美国总统奥巴马就卡扎菲死亡发表讲话 (双语)
奥巴马发表讲话(中英文).
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奥巴马发表讲话(中英文)当地时间4月15日,美国波士顿马拉松比赛终点线附近发生爆炸,目前造成至少3人死亡141人受伤。
美国总统奥巴马在爆炸发生后3个多小时后发表全国电视讲话。
以下为全文内容:Good afternoon, everybody. Earlier today, I was briefed by my homeland security team on. We're continuing to monitor and respond to the situation as it unfolds. And I've directed the full resources of the federal government to help state and local authorities protect our people, increase security around the United States as necessary, and investigate what happened.大家下午好。
我刚刚听取了了国土安全局就波士顿爆炸事件的汇报。
我们将继续随情况发展进行监察并作出反应。
我已下令联邦政府动用全部资源,协助州和地方当局保护人民的安全,在全美提高必要的安保水平,并调查事件真相。
The American people will say a prayer for Boston tonight. And Michelle and I send our deepest thoughts and prayers to the families of the victims in the wake of this senseless loss.美国人民今晚会为波士顿祈祷。
米歇尔和我把我们最深切的思念和祈祷传递给受难者及其家属,对他们失去亲人表示哀悼。
We don't yet have all the answers. But we do know that multiple people have been wounded, some gravely, in explosions at the Boston Marathon.我们尚未知晓所有情况。
奥巴马关于卡扎菲之死的演讲(英文)
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PRESIDENT OBAMA: Good morning. Mr. Secretary General, on behalf of us all, thank you for convening this meeting to address a task that must be the work of all of us -- supporting the people of Libya as they build a future that is free and democratic and prosperous. And I want to thank President Jalil for his remarks and for all that he and Prime Minister Jibril have done to help Libya reach this moment.To all the heads of state, to all the countries represented here who have done so much over the past several months to ensure this day could come, I want to say thank you, as well.Today, the Libyan people are writing a new chapter in the life of their nation. After four decades of darkness, they can walk the streets, free from a tyrant. They are making their voices heard -- in new newspapers, and on radio and television, in public squares and on personal blogs. They’re launching political parties and civil groups to shape their own destiny and secure their universal rights. And here at the United Nations, the new flag of a free Libya now flies among the community of nations.Make no mistake -- credit for the liberation of Libya belongs to the people of Libya. It was Libyan men and women -- and children -- who took to the streets in peaceful protest, who faced down the tanks and endured the snipers’ bullets. It was Libyan fighters, often outgunned and outnumbered, who fought pitched battles, town-by-town, block-by-block. It was Libyan activists -- in the underground, in chat rooms, in mosques -- who kept a revolution alive, even after some of the world had given up hope.It was Libyan women and girls who hung flags and smuggled weapons to the front. It was Libyans from countries around the world, including my own, who rushed home to help, even though they, too, risked brutality and death. It was Libyan blood that was spilled and Libya’s sons and daughters who gave their lives. And on that August day -- after all that sacrifice, after 42 long years -- it was Libyans who pushed their dictator from power.At the same time, Libya is a lesson in what the international community can achieve when we stand together as one. I said at the beginning of this process, we cannot and should not intervene every time there is an injustice in the world. Yet it’s also true that t here are times where the world could have and should have summoned the will to prevent the killing of innocents on a horrific scale. And we are forever haunted by the atrocities that we did not prevent, and the lives that we did not save. But this time was different. This time, we, through the United Nations, found the courage and the collective will to act.When the old regime unleashed a campaign of terror, threatening to roll back the democratic tide sweeping the region, we acted as united nations, and we acted swiftly -- broadening sanctions, imposing an arms embargo. The United States led the effort to pass a historic resolution at the Security Council authorizing "all necessary measures" to protect the Libyan people. And when the civilians of Benghazi were threatened with a massacre, we exercised that authority. Our international coalition stopped the regime in its tracks, and saved countless lives, and gave the Libyan people the time and the space to prevail.Important, too, is how this effort succeeded -- thanks to the leadership and contributions of many countries. The United States was proud to play a decisive role, especially in the early days, and then in a supporting capacity. But let’s remember that it was the Arab League that appealed for acti on. It was the world’s most effective alliance, NATO, that’s led a military coalition of nearly 20 nations. It’s our European allies -- especially the United Kingdom and France and Denmark and Norway -- that conducted the vast majority of air strikes protecting rebels on the ground. It was Arab states who joined the coalition, as equal partners. And it’s been the United Nations and neighboring countries -- including Tunisia and Egypt -- that have cared for the Libyans in the urgent humanitarian effort that continues today.This is how the international community should work in the 21st century -- more nations bearing the responsibility and the costs of meeting global challenges. In fact, this is the very purpose of this United Nations. So every nation represented here today can take pride in the innocent lives we saved and in helping Libyans reclaim their country. It was the right thing to do.Now, even as we speak, remnants of the old regime continue to fight. Difficult days are still ahead. But one thing is clear -- the future of Libya is now in the hands of the Libyan people. For just as it was Libyans who tore down the old order, it will be Libyans who build their new nation. And we’ve come here today to say to the people of Libya -- just as the world stood by you in your struggle to be free, we will now stand with you in your struggle to realize the peace and prosperity that freedom can bring.In this effort, you will have a friend and partner in the United States of America. Today, I can announce that our ambassador is on his way back to Tripoli. And this week, the American flag that was lowered before our embassy was attacked will be raised again, over a re-opened American embassy. We will work closely with the new U.N. Support Mission in Libya and with the nations here today to assist the Libyan people in the hard work ahead.First, and most immediately: security. So long as the Libyan people are being threatened, the NATO-led mission to protect them will continue. And those still holding out must understand -- the old regime is over, and it is time to lay down your arms and join the new Libya. As this happens, the world must also support efforts to secure dangerous weapons -- conventional and otherwise -- and bring fighters under central, civilian control. For without security, democracy and trade and investment cannot flourish.Second: the humanitarian effort. The Transitional National Council has been working quickly to restore water and electricity and food supplies to Tripoli. But for many Libyans, each day is still a struggle -- to recover from their wounds, reunite with their families, and return to their homes. And even after the guns of war fall silent, the ravages of war will continue. So our efforts to assist its victims must continue. In this, the United States -- the United Nations will play a key role. And along with our partners, the United States will do our part to help the hungry and the wounded.Third: a democratic transition that is peaceful, inclusive and just. President Jalil has just reaffirmed the Transitional National Council’s commitment to these principles, and the UnitedNations will play a central role in coordinating international support for this effort. We all know what is needed -- a transition that is timely, new laws and a constitution that uphold the rule of law, political parties and a strong civil society, and, for the first time in Libyan history, free and fair elections.True democracy, however, must flow from its citizens. So as Libyans rightly seek justice for past crimes, let it be done in a spirit of reconciliation, and not reprisals and violence. As Libyans draw strength from their faith -- a religion rooted in peace and tolerance -- let there be a rejection of violent extremism, which offers nothing but death and destruction. As Libyans rebuild, let those efforts tap the experience of all those with the skills to contribute, including the many Africans in Libya. And as Libyans forge a society that is truly just, let it enshrine the rights and role of women at all levels of society. For we know that the nations that uphold the human rights of all people, especially their women, are ultimately more successful and more prosperous.Which brings me to the final area where the world must stand with Libya, and that is restoring prosperity. For too long, Libya’s vast riches were stolen and squandered. Now that wealth must serve its rightful owners -- the Libyan people. As sanctions are lifted, as the United States and the international community unfreeze more Libyan assets, and as the country's oil production is restored, the Libyan people deserve a government that is transparent and accountable. And bound by the Libyan students and entrepreneurs who have forged friendships in the United States, we intend to build new pa rtnerships to help unleash Libya’s extraordinary potential.Now, none of this will be easy. After decades of iron rule by one man, it will take time to build the institutions needed for a democratic Libya. I’m sure there will be days of frustration; there will be days when progress is slow; there will be days when some begin to wish for the old order and its illusion of stability. And some in the world may ask, can Libya succeed? But if we have learned anything these many months, it is this: Don’t underest imate the aspirations and the will of the Libyan people.So I want to conclude by speaking directly to the people of Libya. Your task may be new, the journey ahead may be fraught with difficulty, but everything you need to build your future already beats in the heart of your nation. It’s the same courage you summoned on that first February day; the same resilience that brought you back out the next day and the next, even as you lost family and friends; and the same unshakeable determination with which you liberated Benghazi, broke the siege of Misurata, and have fought through the coastal plain and the western mountains.It’s the same unwavering conviction that said, there’s no turning back; our sons and daughters deserve to be free.In the days after Tripoli fell, people rejoiced in the streets and pondered the role ahead, and one of those Libyans said, “We have this chance now to do something good for our country, a chance we have dreamed of for so long.” So, to the Libyan people, this is your chance. And today the world is saying, with one unmistakable voice, we will stand with you as you seize this moment of promise, as you reach for the freedom, the dignity, and the opportunity that you deserve.So, congratulations. And thank you very much. (Applause.)。
2009年9月3日美国总统奥巴马在联合国大会上的讲话中英文对照
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同各位一样,我的职责是采取符合本国和本国人民利益的行动,我绝不会为捍卫这些利益而道歉。但我深深感到,与人类历史上任何一个时期相比,在2009年各个国家及其人民之间都更具有共同的
我就任总统只有9个月——但在有些日子里这段时间却显得漫长。我深知全世界对我就任总统的瞩望。在我看来,这些瞩望并非针对我个人,而是植根于一种对现状的不满,因为我们越来越被分歧所左右,疲于应付种种问题。但这些瞩望亦植根于希望——希望真正的变革有可能实现,希望美国在推动这种变革的过程中走怀疑和不信任的眼光看待美国,其中部分原因是对我国的误解和信息失实,还有一部分原因是对具体政策的反对,认为美国在某些关键问题上采取单边行动,不考虑他人的利益。这滋长了一种几乎是反射性的反美主义,而这种情绪又往往成为我们不采取集体行动的借口。 Now, like all of you, my responsibility is to act in the interest of my nation and my people, and I will never apologize for defending those interests. But it is my deeply held belief that in the year 2009 -- more than at any point in human history -- the interests of nations and peoples are shared. The religious convictions that we hold in our hearts can forge new bonds among people, or they can tear us apart. The technology we harness can light the path to peace, or forever darken it. The energy we use can sustain our planet, or destroy it. What happens to the hope of a single child -- anywhere -- can enrich our world, or impoverish it.
