林肯第二次就职演说-精品文案范文
克林顿总统第二次就职演说优秀演讲范文
克林顿总统第二次就职演说优秀演讲范文My fellow citizens:At this last presidential inauguration of the 20th century, let us lift our eyes toward the challenges that await us in the next century. It is our great good fortune that time and chance have put us not only at the edge of a new century, in a new millennium, but on the edge of a bright new prospect in human affairs a moment that will define our course, and our character, for decades to come. We must keep our old democracy forever young. Guided by the ancient vision of a promised land, let us set our sights upon a land of new promise.The promise of America was born in the 18th century out of the bold conviction that we are all created equal. It was extended and preserved in the 19th century, when our nation spread across the continent, saved the union, and abolished the awful scourge of slavery.Then, in turmoil and triumph, that promise exploded onto the world stage to make this the American Century. And what a century it has been. America became the world s mightiest industrial power; saved the world from tyranny in two world wars and a long cold war; and time and again, reached out across the globe to millions who, like us, longed for the blessings ofliberty.Along the way, Americans produced a great middle class and security in old age; built unrivaled centers of learning and opened public schools to all; split the atom and explored the heavens; invented the computer and the microchip; and deepened the wellspring of justice by making a revolution in civil rights for African Americans and all minorities, and extending the circle of citizenship, opportunity and dignity to women.Now, for the third time, a new century is upon us, and another time to choose. We began the 19th century with a choice, to spread our nation from coast to coast. We began the 20th century with a choice, to harness the Industrial Revolution to our values of free enterprise, conservation, and human decency. Those choices made all the difference. At the dawn of the 21st century a free people must now choose to shape the forces of the Information Age and the global society, to unleash the limitless potential of all our people, and, yes, to form a more perfect union.When last we gathered, our march to this new future seemed less certain than it does today. We vowed then to set a clear course to renew our nation.In these four years, we have been touched by tragedy,exhilarated by challenge, strengthened by achievement. America stands alone as the world s in"克林顿总统第二次就职演说"版权归作者所有;转载请注明出处! dispensable nation. Once again, our economy is the strongest on Earth. Once again, we are building stronger families, thriving communities, better educational opportunities, a cleaner environment. Problems that once seemed destined to deepen now bend to our efforts: our streets are safer and record numbers of our fellow citizens have moved from welfare to work.And once again, we have resolved for our time a great debate over the role of government. Today we can declare: Governmentis not the problem, and government is not the solution. We the American people we are the solution. (Applause.) Our founders understood that well and gave us a democracy strong enough to endure for centuries, flexible enough to face our common challenges and advance our common dreams in each new day.As times change, so government must change. We need a new government for a new century humble enough not to try to solve all our problems for us, but strong enough to give us the tools to solve our problems for ourselves; a government that is smaller, lives within its means, and does more with less. Yetwhere it can stand up for our values and interests in the world, and where it