移地承认和崇拜掌管人间事务的上帝。

他们在迈向独立国家的进程中,似乎每走一步都有某种天佑的迹象;他们在刚刚完成的联邦政府体制的重大改革中,如果不是因虔诚的感恩而得到某种回报,如果不是谦卑地期待着过去有所预示的赐福的到来,那么,通过众多截然不同的集团的平静思考和自愿赞同来完成改革,这种方式是不能与大多数政府的组建方式同日而语的。

华盛顿就职演说稿_就职演讲稿_

华盛顿就职演说稿_就职演讲稿_

华盛顿就职演说稿乔治·华盛顿,美国杰出的资产阶级政治家、军事家、革命家,美国开国元勋、国父、首任总统,那么你想知道关于华盛顿就职时说了些什么吗?下面由小编向你推荐华盛顿就职演说稿,希望你满意。

华盛顿就职演说稿在人生沉浮中,没有一件事能比你们于本月14日送达的通知更使我焦虑不安。

一方面,国家召唤我出任此职,对于她的召唤,我永远只能肃然敬从;而隐退是我以挚爱心情、满腔希望和坚定的决心选择的暮年归宿,由于爱好和习惯,时感体力不济,愈觉隐退之必要和可贵。

且时光流逝,健康渐衰。

另一方面,国家召唤我担负的责任如此重大和艰巨,足以使国内最有才智和经验的人度德量力;而我天资愚钝,又无民政管理的实践,理应倍觉自己能力之不足,因而必然感到难以肩此重任。

怀着这种矛盾心情,我唯一敢断言的是,通过正确估计可能产生影响的各种情况来克尽吾职,乃是我忠贞不渝的努力目标。

我唯一敢祈望的是,如果我在执行这项任务时因陶醉于往事。

或因由衷感激公民们对我的高度信赖,因而受到过多影响,以致在处理从未经历过的大事时,忽视了自己的无能和消极。

我的错误将会由于使我误人歧途的各种动机而减轻,而大家在评判错误的后果时,也会适当包涵产生这些动机的偏见。

既然这就是我在遵奉公众召唤就任现职时的感想,那么,在此宣誓就职之际,如不热忱地祈求全能的上帝就极其失当。

因为上帝统治着宇宙,主宰着各国政府,它的神助能弥补人类的任何不足。

愿上帝赐福,保佑一个为美国人民的自由和幸福而组成的政府,保佑它为这些基本目标而做出奉献。

保佑政府的各项行政措施在我负责之下都能成功地发挥作用。

在向公众利益和私人利益的伟大缔造者献上这份崇敬时,我保证这不仅表达了我自己的情感,这些话也同样表达了各位和广大公民的心意。

没有人能比美国更坚定不移地承认和崇拜掌管人间事务的上帝。

他们在迈向独立国家的进程中,似乎每走一步都有某种天佑的迹象;他们在刚刚完成的联邦政府体制的重大改革中,如果不是因虔诚的感恩而得到某种回报,如果不是谦卑地期待着过去有所预示的赐福的到来,那么,通过众多截然不同的集团的冷静思考和自愿赞同来完成改革,这种方式是不能与大多数政府的组建方式同日而语的。

华盛顿总统就职演说

华盛顿总统就职演说
华盛顿总统就职演说
First Inaugural Address of George Washington
THE CITY OF NEW YORK
THURSDAY, APRIL 30, 1789
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils ofan supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow- citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.

美国总统就职演说汉译

美国总统就职演说汉译

committed on it by time.
• (George Washington,
• The Experiment of the American People)
a
2
1) Analysis of the original:
•A) Grammatical analysis •B) Stylistic analysis •C) Background knowledge
第二章 美国总统就职演说汉译
第一节 第二节
a
1
Original 21:
Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could
have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which
the notification was transmitted by your order, and
was rendered every day more necessary as well as more
dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of
frequent interruption in my health to the gradual waste
and of frequent interruption in my health to the
a complex sentence, composed of a main clause and an attributive clause, with a parenthetic clause embedded in the predicate and another attributive clause embedded in the appositive nominal phrase at the end of the sentence.

(完整word版)华盛顿(GeorgeWashington)就职演说中英对照版

(完整word版)华盛顿(GeorgeWashington)就职演说中英对照版

(完整word版)华盛顿(GeorgeWashington)就职演说中英对照版乔治·华盛顿(George Washington)就职演说中英对照Fellow Citizens:同胞们:I am again called upon by the voice of my country to execute the functions of its Chief Magistrate。

我再次被我的祖国召唤来履行首席执行官的职责。

When the occasion proper for it shall arrive,当将来适当机会来临时,I shall endeavor to express the high sense I entertain of this distinguished honor,我将努力表达我对这非凡荣耀的高尚情感,and of the confidence which has been reposed in me by the people of united America.和统一的美国民众寄于我的信心.Previous to the execution of any official act of the President the Constitution requires an oath of office.在总统行使任何官方职责之前,宪法要求就职宣誓.This oath I am now about to take,and in your presence:在你们面前,这就是我要承诺的誓言:That if it shall be found during my administration of the Government ,在我的政府行使职务期间,I have in any instance violated willingly or knowingly the injunctions thereof,如有任何明知故犯地违反已有的禁令,I may(besides incurring constitutional punishment)be subject to the upbraidings of all who are now witnesses of the present solemn ceremony.我不但将遭受宪法的处罚,而且还将受到出席这庄严仪式的诸位的谴责。