美国总统奥巴马在曼德拉悼念活动中致辞【2】
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美国总统奥巴马在曼德拉悼念活动中致辞【2】Through his fierce dignity and unbending will to sacrifice his own freedom for the freedom of others, Madiba transformed South Africa –and moved all of us. His journey from a prisoner to a president embodied the promise that human beings –and countries –can change for the better.His commitment to transfer power and reconcile with those who jailed him set an example that all humanity should aspire to, whether in the lives of nations or our own personal lives. And the fact that he did it all with grace and good humour, and an ability to acknowledge his own imperfections, only makes the man that much more remarkable. As he once said, “I am not a saint, unless you think of a saint as a sinner who keeps on trying.”I am one of the countless millions who drew inspirationfrom Nelson Mandela’s life. My very first political action, the first thing I ever did that involved an issue or a policy or politics, was a protest against apartheid. I studied his words and his writings. The day that he was released from prison gave me a sense of what human beings can do when they’re guided by their hopes and not by their fears. And like so many around the globe, I cannot fully imagine my own life without the example that Nelson Mandela set, and so long as I live I will do what I can to learn from him.。
英语演讲原文:奥巴马演讲 共同来悼念911事件
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奥巴马演讲共同来悼念911事件In just two weeks, we’ll come together, as a nation, to mark the 10th anniversary of the September 11th attacks. We’ll remember the innocent lives we lost. We’ll stand with the families who loved them. We’ll honor the heroic first responders who rushed to the scene and saved somany. And we’ll pay tribute to our troops and military families, and all those who have served over the past ten years, to keep us safe and strong.We’ll also recall how the worst terrorist attack in American history brought out the best in the American people. How Americans lined up to give blood. How volunteers drove across the country to lend a hand. How schoolchildren donated their savings 1 . How communities, faith groups and businesses collected food and clothing.We were united, and the outpouring(流露) of generosity 2 and compassion 3 reminded us that in times of challenge, we Americans move forward together, as one people.This September 11th, Michelle and I will join the commemorations at Ground Zero, in Shanksville, and at the Pentagon. But even if you can’t be in New York,Pennsylvania or Virginia, every American can be part of this anniversary. Once again, 9/11 will be a National Day of Service and Remembrance. And in the days and weeks ahead, folks across the country—in all 50 states—will come together, in their communities and neighborhoods, to honor the victims of 9/11 and to reaffirm the strength of our nation with acts of service and charity.In Minneapolis, volunteers will help restore a community center. In Winston-Salem, North Carolina, they’ll hammer shingles 5 and lay floors to give families a new home. In Tallahassee, Florida, they’ll assemble care packages for our troops overseas and their families here at home. In Orange County, C alifornia, they’ll renovate 6 homes for our veterans. And once again, Michelle and I look forward to joining a local service project as well.There are so many ways to get involved, and every American can do something. To learn more about the opportunities where you live, just go online and visit . Even the smallest act of service, the simplest act of kindness, is a way to honor those we lost; a way to reclaim 7 that spirit of unity 4 that followed 9/11.On this 10th anniversary, we still face great challenges as anation. We’re emerging from the worst economic crisis in our lifetimes. We’re taking the fight to al Qaeda, ending the war in Iraq and starting to bring our troops home from Afghanistan. And we’re working to reb uild the foundation of our national strength here at home.None of this will be easy. And it can’t be the work of government alone. As we saw after 9/11, the strength of America has always been the character and compassion of our people. So as we mar k this solemn anniversary, let’s summon that spirit once more. And let’s show that the sense of common purpose that we need in America doesn’t have to be a fleeting 8 (飞逝的) moment; it can be a lasting 9 virtue—not just on one day, but every day.■文章重点单词注释:1savingsn.存款,储蓄参考例句:I can't afford the vacation,for it would eat up my savings.我度不起假,那样会把我的积蓄用光的。
美国总统奥巴马悼念遇难矿工的讲话(汉英对照)
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美国总统悼念遇难矿工的讲话(汉英对照)We’re here to memorialize 29 Americans: Carl Acord. Jason Atkins. Christopher Bell. Gregory Steven Brock. Kenneth Allan Chapman. Robert Clark. Charles Timothy Davis. CoryDavis. Michael Lee Elswick. William I. Griffith. Steven Harrah. Edward Dean Jones. Richard K. Lane. William Roosevelt Lynch. Nicholas Darrell McCroskey. Joe Marcum. Ronald Lee Maynor. James E. Mooney. Adam Keith Morgan. Rex L. Mullins. Joshua S. Napper. Howard D. Payne. Dillard Earl Persinger. Joel R. Price. Deward Scott. Gary Quarles. Grover DaleSkeens. Benny Willingham. And Ricky Workman.“我们在这里,怀念29位美国人:卡尔·阿克德、杰森·阿金斯、克里斯多佛·贝尔、格利高里·史蒂夫·布洛克、肯尼斯·艾伦·查普曼、罗伯特·克拉克、查尔斯·蒂莫西·戴维斯、克里·戴维斯、迈克尔·李·埃尔斯维克、威廉·I.格里菲斯、史蒂芬·哈拉、爱德华·迪恩·琼斯、理查德.K.雷恩、威廉姆.罗斯威尔特.林奇、尼古拉斯.达利尔.麦考斯基、乔.马克姆、罗纳德.李.梅尔、詹姆斯.E.姆尼、亚当.基斯.摩根、雷克斯.L.姆林斯、乔什.S.纳皮尔、霍华德.D.佩恩、迪拉德.厄尔.波辛格、乔尔.R.普莱斯、迪华德.斯科特、加里.考拉斯、格罗佛.戴尔.斯金斯、本尼.威灵汉姆以及里奇·沃克曼。
奥巴马在麦凯恩葬礼演讲全文(英语)
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To John's beloved family, Mrs. McCain, Cindy, to the McCain children, President Bush, President and Secretary Clinton, Vice President Biden, Vice President Mr. Cheney, Vice President Gore, and as John would say, my friends.We come to celebrate an extraordinary man, a warrior, a statesman, a patriot, who embodied so much that is best in America. President Bush and I are among the fortunate few who competed against John at the highest levels of politics. He made us better presidents, just as he made the Senate better, just as he made this country better. So, for someone like John to ask you while he was still alive to stand and speak of him when he is gone, is a precious and singular honor. Now, when John called me with that request earlier this year, I admit sadness and also a certain surprise. But after our conversation ended, I realized how well it captured some of John's essential qualities.To start with, John liked being unpredictable, even a little contrarian. He had no interest in conforming to some prepackaged version of what a senate should be and he did not want a memorial that was gonna be prepackaged either. That also showed John’s disdain for self-pity. He had been to hell and back, yet somehow never lost his energy, his optimism, or his zest for life. So cancer did not scare him, and he would maintain that buoyant spirit to the very end, too stubborn to sit still, opinionated as ever, fiercely devoted to his friends, and most of all to his family. It showed his irreverence, sense of humor, a little bit of mischievous stray, after all what better way to get the last laugh and make George and I say nice things about him to a national audience. [laughter] And most of all, it showed a largeness of spirit, an ability to see past differences in search of common ground.And in fact, on the surface, John and I could not have been more different. We were of different generations. I came from a broken home and never knew my father. John was the son of one of America's most distinguished military families. I had a reputation for keeping cool, John, not so much. [laughter] We were standard bearers of a different American political traditions. And throughout my presidency, John never hesitated to tell me when he thought I was screwing up, which by his calculation, was about once a day. But for all of our differences, for all of the times we sparred, I never tried to hide. And I think John came to understand the long-standing admiration that I had for him.By his own account, John was a rebellious young man. In his case, that is understandable. What faster way to distinguish yourself when you are the son and grandson of admirals then to mutiny, eventually though, he concluded that the only way to really make his mark on the world is to commit to something bigger than yourself. And for John, that meant answering the highest of calls, serving his country in a time of war. Othersthis week, and this morning, have spoken to the depths of his torment, and the depths of his courage there in the cells of Hanoi, when day after day, year after year, that useful iron was tempered into steel. It brings to mind something that Hemingway wrote in the book that Megan referred to, his favorite book,“Today is only one day in all the days that will ever be, but what will happen in all the other days that ever come can depend on what you do today.” In captivity, John learned in ways that few of us ever will, the meaning of those words. How each moment, each day, each choice is a test. And John McCain passed that test again, and again, and again. And that is why when John spoke of virtues like service and duty, it did not ring hollow. They were not just words to him. It was a truth that he had lived, and for which he was prepared to die, and if forced, even the most cynical. To consider, what were we doing for our country? What might we risk everything for?Much has been said this week about what a maverick John was. Now, in fact, John was a pretty conservative guy. Trust me, I was on the receiving end of some of those votes. But he did understand that some principles transcend politics, that some values transcend parties. He considered a part of his duty to uphold those principles and uphold those values. John cared about the institutions of self-government, our Constitution, our Bill of Rights, rule of law, separation of powers, even the arcane rules and procedures of the senate. He knew that in a nation as big and boisterous and diverse as ours, those institutions, those rules and those norms are what bind us together and give shape and order to our common life, even when we disagree, especially when we disagree. John believed in honest argument and hearing other views. He understood that if we get in the habit of bending the truth to suit political expediency or party orthodoxy, our democracy will not work. That is why he was willing to buck his own party at times, occasionally work across the aisle on campaign finance reform and immigration reform. That is why he championed a free and independent press as vital to our democratic debates. And the fact that it earned him some good coverage did not hurt either. John understood, as JFK understood, as Ronald Reagan understood, that part of what makes our country great is that our membership is based not on our bloodline, not on what we look like, what our last names are, not based on where our parents or grandparents came from, or how recently they arrived, but on adherence to a common creed. That all of us are created equal, and thou by our creator, with certain inalienable rights. It has been mentioned today, and we have seen footage this week of John pushing back against supporters who challenged my patriotism during the 2008 campaign. I was grateful, but I was not surprised. As Joe Lieberman said, it was John's instinct. I never saw John treat anyone differently because of their race or religion, or gender. And I am certain that in those moments that have beenreferred to during the campaign, he saw himself as defending America's character, not just mine. He considered it the imperative of every citizen who loved this country to treat all people fairly.And finally, while John and I disagreed on all kinds of foreign-policy issues, we stood together on America's role as the one indispensable nation, believing that the great power and great blessings comes great responsibility. That burden is born most heavily by our men and women in uniform, service members like Doug, Jimmy, and Jack, who follow their father's footsteps, as well as the families who served alongside our troops. But John understood that our security and our influence was one, not just by our military might, not just by our wealth, not just by our abilities to bend others to our will, but from our capacity to inspire others, with our adherence to a set of universal values, like rule of law and human rights, and insistence on the God-given dignity of every human being.Of course, John was the first to tell us he was not perfect. Like all of us who go into public service, he did have an ego. Like all of us, there was no doubt some vote he cast, some compromises he struck, some decisions he made that he wished he could have back. It is no secret. It has been mentioned that he had a temper. When it flared up, it was a force of nature, a wonder to behold. His jaw grinding, his face reddening, his eyes boring a hole right through you, not that I ever experience it firsthand, mind you. [laughter] But to know John was to know that as quick as his passions might flare, he was just as quick to forgive and ask for forgiveness. He knew more than most his own flaws in his blind spots, and he knew how to laugh at himself. And that self-awareness made him all the more compelling. We did not advertise it. But every so often over the course of my presidency, John would come over to the White House, and we would just sit and talk in the Oval Office, just two of us. And we would talk about policy, and we would talk about family, and we would talk about the state of our politics. And our disagreements did not go away during these private conversations. Those were real, and they were often deep. But we enjoyed the time we shared away from the bright lights, and we laughed with each other, and we learned from each other.We never doubted the other man's sincerity, or the other man's patriotism, or that when all was said and done, we were on the same team. We never doubted we were on the same team. For all of our differences, we shared a fidelity to the ideals for which generations of Americans have marched and fought, and sacrificed, and given their lives. We considered our political battles a privilege, an opportunity to serve as the source of those ideals here at home, and to do our best to advance them around the world. We saw this country as a place where anything is possible, and citizenship as an obligation to ensure it forever remains that way. And more than once during his career, John drew comparisons to Teddy Roosevelt. I am sure ithas been noted that Roosevelt's “Man in the Arena” oration seems tailored to John. Most of you know it, Roosevelt’s speaks of “those who strive, who dare to do great things, who sometimes win and sometimes come up short, but always relish the good fight. A contrast to those cold, timid souls who know neither victory nor defeat.” Isn't that the spirit we celebrate this week? that striving to be better? to do better? to be worthy of the great inheritance that our founders bestowed? So much of our politics, our public life, our public discourse can seem small and mean, and petty trafficking and bombast, and insults, and phony controversies, and manufactured outrage. It is a politics that pretends to be brave, and tough, but in fact is born fear. John called on us to be bigger than that. He called on us to be better than that. “Today is only one day in all the days that will ever be. But what will happen in all the other days that will ever come can depend on what you do today.”What better way to honor John McCain's life of service than as best we can? Follow his example. To prove that the willingness to get in the arena and fight for this country is not reserved for the few. It is open to all of us. In fact, it is demanded of all of us as citizens of this great republic. That is perhaps how we honor him best. By recognizing that there are some things bigger than party, or ambition, or money, or fame, or power, that there are some things that are worth risking everything for, principles that are eternal, truths that are abiding. At his best, John showed us what that means. For that, we are all deeply in his debt. May god bless John McCain. May god bless this country he served so well. [applause] [drumming] (music)。
奥巴马在阵亡将士纪念日上的讲话
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This week, I've been speaking aboutAmeric a's nation al securi t y—our past, our presen t, and our future.本周我想谈谈美国国家安全的过去,现在以及未来。
On Thursd ay, I outlin ed the future of our fightagains t terror ism—the threat s we face, and the way in whichwe will meet them.在周四,我提出了我们未来打击恐怖主义的蓝图,我们所面临的威胁以及我们如何应对的措施。
On Friday, I went to Annapo lis to celebr ate the extrao rdina ry youngmen and womenof the United States Naval Academ y's Classof 2013。
在周五,我前往安纳波利斯与杰出的年轻人们一起庆祝美国海军学院2013年的毕业典礼,the sailors and Marines who will not only lead that fight, but who will lead our countr y for decades to come.水手和海军陆战队员们不仅将引领未来的战争,而且还将在未来数十年引领我们国家的安全。
And on Monday, we celebr ate Memori a l Day.而在下周一,我们要度过阵亡将士纪念日。
Unofficially, it's the startof summer.在夏天还非正式开始到来的时候,a chance for us to spendsome time with family and friend s, at barbec ues or the beach, gettin g a little fun and relaxa tionin before headin g back to work.这是我们与家人和朋友共度时光的好机会,在重返工作岗位前人们可以一起烧烤或者去海滩,享受欢乐,放松身心。
奥巴马宣布本拉登死亡演讲全文[中英对照]
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Good evening. Tonight, I can report to the American people and to the world that the United States has conducted an operation that killed Osama bin Laden, the leader of al Qaeda, and a terrorist who’s responsible for the murder of thousands of innocent men, women, and children.晚上好。
今天晚上,我终于能向美国人民和全世界宣布,美国指挥的一项行动已经将基地组织的头目奥萨马本拉登击毙,他要为成千上万美国无辜的男人女人和儿童的死亡负责。