布什在华盛顿连任美国总统英语演讲稿三篇

布什在华盛顿连任美国总统英语演讲稿三篇

布什在华盛顿连任美国总统英语演讲稿三篇Speech 1:Ladies and gentlemen,It is with great honor and humility that I stand before you today to accept the responsibility and privilege of serving as the President of the United States for a second term. I want to express my sincere gratitude to the American people for their unwavering support and trust in my leadership.Over the past four years, we have faced numerous challenges as a nation. From the devastating terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, to the economic recession that followed, we have endured and persevered. Together, we have strengthened our national security, revived our economy, and advanced the values that make America great.In the face of adversity, we have remained united. We have shown the world that we will not be intimidated by those who seek to harm us. We have taken bold actions to dismantle terrorist networks, protect our borders, and promote peace and stability around the globe. Our military has acted with courage and resolve, and I am proud to be their Commander-in-Chief.We have also made significant progress in revitalizing our economy. Through tax cuts and deregulation, we have stimulated growth and created jobs. We have invested in education and innovation, ensuring that our workforce remains competitive in the global market. And we have supported small businesses and entrepreneurs, the backbone of our economy.But our work is far from over. As we move forward, we must continue to prioritize the safety and security of our citizens. We must remain vigilant against the threats that still exist and adapt to the ever-changing landscape of global terrorism. We must also continue to foster economic growth and opportunity for all Americans, leaving no one behind.I am committed to working across party lines and reaching out to our allies and partners around the world. Together, we can build a safer and more prosperous future for all. We must remember that we are stronger when we stand united, and that our differences should be a source of strength, not division.In conclusion, I want to thank each and every one of you for your support and confidence in my leadership. It is a privilege to serve as your President, and I will continue to work tirelessly to make America the greatest nation on earth. May God bless you all, and may God bless the United States of America.Speech 2:My fellow Americans,Today, I stand before you to accept the honor and responsibility of serving as the President of the United States for a second term. I am humbled by your trust and grateful for your unwavering support. Together, we have accomplished great things, and I am confident that we will achieve even more in the years to come.In the face of adversity and uncertainty, we have remained steadfast in our commitment to freedom, democracy, and the values that define us as a nation. We have confronted and defeated terrorist organizations that threaten our way of life. We havestrengthened our alliances and forged new partnerships to promote peace and prosperity around the world.At home, we have revitalized our economy and created millions of new jobs. We have cut taxes for hardworking Americans and reduced the burden of regulations on businesses. We have invested in education, healthcare, and infrastructure, ensuring that every American has the opportunity to succeed and thrive.But our work is not done. We must continue to address the challenges that lie ahead. We must confront the threats of climate change and work towards a sustainable future. We must bridge the divides that separate us and strive for a more inclusive and equitable society. And we must continue to defend the rights and freedoms that define us as a nation.As we move forward, let us remember the power of unity and the strength of our diversity. Let us come together as one nation, indivisible and unstoppable. Let us build a future that is worthy of our children and grandchildren, a future where every American has the opportunity to achieve their dreams.I am honored to serve as your President, and I pledge to work tirelessly on your behalf. Together, we will write the next chapter of our great nation’s history, and we will ensure that the American dream remains within reach for all who seek it.May God bless you all, and may God bless the United States of America.Speech 3:Good evening, my fellow Americans,Today, I stand before you as the President of the United States, honored and humbled to accept your trust and support for a second term. I want to thank each and every one of you for the faith you have placed in me and the opportunity to continue serving this great nation.Over the past four years, we have faced numerous challenges, both at home and abroad. We have witnessed the horrors of terrorism and the devastation of natural disasters. We have grappled with economic uncertainty and the struggles of everyday Americans. But through it all, we have remained resilient, united, and determined to overcome.To those who seek to harm us, let me be clear: we will not waver in our commitment to protect the American people and defend our way of life. We will continue to work tirelessly to dismantle terrorist networks and keep our homeland safe. We will support our brave men and women in uniform, who sacrifice so much to keep us free. And we will stand shoulder to shoulder with our allies, promoting peace and stability around the world.At home, we have made great strides in revitalizing our economy. We have created jobs, reduced taxes, and removed burdensome regulations that stifle growth. We have invested in infrastructure, healthcare, and education to ensure that every American has the opportunity to succeed. And we have championed the values that make our nation great – freedom, liberty, and justice for all.But our work is far from over. We must continue to address the pressing issues facing our nation. We must confront the realities of climate change and work towards a sustainable future. We must bridge the divides that separate us and find common ground. Andwe must ensure that every American, regardless of their background or circumstances, has the opportunity to achieve their full potential.As we move forward, let us remember that we are all Americans, bound together by a common purpose and shared values. Let us tap into the strength and resilience that has carried us through difficult times in the past. Let us stand together, united in our pursuit of a brighter future for ourselves, our children, and generations to come. Thank you again for your trust and support. It is a privilege to serve as your President, and I am committed to working tirelessly on your behalf. May God bless you all, and may God bless the United States of America.。

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First Inaugural Address of George WashingtonTHE CITY OF NEW YORKTHURSDAY, APRIL 30, 1789Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years--a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who (inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration) ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow- citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquildeliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President "to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good; for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficientlyinfluence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed; and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.【中文译文】:美国人民的实验乔治-华盛顿第一次就职演讲纽约星期四,1789年4月30日参议院和众议院的同胞们:在人生沉浮中,没有一件事能比本月14日收到根据你们的命令送达的通知更使我焦虑不安,一方面,国家召唤我出任此职,对于她的召唤,我永远只能肃然敬从;而隐退是我以挚爱心憎、满腔希望和坚定的决心选择的暮年归宿,由于爱好和习惯,且时光流逝,健康渐衰,时感体力不济,愈觉隐退之必要和可贵。

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