It was nearly 10 years ago that a bright September day was darkened by the worst attack on the American people in our history. The images of 9/11 are seared into our national memory -- hijacked planes cutting through a cloudless September sky; the Twin Towers collapsing to the ground; black smoke billowing up from the Pentagon; the wreckage of Flight 93 in Shanksville, Pennsylvania, where the actions of heroic citizens saved even more heartbreak and destruction.那个阳光明媚的九月被美国有史以来遭受的最惨重的恐怖袭击遮蔽,距今就要十年了。
奥巴马关于卡扎菲之死的讲话(中英)
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Remarks by the President on the Death of Muammar Qaddafi 奥巴马关于卡扎菲之死的讲话THE PRESIDENT: Good afternoon, everybody. Today, the government of Libya announced the death of Muammar Qaddafi. This marks the end of a long and painful chapter for the people of Libya, who now have the opportunity to determine their own destiny in a new and democratic Libya.For four decades, the Qaddafi regime ruled the Libyan people with an iron fist. Basic human rights were denied. Innocent civilians were detained, beaten and kille d. And Libya’s wealth was squandered.The enormous potential of the Libyan people was held back, and terror was used as a political weapon. Today, we can definitively say that the Qaddafi regime has come to an end. The last major regime strongholds have fallen. The new government is consolidating the control over the country. Andone of the world’s longest-serving dictators is no more.One year ago, the notion of a free Libya seemed impossible. But then the Libyan people rose up and demanded their rights. And when Qaddafi and his forces started going city to city, town by town, to brutalize men, women and children, the world refused to stand idly by.Faced with the potential of mass atrocities and a call for help from the Libyan people, the United States and our friends and allies stopped Qaddafi’s forces in their tracks. A coalition that included the United States, NATO and Arab nations persevered through the summer to protect Libyan civilians. And meanwhile, the courageous Libyan people fought for their own future and broke the back of the regime.So this is a momentous day in the history of Libya. The dark shadow of tyranny has been lifted. And with this enormous promise, the Libyan people now have a great responsibility to build an inclusive and tolerant and democratic Libya that stands as the ultimate rebuke to Qaddafi’s dictatorship. We look forward to the announcement of the country’s liberation, the quick formation of an interim government, and a stable transition to Libya’s first free and fair elections. And we call on our Libyan friends to continue to work with the international community to secure dangerous materials, and to respect the human rights of all Libyans –- including those who have been detained.We’re under no illusions Libya will travel a long and winding road to full democracy. There will be difficult days ahead. But the United States, together with the international community, is committed to the Libyan people. You have won your revolution. And now, we will be a partner as you forge a future that provides dignity, freedom and opportunity.For the region, today’s events prove once more that the rule of an iron fist inevitably comes to an end. Across the Arab world, citizens have stood up to claim their rights. Youth are delivering a powerful rebuke to dictatorship. And those leaders who try to deny their human dignity will not succeed.For us here in the United States, we are reminded today of all those Americans that we lost at the hands of Qaddafi’s terror. Their families and friends are inour thoughts and in our prayers. We recall their bright smiles, their extraordinary lives, and their tragic deaths. We know that nothing can close the wound of their loss, but we stand together as one nation by their side.For nearly eight months, many Americans have provided extraordinary service in support of our efforts to protect the Libyan people, and to provide them with a chance to determine their own destiny. Our skilled diplomats have helped to lead an unprecedented global response. Our br ave pilots have flown in Libya’s skies, our sailors have provided support off Libya’s shores, and our leadership at NATO has helped guide our coalition. Without putting a single U.S. service member on the ground, we achieved our objectives, and our NATO mission will soon come to an end.This comes at a time when we see the strength of American leadership across the world. We’ve taken out al Qaedaleaders, and we’ve put them on the path to defeat. We’re winding down the warin Iraq and have begun a transition in Afghanistan. And now, working in Libya with friends and allies, we’ve demonstrated what collective action can achieve in the 21st century.Of course, above all, today belongs to the people of Libya. This is a moment for them to remember all those who suffered and were lost under Qaddafi, and look forward to the promise of a new day. And I know the American people wish the people of Libya the very best in what will be a challenging but hopeful days, weeks, months and years ahead.总统:各位下午好。
奥巴马总统在获知卡扎菲死亡后发表演讲的人际意义
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2012年第11期科学大众·科学教育PopularScience人际功能,作为语言最重要的功能之一,来自功能语法对语言元功能的划分,Halliday(1985,19941)把语言的元功能划分为三种:人际功能、概念功能和语篇功能。
人际功能指人们用语言来和他人交往,建立和维持人际关系,表达发话者的身份、地位、态度、动机和他对事物推断的功能。
韩礼德认为人际意义主要是通过语气和情态两个语义系统来实现的。
语气系统表达说话者希望通过讲话所达到的目的。
而情态系统表达说话者对事物的判断和评价的语义系统。
情态系统还可以分为情态化和意态化。
其他功能学者发现人际功能不仅可以通过以上两种系统来体现,而且还有多种实现人际意义的手段。
本文拟从语气、人称、时态和情态等方面对奥巴马总统在获知卡扎菲死亡后发表演讲进行人际意义的分析。
一、演讲背景北京时间2011年10月20日,利比亚局势出现重大转折———卡扎菲在交战中身亡。
一个在国际舞台42年的特殊人物的生命,犹如一个钟摆,永远定格在这一天。
从那时到现在,利比亚已有数万人死于冲突,多个城镇发生人道主义危机。
卡扎菲的终结使利比亚的内战走向尾声,为利比亚从动荡中回归稳定迎来了新的机遇。
卡扎菲之死对美国总统奥巴马及其政府来说都是一大安慰。
如同一位不愿透露姓名的美国官员的话说,这是奥巴马政府“在幕后指挥”政策的胜利,是美国新型外交政策的重大胜利。
奥巴马在约5分钟的简短讲话中称卡扎菲为“历史上统治时间最长的独裁者之一”,并称赞今年3月美英法等国发动的空袭对卡扎菲倒台发挥积极作用,但奥巴马将最终的胜利归功于利比亚人民。
二、演讲的人际意义分析1.语气系统功能语法认为,我们能认知的各种各样的言语角色中最根本的可分为两类“给予”和“求取”。
[2]在交际过程中,无论讲话者如何变换交际角色,主要的作用只有这两种。
交际中的“交换物”可以是物品和服务,也可以是信息。
因此,交际过程形成四种主要的言语功能:提供、命令、陈述和提问。
奥巴马在西弗吉尼亚州矿难悼念仪式上的演讲
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奥巴马在西弗吉尼亚州矿难悼念仪式上的演讲All that hard work, all that hardship, all the time spent undergroun d, it was all for the families. It was all for you. For a car in the drive way, a roof overhead. For a chance to give their kids opportunities t hat they would never know, and enjoy retirement with their spouse s. It was all in the hopes of something better. And so these miners li ved -– as they died -– in pursuit of the American Dream.这艰险的工作,其中巨大的艰辛,在地下度过的时光,都为了家人。
都是为了你们;也为了在路上行进中的汽车,为了头顶上天花板的灯光;为了能给孩子的未来一个机会,日后享受与伴侣的退休生活。
这都是期冀能有更好的生活。
所以,这些矿工的生活就是追寻美国梦,他们也因此丧命。
There, in the mines, for their families, they became a family themse lves -– sharing birthdays, relaxing together, watching Mountaineer s football or basketball together, spending days off together, huntin g or fishing. They may not have always loved what they did, said a si ster, but they loved doing it together. They loved doing it as a famil y. They loved doing it as a community.在矿里,为了他们的家人,他们自己组成了家庭:庆祝彼此的生日,一同休憩,一同看橄榄球或篮球,一同消磨时间,打猎或是钓鱼。
奥巴马宣布本拉登死亡演讲中英文(共5篇)
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奥巴马宣布本拉登死亡演讲中英文(共5篇)第一篇:奥巴马宣布本拉登死亡演讲中英文奥巴马历来以卓越的演讲能力著称,自己整合了篇这次他宣布拉登之死的中英对照演讲稿,来学习下吧。
愿9-11袭击中的死难者们安息。
Tonight, I can report to the American people and to the world that the United States has conducted an operation that killed Osama bin Laden, the leader of al Qaeda, and a terrorist who’s responsible for the murder of thousands of innocent men, women and children.今晚,我可以向美国民众和全世界宣布,美国已经完成了消灭基地组织头目本-拉登的行动,此人是屠杀数以千计无辜男女老少的恐怖分子。
It was nearly 10 years ago that a bright September day was darkened by the worst attack on the American people in our history.The images of 9/11 are seared into our national memory.Hijacked planes cutting through a cloudless September sky.The Twin T owers collapsing to the ground.Black smoke billowing up from the Pentagon.The wreckage of Flight 93 in Shanksville, Pennsylvania where the actions of heroic citizens saved even more heartbreak and destruction.将近十年前,9月一个阳光明媚的早晨,美国民众遭受了历史上最严重的袭击。
美国总统奥巴马为乔布斯致悼词-中英文
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10月6日消息,据allthingsd报道,美国总统奥巴马(Barack Obama)通过白宫官方博客,对苹果联合创始人、董事长史蒂夫·乔布斯(Steve Jobs)的去世发表悼词。
悼词全文如下:惊闻史蒂夫·乔布斯去世的消息,米歇尔(奥巴马夫人)和我都倍感悲痛。
史蒂夫是美国历史上最伟大的创新者之一,他勇于与众不同地思考问题,敢于相信他可以改变世界,他的天赋和才华也使他做到这点。
他在车库里建立了这个星球上最成功的公司之一,充分体现了美国人的创造力。
通过使电脑个人化,将互联网装进我们的口袋里,他不但让人们可以享受到信息革命的成果,而且使这种革命变得直观和有趣。
他的天赋和才华成为家喻户晓的故事,他为数以百万计的儿童和成年人都带来了快乐。
史蒂夫很喜欢说,他过的每一天都像是最后一天。
正如他所做到的,他改变了我们的生活,重新定义了所有行业,并实现了人类历史上最罕见的壮举之一:即他改变了我们每个人看这个世界的方式。
世界失去了一位有远见卓识的人。
全世界很多人都知道他发明的产品,这足以说明史蒂夫的成功。
米歇尔和我要向史蒂夫的妻子劳伦(Laurene)、他的家人以及所有爱他的人,送去我们的思念和祈祷。
President Obama on the Passing of Steve Jobs: "He changed the way each of us sees the world."Posted by Kori Schulman on October 05, 2011 at 09:15 PM EDTFollowing the loss of visionary Apple co-founder Steve Jobs, President Obama released this statement:Michelle and I are saddened to learn of the passing of Steve Jobs. Steve was among the greatest of American innovators - brave enough to think differently, bold enough to believe he could change the world, and talented enough to do it.By building one of the planet’s most successful companies from his garage, he exemplified the spirit of American ingenuity. By making computers personal and putting the internet in our pockets, he made the information revolution not only accessible, but intuitive and fun. And by turning his talents to storytelling, he has brought joy to millions of children and grownups alike. Steve was fond of saying that he lived every day like it was his last. Because he did, he transformed our lives, redefined entire industries, and achieved one of the rarest feats in human history: he changed the way each of us sees the world.The world has lost a visionary. And there may be no greater tribute to Steve’s success than the fact that much of the world learned of his passing on a device he invented. Michelle and I send our thoughts and prayers to Steve’s wife Laurene, his family, and all those who loved him.。
奥巴马告别演讲中英对照原文
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中英对照原文:Hello SkybrookIt's good to be homeThank you, everybodyThank you.Thank you.Thank you so much, thank you. Thank you. Thank you.It's good to be home.Thank you.你好,芝加哥回家的感觉真好谢谢,谢谢大家省略N个谢谢We're on live TV here, I've got to move.我们正在电视直播呢,我要开始演讲了.现场观众非常热情,掌声不停啊...You can tell that I'm a lame duck, because nobody is following instructions.你们叫我“跛脚鸭”总统好了,都没有人听从我的指示.掌声依然停不下来...Everybody have a seat.大家都坐下吧.求你们了...My fellow Americans, Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well-wishes we've received over the past few weeks. But tonight it's my turn to say thanks. Whether we've seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people -- in living rooms and schools; at farms and on factory floors; at diners and on distant outposts -- are what have kept me honest, kept me inspired, and kept me going. Every day, I learned from you. You made me a better President, and you made me a better man.我的美国同胞们,最近几周,米歇尔和我收到了无数令人感动的祝福,今晚轮到我来表达谢意了.不管我们曾经意见相合还是相左,各位美国同胞,我同你们的每一次对话,不管是在会客厅还是在学校,在农场还是工厂车间,在餐桌上还是在遥远的边哨,这些交流都让我保持真诚,充满斗志,勇往直前.每一天,我都从你们身上学到东西.是你们让我成为一个更好的总统,一个更好的人.I first came to Chicago when I was in my early twenties, still trying to figure out who I was; still searching for a purpose to my life. It was in neighborhoods not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. It was on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss. This is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved, get engaged, and come together to demand it.我第一次来到芝加哥的时候,还是一个20岁出头的小伙子,试图寻找自我定位,寻找生活的目标.我最初就是在这附近的街区,在一个被关闭的钢厂旁,和教会团体一起工作.我就是在这里的街道上见证了信仰的力量,见证了这些靠双手吃饭的人面对生活的挣扎和失利时展现出的那种安静的尊严.观众:连任连任连任我不能这样.观众:连任连任连任就是在这里,我了解到只有普通民众都参与进来,热情投入,变革才会发生,只有我们的力量联合起来,社会才会进步.After eight years as your President, I still believe that. And it's not just my belief. It's the beating heart of our American idea -- our bold experimentin self-government.现在八年时间过去了,我仍然坚信这一点.我相信,这不只是我自己的一个信念,也是我们整个美国思想的核心所在——对自治进行大胆地尝试.It's the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our Creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.我们的信念一直是,生来平等,造物者赋予我们一些不可剥夺的权利,其中包括生命、自由以及对幸福的追求.It's the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been self-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.这些权利,虽然人人都有,但并不能自动实现.我们,每一个公民,必须通过民主的工具,来创建一个更加完美的国家.This is the great gift our Founders gave us. The freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat, toil, and imagination -- and the imperative to strive together as well, to achieve a greater good.这是造物者赐予我们的礼物,我们拥有用汗水、辛劳和想象力去追逐我们的个人梦想和自由,以及共同奋斗、实现更伟大共同利益的责任.For 240 years, our nation's call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation. It's what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom. It's what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the Rio Grande, pushed women to reach for the ballot, powered workers to organize. It's why GIs gave their lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima; Iraq and Afghanistan -- and why men and women from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs as well.240年以来,我们国家对公民使命的召唤使得每一代人都有每一代人的工作和目标.正是这一召唤引领着爱国者推翻暴政、选择共和,引领着西进运动,引领着勇敢的奴隶们建造通向自由的地下铁路.它也吸引着大批移民和难民越过大洋、越过格兰德河位于美墨之间来到这片土地,鼓动女性走向投票站,给工人们以团结的动力.这是为什么美国大兵在奥马哈海滩译者注:奥马哈海滩为二战诺曼底战役中盟军主要登陆点之一的代号、硫磺岛战役译者注:硫磺岛战役为二战太平洋战争中最激烈的战斗之一、伊拉克和阿富汗中挥洒鲜血,为什么从塞尔玛译者注:1965年马丁·路德·金在塞尔玛领导争取黑人权益的抗议游行到格林尼治石墙译者注:1969年美国同性恋者在格林尼治石墙酒吧进行暴力示威,争取权利的男男女女也都准备好了,要献出他们的生命.So that's what we mean when we say America is exceptional. Not that our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change, and make life better for those who follow.这就是为什么我们说美国是独一无二的.我们的国家并不是一开始就是完美无瑕,而是我们有能力做出改变,让追随美国梦的人拥有更好的生活.Yes, our progress has been uneven. The work of democracy has always been hard, contentious and sometimes bloody. For every two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back. But the long sweep of America has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our founding creed to embrace all, and not just some.是的,我们取得的进步并不对每个人来说都是公平的,民主的事业总是艰难的、充满争议的,有时甚至是血腥的.每向前迈两步,给人的感觉却是我们退后了一步.但是美国在漫长的发展过程中,我们一直锐意进取,不断拓宽我们的信条,去拥抱所有人,而不仅仅是其中一部分人.If I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in our history...if I had told you that we would open up a new chapter with the Cuban people, shut down Iran's nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, and take out the mastermind of 9/11...if I had told you that we would win marriage equality, and secure the right to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens -- you might have said our sights were set a little too high.如果八年前,我告诉你们,美国将扭转大衰退,重振汽车行业,并创造出历史以来最多的就业机会;如果当时我告诉你们,我们将与古巴人民开启一个新的篇章,停止伊朗核武器计划并揪出9/11事件的幕后主使;如果当时我告诉你们,我们将实现婚姻平等,为另外2000万的同胞赢得健康保险的权利;如果当时我告诉你们这些,你们可能会说我的目标定得太高了.But that's what we did. That's what you did. You were the change. You answered people's hopes, and because of you, by almost every measure, America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started.但是现在这就是我们所做到的,这就是你们所做到的.是你们促成了这些变化,你们让希望成真,也正是因为你们,无论从哪个角度看,现在的美国比我上任时变得更好、更强.In ten days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy: the peaceful transfer of power from one freely-elected president to the next. I committed to President-Elect Trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did for me. Because it's up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face.十天之内,世界将会见证我们民主的一个标志:观众:不——自由选举选出的总统之间,权力交接应当是和平的.我已向即将就职总统的特朗普先生承诺,我的团队将会尽己所能保证平稳交接,就像布什总统之前为我做的一样.因为我们所有人都需要确保政府可以帮助我们应对目前面临的诸多挑战.We have what we need to do so. After all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on Earth. Our youth and drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention mean that the future should be ours.我们拥有这些,我们拥有一切应对挑战的武器.毕竟,我们仍然是这个世界上最富有、最强大、最受尊敬的国家.我们的青年和发展动力,我们的多样性和开放程度,我们应对风险和进行革新的能力,都在向我们表明未来应该是属于我们的.But that potential will be realized only if our democracy works. Only if our politics reflects the decency of the our people. Only if all of us, regardless of our party affiliation or particular interest, help restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.但是,只有我们保持民主这些潜力才会发挥出来.只有当我们的政治反映出人民的正直,只有我们所有人,不论党派关系或特殊利益,都有助于推动我们实现共同目的的渴望时,这些潜力才会发挥出来.That's what I want to focus on tonight -- the state of our democracy.这就是今晚我想说的重点——我们的民主体制.Understand, democracy does not require uniformity. Our founders quarreled and compromised, and expected us to do the same. But they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity -- the idea that for all our outward differences, we are all in this together; that we rise or fall as one.要知道,民主并不强求一致.我们的领袖会争吵,会妥协,但他们知道民主需要一种基本的团结意识,虽然我们存在各种差异,但我们却是一个整体,我们共兴亡.There have been moments throughout our history that threatened to rupture that solidarity. The beginning of this century has been one of those times. A shrinking world, growing inequality; demographic change and the specter of terrorism -- these forces haven't just tested our security and prosperity, but our democracy as well. And how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate our kids, and create good jobs, and protect our homeland. In other words, it will determine our future.历史上,我们国家的团结曾多次受到威胁.在本世纪初,我们的国家就面临了这样的挑战:世界不断变小,不平等持续扩大,人口变化以及恐怖主义蔓延,这些因素不只是对我们国家安全和经济繁荣的考验,也是对我们民主体制的考验.我们如何来应对这些挑战,将决定我们是否有能力教育好我们的孩子,创造新的就业机会,并保护我们的家园.换言之,怎样应对挑战将决定我们的未来.Our democracy won't work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity. Today, the economy is growing again; wages, incomes, home values, and retirement accounts are rising again; poverty is falling again. The wealthy are paying a fairer share of taxes even as the stock market shatters records. The unemployment rate is near a ten-year low. The uninsured rate has never, ever been lower.首先,我们的民主政体发挥作用的前提是我们承认每个人都在经济发展中享有机会.值得高兴的是今天的美国经济正在增长.薪资水平、房产价值和退休金都在增长.贫困率正在降低.股价实现历史新高,而富裕阶层的交税比例也日趋合理.失业率实现了十年最低.参保比例达到了从未有过的高水平.Health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in fifty years. And if anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we've made to our health care system -- that covers as many people at less cost -- I will publicly support it.医疗成本的增长速度实现了半个世纪以来的最低水平.如我之前所说,如果有哪个方案可以实现医疗体系的更大提升,实现以更低成本覆盖更多人群,那么我一定会公开支持这一方案,我当时所说是认真的.That, after all, is why we serve -- to make people's lives better, not worse.But for all the real progress we've made, we know it's not enough. Our economy doesn't work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the expense of a growingmiddle class. But stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic principles. While the top one percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many families, in inner cities and rural counties, have been left behind -- the laid-off factory worker; the waitress and health care worker who struggle to pay the bills -- convinced that the game is fixed against them, that their government only serves the interests of the powerful -- a recipe for more cynicism and polarization in our politics.我当选后,出现了一种说法是美国进入后种族时代种族歧视已经不存在,这只是一个愿景,并不是现实.因为种族问题在我们的社会中仍然是一种强有力的分裂力量.虽然这一问题得到了某种程度的改善,但我们每一个人都需要做出更多的努力.毕竟,如果每一个经济问题都被看作是勤劳的白人中产阶级和不受欢迎的少数民族之间的矛盾,那所有种族的工人只能是争夺蝇头小利,而富人坐收渔翁之利.There are no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree that our trade should be fair and not just free. But the next wave of economic dislocation won't come from overseas. It will come from the relentless pace of automation that makes many good, middle-class jobs obsolete.但是针对这种长期形成的问题,没有快速解决方案.我同意我们应该在推行自由贸易的同时重视贸易公平.但是其他国家的影响不会是下一次经济危机爆发的原因,持续的自动化发展才会带来这样的后果.自动化将使许多优质岗位上的中产阶级工人被取代.And so we must forge a new social compact -- to guarantee all our kids the education they need; to give workers the power to unionize for better wages; to update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now and make more reforms to the tax code so corporations and individuals who reap the most from the new economy don't avoid their obligations to the country that's made their success possible. We can argue about how to best achieve these goals. But we can't be complacent about the goals themselves. For if we don't create opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come.因此,我们必须达成一份新的社会契约以保证所有孩子能够接受他们所需的教育,以给予工人联合在一起的力量从而争取更高薪资,以完善社会保障从而使其更加适应我们现在的生活状况,以推进税收改革,从而使那些在我们经济体中攫取最多的公司和个人承担起对国家的义务,因为他们正是仰赖国家才得以取得成功.我们可以就如何才能更好地实现这些目标展开讨论.但是我们不能因这些目标本身而感到自满.因为如果我们不能为所有人创造机会的话,不满和分裂会阻碍我们的进步,并且这种阻力会逐年增强.There's a second threat to our democracy -- one as old as our nation itself. After my election, there was talk of a post-racial America. Such a vision, however well-intended, was never realistic. For race remains a potent and often divisive force in our society. I've lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were ten, or twenty, or thirty years ago -- you can see it not just in statistics, but in the attitudes of young Americans across the political spectrum.我们的民主政体还面临第二道威胁,这一威胁几乎和我们的国家一样古老.我当选总统之后,出现了后种族时代的说法.这样的图景是美好的,但从未实现.种族问题依然是造成我们社会分裂的一股强力.现在,不管有些人持怎样的说法,我的阅历告诉我种族间的关系比10年、20年或30年前都要融洽.你可以从数据中看到这一点,不同政治背景的年轻美国人所持的态度也可以证实这一点.But we're not where we need to be. All of us have more work to do. After all, if every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking white middle class and undeserving minorities, then workers of all shades will be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves. If we decline to invest in the children of immigrants, just because they don't look like us, we diminish the prospects of our own children -- because those brown kids will represent a larger share of America's workforce. And our economy doesn't have to be a zero-sum game. Last year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women.但是我们现在所实现的仍不够,我们还应付出更多努力.如果把每个经济问题都视为努力工作的白人中产阶级和不付出劳动的少数群体之间的斗争,那么各个阶层工人的努力都只是徒劳,富裕阶层却得以进一步坚守他们的既得利益.如果我们单凭移民群体的孩子和我们相貌不同便不愿意投资在他们身上,那么我们将同时损害我们自己孩子的前途.因为那些棕色皮肤的孩子将逐渐成为美国劳动力中越来越重要的一部分.经济并不一定是一场零和博弈,这一点已经被证实了.去年,不同种族、年龄和性别群体的收入都实现了增长.Going forward, we must uphold laws against discrimination -- in hiring, in housing, in education and the criminal justice system. That's what our Constitution and highest ideals require.所以如果我们想要严肃地对待种族问题,我们就应该支持反歧视的相关法律.这些法律包括雇佣、住房、教育和司法体系方面的反歧视.这是我们宪法的要求,也是我们最高理想的要求.But laws alone won't be enough. Hearts must change. If our democracy is to work in this increasingly diverse nation, each one of us must try to heed the advice of one of the great characters in American fiction, Atticus Finch, who said "You never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view...until you climb into his skin and walk around in it."但是仅仅依靠法律是不够的.我们必须转变观念,当然这种转变不会在一朝一夕间实现.社会观念的转变一般通过几代人的努力才能完成.但是我们的民主制度将继续在这个多元的国家中发挥作用.而我们每一个人都应该从一部美国小说中的主角身上吸取教训,这一角色是阿提克斯·芬奇译者注:阿提克斯·芬奇为作家哈珀·李的小说杀死一只知更鸟中塑造的正直律师的典范形象,他曾说“除非你站在另一个人的角度考虑问题,除非你爬进他的身体并来回走动,否则你是不会真正了解这个人的.”For blacks and other minorities, it means tying our own struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face -- the refugee, the immigrant, the rural poor, the transgender American, and also the middle-aged white man who from the outside may seem like he's got all the advantages, but who's seen his world upended by economic, cultural, and technological change.对于黑人和其他少数群体来说,应该将我们为正义而进行的奋斗同其他群体正面临的挑战联系在一起.这些群体不仅包括难民、移民、城市里的贫穷家庭和跨性别美国人,还包括中年白人,因为他们也许看起来具有优势,但他们同时也正面临经济、文化和技术方面的变革.我们应该关注他们,倾听他们的想法.For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow didn't suddenly vanish in the '60s; that when minority groups voice discontent, they're not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness; that when they wage peaceful protest, they're not demanding special treatment, but the equal treatment our Founders promised.对于美国白人来说,这意味着我们要明白奴隶制的影响和吉姆·克劳法译者注:吉姆·克劳法为1876年至1965年间美国南部及边境各州对有色人种实行的种族隔离制度的法律并不是在60年代凭空消失的,我们要明白少数群体发出不满时,他们不是为了反对种族主义或倡导政治正确.当他们发起和平示威时,他们不是在要求特殊对待,他们只是在要求国父们承诺的平等对待.For native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the Irish, Italians, and Poles. America wasn't weakened by the presence of these newcomers; they embraced this nation's creed, and it was strengthened.对于本土美国人来说,这意味着我们要认识到自己今天对于移民的种种偏见,如针对爱尔兰人、意大利人和波兰人的偏见,将摧毁美国最本质的精神.正如我们所见,美国并没有因为这些移民而走向衰落;这些移民忠于美国倡导的宗旨,他们的到来使美国变得更强.So regardless of the station we occupy; we have to try harder; to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.因此无论我们持什么立场,我们都应该更加努力.我们都应该以这样的认知为出发点:每一个公民都同我们一样热爱着这个国家,同我们一样努力工作、一样重视家庭;他们的孩子也像我们的孩子一样,充满好奇、前途无量并且值得爱护.None of this is easy. For too many of us, it's become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or college campuses or places of worship or our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions. The rise of naked partisanship, increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for every taste -- all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable. And increasingly, we become so secure in our bubbles that we accept only information, whether true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that's out there.要做到这一点并非易事.对于我们中的太多人来说,躲进我们自己的圈子是更安全,这些圈子包括我们的邻里、大学校园、教堂或是社交网络,在安全地带我们周围尽是和我们相像、有相同政治立场和从不挑战我们观点的人.赤裸裸的党争、经济和地域方面不断攀升的自满情绪、迎合不同人群造成的媒体间的分裂,这些都使区别对待的做法看起来是自然的,甚至是不可避免的.于是我们在自己的安全地带越来越感到安心,于是我们开始只接受迎合我们的观点,无论这些观点是对是错,而不是接受那些基于现有证据的说法.This trend represents a third threat to our democracy. Politics is a battle of ideas; in the course of a healthy debate, we'll prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them. But without some common baseline of facts; without a willingness to admit new information, and concede that your opponent is making a fair point, and that science and reason matter, we'll keep talking past each other, making common ground and compromise impossible.这一趋势构成了对我们民主体制的第三道威胁.但是政治就是一场有关理念的战斗.我们的民主体制设计便是基于此.在针对医疗方面的争论中,我们为不同目标划分了优先次序并制定了实现它们的不同方案.但是如果没有对底线的坚守和接受新信息的意愿,如果我们不承认我们对手的观点也许是公正的,不承认科学和理性的重要性,那么我们便不能实现真正的沟通,不能相互妥协并建立共同立场.Isn't that part of what makes politics so dispiriting How can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on preschool for kids, but not when we're cutting taxes for corporations How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing It's not just dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts; it's self-defeating. Because as my mother used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you.不正是这些因素使人们对政治感到失望的吗如果政客没有对削减企业税感到不满的话,那我们提议增加对学龄前儿童的支出时,他们凭什么感到愤怒呢在抨击其他政党腐败的同时,我们怎么能宽宥党内腐败呢这些行为不只是不诚实,更是对事实的区别对待,是自我毁灭的行径.因为,就像我母亲曾经告诉我的,现实总能让你自食其果.Take the challenge of climate change. In just eight years, we've halved our dependence on foreign oil, doubled our renewable energy, and led the world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet. But without bolder action, our children won't have time to debate the existence of climate change; they'll be busy dealing with its effects: environmental disasters, economic disruptions, and waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary.让我们接受气候变化带来的挑战吧.仅仅八年,我们对国外石油的需求量就削减了一半,可再生能源的产量也翻了一倍.我们领导世界各国达成协议,承诺拯救我们生活的星球.但是如果不坚决地采取行动,我们的孩子将没有时间再讨论气候变化问题是否存在,他们将忙于应对气候变化带来的各种影响——更多的环境问题,更多对经济的阻碍和一拨又一拨寻求美好生活环境的气候移民.Now, we can and should argue about the best approach to the problem. But to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations; it betrays the essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our Founders.现在,我们可以并且应该讨论解决环境问题的最佳方案.单纯地否认问题的存在是对后人的不负责,是对我们开国元勋的创新与解决实际问题精神的背离,而这一精神是我们国家精神的实质.It's that spirit, born of the Enlightenment, that made us an economic powerhouse -- the spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral; the spirit that that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket.这一精神起源于启蒙时代.正是这一精神使我们国家成为世界经济的引擎.小鹰镇和卡纳维拉尔角起飞的航天飞机承载的也正是这一精神.在这一精神的指导下,我们治愈了疾病、将智能手机放进了每个人的口袋.It's that spirit -- a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might, that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the Great Depression, and build a post-World War II order with other democracies, an order based not just on military power or national affiliations but on principles -- the rule of law, human rights, freedoms of religion, speech, assembly, and an independent press.这一精神是一种信念,是对理性、进取心的信念,对权利应始终高于权力的信念,这一信念引导我们在经济萧条时期拒绝了法西斯和专制的诱惑,引导我们在二战后同其他民主政体一起建立了战后秩序.我们建立的战后秩序不仅基于军事力量和国家的团结,更是基于我们坚守的原则——法制、人权、宗教自由、言论自由、集会自由和媒体自由.That order is now being challenged -- first by violent fanatics who claim to speak for Islam; more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who see free markets, open democracies, and civil society itself as a threat to their power. The peril each poses to our democracy is more far-reaching than a car bomb or a missile. It represents the fear of change; the fear of people who look or speak or pray differently; a contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable; an intolerance of dissent and free thought; a belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what's true and what's right.这一秩序现在正经受挑战.首先,挑战来自号称伊斯兰代言人的狂热暴力分子;如今外国资本中的独裁者将自由市场、开放的民主政体和公民社会视为威胁他们权力的眼中钉,他们开始挑战民主秩序.这两方面远比汽车爆炸和导弹对民主政体带来的威胁要深远.他们带来的威胁源于对变化的恐惧,对不同外表、言行和信仰的恐惧;法治是保证当权者承担责任的手段,他们却蔑视法治,他们对异见和思想自由从来不尊重.他们认为刀枪、炸弹和宣传机器即是正义.Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform, and the intelligence officers, law enforcement, and diplomats who support them, no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland these past eight years; and although Boston and Orlando remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever. We've taken out tens of thousands of terrorists -- including Osama bin Laden. The global coalition we're leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders, and taken away about half their territory. ISIL will be destroyed, and no one who threatens America will ever be safe. To all who serve, it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your Commander-in-Chief.由于军人们的勇气和情报人员、执法力量和外交官们给予他们的支持,在过去的八年,没有任何一个国外恐怖组织得以在我们的领土策划或实施恐怖袭击.尽管在波士顿译者注:2013年4月15日,波士顿马拉松比赛发生爆炸案造成3人死亡,嫌犯曾表示扞卫伊斯兰教的决心、奥兰多译者注:2016年6月12日,响应伊斯兰圣战号召的嫌犯在奥兰多同性恋酒吧发起枪击,造成50人死亡、圣贝纳迪诺郡译者注:2015年12月2日,加州圣贝纳迪诺郡发生枪击案,造成14人死亡,行凶者曾宣誓效忠伊斯兰国首领和胡德堡译者注:2009年11月5日,美国陆军胡德堡基地发生圣战分子大规模枪击案,造成13人死亡发生的悲剧使我们意识到极端主义有多危险,但我们的执法部门也自此变得更加。
奥巴马就卡扎菲之死发言的批评话语分析
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奥巴马就卡扎菲之死发言的批评话语分析娄 巍摘要:批评话语分析是常用于分析政治演讲中隐含的权力关系和意识形态的有效方法。
以话语、意识形态和权力之间的关系为理论基础,以美国时任总统奥巴马就卡扎菲之死的发言为文本,对该语篇中使用的词汇及修辞方面进行了批评话语分析,揭示了奥巴马在演讲中通过使用适当的人称代词、体贴的话语、非正式话语等,以话语的力量将其意愿和观点传达给听众,从而控制听众的意识形态,获得更多支持,进而巩固国家权力,实现其政治目标。
关键词:批评话语分析;意识形态;权力中图分类号:H030 文献标识码:A 文章编号:2095-6916(2021)05-0103-03一、前言语言是构成话语的基本要素,作为一种社会实践,不仅可以客观地反映现实世界,而且可以直接参与社会关系的建构。
话语中包含丰富的语言表达,例如词语和句子,都可以潜在地反映说话人的思想和意识形态。
批评话语分析(Critical Discourse Analysis),简称CDA,作为多角度的话语分析框架,它通过对话语形式的分析来研究话语、意识形态和权力之间的关系,目的是揭示话语中未公开的意识形态含义,例如人们话语中经常会存在的习惯性歧视、偏见和对事实的歪曲。
有些时候,听众通常捕捉不到话语背后暗藏的信息,这体现在公众对话语中的意识形态含义捕捉的敏感度不够。
因此,分析话语在权力斗争中的作用及其存在的社会条件,对话语中的意识形态进行解析,可以帮助公众提升语言敏感度,以及对语言的整体欣赏和判断的能力。
因此,本文将CDA中关于话语、意识形态和权力之间的关系作为理论框架和研究方法,通过分析有关奥巴马对穆阿迈尔·卡扎菲(以下简称卡扎菲)之死的回应发言,解释奥马巴如何通过选择有助于他实现政治目标的语言来掩盖其权力的不平衡,以阐明话语、意识形态和政治之间的关系,以及如何通过选择语言来传递政治权力,进而在现代社会中逐渐改变人们的认知。
二、理论框架(一)批评话语分析批评话语分析起源于批评语言学,强调语言与产生语言的社会环境之间的辩证关系。
奥巴马讲话
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We Can't Wait to Create Jobs 我们不能坐等创造就业This week, a new economic report confirmed what most Americans already believe to be true: over the past three decades, the middle class has lost ground while the wealthiest few have become even wealthier. In fact, the average income for the top one percent of Americans has risen almost seven times faster than the income of the average middle class family. And this has happened during a period where the cost of everything from health care to college has skyrocketed.Now, in this country, we don't begrudge anyone wealth or success – we encourage it. We celebrate it. But America is better off when everyone has had the chance to get ahead – not just those at the top of the income scale. The more Americans who prosper, the more America prospers.Rebuilding an economy where everyone has the chance to succeed will take time. Our economic problems were decades in the making, and they won't be solved overnight. But there are steps we can take right now to put people back to work and restore some of the security that middle-class Americans have lost over the last few decades.Right now, Congress can pass a set of common-sense jobs proposals that independent economists tell us will boost the economy right away. Proposals that will put more teachers, veterans, construction workers and first responders back on the job. Proposals that will cut taxes for virtually every middle class family and small business in America. These are the same kinds of proposals that both Democrats and Republicans have supported in the past. And they should stop playing politics and act on them now.These jobs proposals are also paid for by asking folks who are making more than a million dollars a year to contribute a little more in taxes. These are the same folks who have seen their incomes go up so much, and I believe this is a contribution they're willing to make. One survey found that nearly 7 in 10 millionaires are willing to step up and pay a little more in order to help the economy.Unfortunately, Republicans in Congress aren't paying attention. They're not getting the message. Over and over, they have refused to even debate the same kind of jobs proposals that Republicans have supported in the past –proposals that today are supported, not just by Democrats, but by Independents and Republicans all across America. And yet, somehow, they found time this week to debate things like whether or not we should mint coins to celebrate the Baseball Hall of Fame. Meanwhile, they're only scheduled to work three more weeks between now and the end of the year.The truth is, we can no longer wait for Congress to do its job. The middle-class families who've been struggling for years are tired of waiting. They need help now. So where Congress won't act, I will.This week, we announced a new policy that will help families whose home values have fallen refinance their mortgages and save thousands of dollars. We're making it easier for veterans to get jobs putting their skills to work in hospitals and community health centers. We reformed the student loan process so more young people can get out of debt faster. And we're going to keep announcing more changes like these on a regular basis.These steps will make a difference. But they won't take the place of the bold action we need from Congress to get this economy moving again. That's why I need all of you to make your voices heard. Tell Congress to stop playing politics and start taking action on jobs. If we want to rebuild an economy where every American has the chance to get ahead, we need every American to get involved. That's how real change has always happened, and that's how it'll happen today. Thank you.Weekly Address: Renewing America's Global LeadershipThis week, we had two powerful reminders of how we've renewed American leadership in the world. I was proud to announce that—as promised—the rest of our troops in Iraq will come home by the end of this year. And in Libya, the death of Moammar Qadhafi showed that our role in protecting the Libyan people, and helping them break free from a tyrant, was the right thing to do.In Iraq, we've succeeded in our strategy to end the war. Last year, I announced the end of our combat mission in Iraq. We've already removed more than 100,000 troops, and Iraqi forces have taken full responsibility for the security of their own country. Thanks to the extraordinary sacrifices of our men and women in uniform, the Iraqi people have the chance to forge their own future. And now the rest of our troops will be home for the holidays.In Libya, our brave pilots and crews helped prevent a massacre, save countless lives, and give the Libyan people the chance to prevail. Without putting a single U.S. service member on the ground, we achieved our objectives. Soon, our NATO mission will come to a successful end even as we continue to support the Libyan people, and people across the Arab world, who seek a democratic future.These successes are part of a larger story. After a decade of war, we're turning the page and moving forward, with strength and confidence. The drawdown in Iraq allowed us to refocus on Afghanistan and achieve major victories against al Qaeda and Osama bin Laden. As we remove the last of our troops from Iraq, we're beginning to bring our troops home from Afghanistan.To put this in perspective, when I took office, roughly 180,000 troops were deployed in these wars. By the end of this year that number will be cut in half, and an increasing number of our troops will continue to come home.As we end these wars, we're focusing on our greatest challenge as a nation—rebuilding our economy and renewing our strength at home. Over the past decade, we spent a trillion dollars on war, borrowed heavily from overseas and invested too little in the greatest source of our national strength—our own people. Now, the nation we need to build is our own.We have to tackle this challenge with the same urgency and unity that our troops brought to their fight. That's why we have to do everything in our power to get our economy moving again. That's why I'm calling on Congress to pass the American Jobs Act, so we can rebuild our country – our schools, our roads, our bridges – and put our veterans, construction workers, teachers, cops and firefighters back to work. And that's why I hope all of us can draw strength from the example of our men and women in uniform.They've met their responsibilities to America. Now it's time to meet ours. It's time to come together and show the world why the United States of America remains the greatest source for freedom and opportunity that the world has ever known.Remarks by the President Obama on the Death of Muammar Qaddafi奥巴马总统在获知卡扎菲死亡后发表讲话THE PRESIDENT: Good afternoon, everybody. Today, the government of Libya announced the death of Muammar Qaddafi. This marks the end of a long and painful chapter for the people of Libya, who now have the opportunity to determine their own destiny in a new and democratic Libya.奥巴马总统:各位下午好。
奥巴马告别演说中英文版
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奥巴马告别演说2017年美国东部时间1月10日晚九点(北京时间 11 日上午 10 点),奥巴马在家乡芝加哥的McCormick Place会展中心发表八年总统任期的告别演说。
巧的是,2008年他的胜出演说也是在芝加哥发表,也算是某种程度的圆满吧。
即将结束总统任期的奥巴马,回到了他的第二故乡、他政治生涯的起源地芝加哥,向全国发表告别演说。
很高兴回家,回到芝加哥!回家真好!正如你们所见,我现在是个“跛脚鸭”总统,因为没有人再听从我的指示,正如现场大家每个人都有个座位。
很高兴回到家乡。
我的朋友们,过去几周中我们收到了许多真诚的祝福,我和米歇尔深受感动。
今晚,轮到我来对你们说声感谢。
不论我们站在相同的政治立场上还是从未达成共识,不论我们是在房间还是学校、农场还是工厂车间、餐桌还是野外,我们之间的对话都让我更加诚实、更加奋进,也帮助我深受启发。
每天,我都在向你们学习。
你们帮助我成为一个更称职的总统,也帮助我成为一个更好的人。
我是在二十多岁的时候第一次来芝加哥,当时我仍然处于懵懵懂懂的阶段,仍然在寻求生活的意义。
我开始与一些教会团体在已经关门的钢铁生产厂附近工作,当时那些小区离今天的会场不远。
在那些街道中,我见证了信仰的力量,也在工人斗争中见证了工人阶级无声的尊严。
这个时候,我明白了只有当普通人民团结起来、参与进来并致力于争取权力,社会变革才能发生。
在担任八年的美国总统后,我仍然相信这一条结论。
这不仅仅是我个人的想法,也是根植在美国人心中的核心价值观,即寻求自主管理的大胆实验。
我们每个人相信,我们生来平等,享有造物主赋予我们的一些不可剥夺的权利,包括生命、自由和追求幸福的权利。
尽管这些权利看上去是显而易见,但是这些权利却从来不会自动实现。
正是美国人民通过民主政治的渠道,坚持追求这些权利,我们才能够成为一个更加完美的联合体。
这是我们的先驱赋予我们的礼物,让我们有自由通过自己的辛勤劳动、梦想和努力来追求每个人不同的梦想。
撼世之声奥巴马演说精选英汉对照
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1. AGAINST THE IRAQ WAR(Applause)Good afternoon. Let me begin by saying that although this has been billed as an anti-war rally, I stand before you as someone who is not opposed to war in all circumstances. The Civil War was one of the bloodiest in history, and yet it was only through the crucible of the sword, the sacrifice of multitudes, that we could begin to perfect this union and drive the scourge of slavery from our soil.I don’t oppose all wars. My grandfather signed up fora war the day after Pearl Harbor was bombed, fought in Patton’s army. He saw the dead and dying across the fields of Europe; he heard the stories of fellow troops who first entered Auschwitz and Treblinka. He fought in the name of a larger freedom, part of that arsenal of democracy that triumphed over evil,and he did not fight in vain.I don’t oppose all wars. After September 11th, after witnessing the carnage and destruction, the dust and the tears, I supported this Administration’s pledge to hunt down and root out those who would slaughter innocents in the name of intolerance, and I would willingly take uparms myself to prevent such a tragedy from happening again.(Applause)1. 反对伊拉克战争[2002年10月2日,布什总统与美国国会联合宣布,就批准“伊拉克战争的共同决议案”达成一致。
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美国总统奥巴马就卡扎菲死亡发表讲话(双语)Good afternoon, everybody. Today, the government of Libya announced the death of Muammar Qaddafi. This marks the end of a long and painful chapter for the people of Libya, who now have the opportunity to determine their own destiny in a new and democratic Libya.各位下午好。
今天,利比亚政府宣布了穆阿迈尔•卡扎菲(Moammar Qaddafi)的死讯。
这标志着利比亚人民一个漫长而痛苦的时期的结束,他们现在有机会在一个崭新、民主的利比亚决定自己的前途。
For four decades, the Qaddafi regime ruled the Libyan people with an iron fist. Basic human rights were denied. Innocent civilians were detained, beaten and killed. And Libya’s wealth was squandered. The enormous potential of the Libyan people was held back, and terror was used as a political weapon.40年来,卡扎菲政权以铁拳统治利比亚人民。
基本人权遭到剥夺,无辜民众被关押、毒打甚至杀害,利比亚的财富被挥霍。
利比亚人民的巨大潜能遭到压制,恐怖被用作政治武器。
Today, we can definitively say that the Qaddafi regime has come to an end. The last major regime strongholds have fallen. The new government is consolidating the control over the country. And one of the world’s longest-serving dictators is no more.今天,我们能够肯定地说,卡扎菲政权倒台了。
该政权的最后一个主要据点已被攻陷。
新政府正在巩固对整个国家的掌控,全世界当权最久的独裁者之一不复存在。
One year ago, the notion of a free Libya seemed impossible. But then the Libyan people rose up and demanded their rights. And when Qaddafi and his forces started going city to city, town by town, to brutalize men, women and children, the world refused to stand idly by.一年前,一个自由的利比亚似乎是无法想象的。
但利比亚人民挺身而起,要求得到自己的权利。
当卡扎菲及其武装开始从一个城镇到另一个城镇暴力镇压那里的男女老幼时,全世界拒绝袖手旁观。
Faced with the potential of mass atrocities -- and a call for help from the Libyan people -- the United States and our friends and allies stopped Qaddafi’s forces in their tracks. A coalition that included the United States, NATO and Arab nations persevered through the summer to protect Libyan civilians. And meanwhile, thecourageous Libyan people fought for their own future and broke the back of the regime.面对可能爆发的大屠杀——以及利比亚人民求助的呼声——美国以及我们的友邦和盟国阻挡住了卡扎菲武装的攻势。
一个包括美国、北约(NATO)和阿拉伯国家在内的同盟在整个夏天一直为利比亚民众提供保护。
与此同时,英勇的利比亚人民为自己的前途而战,将卡扎菲政权打得落花流水So this is a momentous day in the history of Libya. The dark shadow of tyranny has been lifted. And with this enormous promise, the Libyan people now have a great responsibility -- to build an inclusive and tolerant and democratic Libya that stands as the ultimate rebuke to Qaddafi’s dictatorship. We look forward to the announcement of the country’s liberation, the quick formation of an interim government, and a stable transition to Libya’s first free and fair elections. And we call on our Libyan friends to continue to work with the international community to secure dangerous materials, and to respect the human rights of all Libyans –- including those who have been detained.所以,这是利比亚历史上的重大一天。
暴政的阴影已经解除,有了这个巨大的希望,利比亚人民现在有一项伟大的责任:建立一个包容、宽容和民主的利比亚,这是对卡扎菲独裁统治的最有力的谴责。
我们期待着利比亚宣布解放,迅速组成临时政府,并平稳过渡到利比亚的第一次自由和公正的选举。
我们并且呼吁我们的利比亚朋友继续与国际社会合作,保障危险材料的安全和尊重所有利比亚人的人权,包括那些在押人员。
We’re under no illusions -- Libya will travel a long and winding road to full democracy. There will be difficult days ahead. But the United States, together with the international community, is committed to the Libyan people. You have won your revolution. And now, we will be a partner as you forge a future that provides dignity, freedom and opportunity.For the region, today’s events prove once more that the rule of an iron fist inevitably comes to an end. Across the Arab world, citizens have stood up to claim their rights. Youth are delivering a powerful rebuke to dictatorship. And those leaders who try to deny their human dignity will not succeed.我们并不抱任何幻想。
利比亚要实现充分的民主还要走漫长而曲折的道路。
前面还会有艰苦的日子。
但美国,与国际社会一道,坚决支持利比亚人民。
你们赢得了你们的革命,在你们建设一个给人以尊严、自由与机会的未来的过程中,我们将是你们的合作伙伴。
对于该地区,今天的事件再次证明,铁腕统治终将走到尽头。
在整个阿拉伯世界,民众站起来要求自己的权利。
年轻人对独裁政权发出有力的谴责。
那些试图否认他们人性尊严的领导人是不会成功的。
For us here in the United States, we are reminded today of all those Americans that we lost at the hands of Qaddafi’s terror. Their families and friends are in our thoughts and in our prayers. We recall their bright smiles, their extraordinary lives, and their tragic deaths. We know that nothing can close the wound of their loss, but we stand together as one nation by their side.For nearly eight months, many Americans have provided extraordinary service in support of our efforts to protect the Libyan people, and to provide them with a chance to determine their own destiny. Our skilled diplomats have helped to lead an unprecedented global response. Our brave pilots have flown in Libya’s skies, our sailors have provided support off Libya’s shores, and our lead ership at NATO has helped guide our coalition. Without putting a single U.S. service member on the ground, we achieved our objectives, and our NATO mission will soon come to an end.对于我们在美国的人,今天让我们缅怀曾经在卡扎菲恐怖统治下丧生的美国同胞。