can give Americans the power to make a real difference in their everyday lives, government should do more, not less. The preeminent mission of our new government is to give all Americans an opportunity not a guarantee, but a real opportunity to build better lives. (Applause.)Beyond that, my fellow citizens, the future is up to us. Our founders taught us that the preservation of our liberty and our union depends upon responsible citizenship. And we need a new sense of responsibility for a new century. There is work to do, work that government alone cannot do: teaching children to read; hiring people off welfare rolls; coming out from behind locked doors and shuttered windows to help reclaim our streets from drugs and gangs and crime; taking time out of our own lives to serve others.Each and every one of us, in our own way, must assume personal responsibility not only for ourselves and our families, but for our neighbors and our nation. (Applause.) Our greatest responsibility is to embrace a new spirit of community for a new century. For any one of us to succeed, we must succeed as one America.The challenge of our past remains the challenge of ourfuture will we be one nation, one people, with one common destiny, or not? Will we all come together, or come apart?。
亚伯拉罕 林肯 就职演讲
亚伯拉罕林肯--连任就职演说（1865年3月14日）同胞们：在这第二次宣誓就任总统时，我不必像第一次那样发表长篇演说。
对于将要执行的方针稍作详尽的说明似乎是恰当而适宜的。
现在，4年任期已满，对于这场仍然吸引着全国关注并占用了全国力量的重大斗争的每一重要关头和方面，这4年间已不断地发布公告，因此我没有什么新情况可以奉告。
我们军队的进展是其他一切的主要依靠，公众和我一样都清楚地了解军队的情况，我深信，大家对此都是感到满意和鼓舞的。
我们对未来抱有极大的希望，但却不敢作出任何预测。
4年前我就任总统时，同胞们的思想都焦急地集中在日益迫近的内战上。
大家都害怕内战，都想避免内战。
当我在这个地方就职演说，竭尽全力想不经过战争来拯救联邦时，叛乱分子却在这个城市里图谋不经过战争来毁灭联邦——企图以谈判方式解放邦并分割财产。
双方都表示反对战争，但一方宁愿发动战争也不愿让国家生存，而一方则宁可接受战争也不肯让国家灭亡，于是战争就爆发了。
我国全部人口的八分之一是黑人奴隶，他们并不是遍布于联邦各地，而是集中在联邦南部。
这些奴隶构成了一种特殊的、重大的利益。
大家都知道，这种利益由于某种原因竟成了这次战争的根源。
叛乱者的目的是加强，永保和扩大这种利益，为此他们不惜用战争来分裂联邦，而政府却只是宣布有权限制这种利益的地区和扩大。
双方都没有料到战争竟会达到如此规模，历时如此长久。
双方也没有预期冲突的根源会随着冲突本身而消除，甚至会提前消除。
各方都期望赢得轻松些，期望结局不至于那么涉及根本，那么惊人。
双方同读一本《圣经》，向同一个上帝祈祷，而且都乞求上帝的帮助来与对方为敌。
看来十分奇怪，居然有人敢要求公正的上帝帮助他们从黑人脸上的汗水中榨取面包，但是我们且勿评论别人，以免被人评论。
双方的祷告不可能都应验。
也没有一方的祷告全部得到应验。
全能的上帝有他自己的意旨。
“这世界有祸了，因为将绊倒，绊倒人的事是免不了的，但那绊倒人的有祸了。
”如果我们设想美国的奴隶制按照天意必然来到的罪恶之一，并且在上帝规定的时间内继续存在，而现在上帝要予以铲除，于是他就把这场可怕的战争作为犯罪者应受的灾难降临南北双方，那么，我们能看出其中有任何违背天意之处吗？相信上帝永存的人总是把天意归于上帝的。
【名人演讲】亚伯拉罕·林肯：包扎好国家的创伤
【名人演讲】亚伯拉罕·林肯：包扎好国家的创伤包扎好国家的创伤——第二次就职演讲(美国)亚伯拉罕·林肯同胞们：在这第二次宣誓就任总统时，我不必像第一次那样发表长篇演说。
当时，对于将要执行的方针作出比较详尽的说明似乎是恰当而适宜的。
现在，4年任期已满，对于这场仍然吸引着全国关注并占用了全国力量的重大斗争的每一重要关头和方面，这4年间已不断地发布公告，因此我没有什么新情况可以奉告。
我们军队的进展是其他一切的主要依靠，公众和我一样都清楚地了解军队进展的情况，我深信，大家对之都是感到满意和鼓舞的，我们虽对未来抱有极大的希望，却不敢作出任何预测。
4年前我就任总统时，同胞们的思想都焦急地集中在日益迫近的内战上，大家都害怕内战，都想避免内战，当我在这个地方发表就职演说，竭尽全力想不经过战争来拯救联邦时，叛乱分子却在这个城市里图谋不经过战争来毁灭联邦——企图以谈判方式解散联邦并分割财产。
双方都表示反对战争，但一方宁愿发动战争而不借牺牲国家，另一方则宁可接受战争也不肯让国家灭亡，于是战争就爆发了。
我国全部人口的八分之一是黑人奴隶，他们并不是遍布于联邦各地，而是集中在联邦南部。
这些奴隶构成了一种特殊的、重大的利益。
大家都知道，这种利益由于某种原因竟成了这次战争的根源。
叛乱者的目的是加强、永保和扩大这种利益，为此他们不惜用战争来分裂联邦，而政府却只是宣布有权限制享有这种利益的地区的扩大。
双方都没有料到战争竟会达到如此规模，历时如此长久。
双方也没有预期冲突的根源会随着冲突本身而消除，甚至会提前消除。
各方都期望赢得轻松些，期望结局不至于那么涉及根本，那么惊人。
双方同读一本《圣经》，向同一个上帝祈祷，而且都乞求上帝的帮助来与对方为敌。
看来十分奇怪，居然有人敢要求公正的上帝帮助他们从别人脸上的汗水中榨取面包，但是我们且勿评论别人，以免被人评论。
双方的祷告不可能都应验。
也没有一方的祷告全部得到应验。
全能的上帝有他自己的意旨。
林肯的就职演讲稿（共8篇）（精简版）
林肯的就职演讲稿(共8篇)林肯的就职演讲稿(共8篇)篇一：林肯就职演说原文1林肯的第二任总统就职演说这篇演说的讲稿是人类历史上最伟大的演说词，永久地刻在了林肯纪念堂里，英文原文是： At this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office，there is less occasion for an extended address than there as at the first. Then a statement，somehat in detail，of a course to be pursued，seemed fitting and proper. No，at the expiration of four years，during hich public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest hich still absorbs the attention，and engrosses the energies of the nation，little that is ne could be presented. The progress of our arms，upon hich all else chiefly depends，is as ell knon to the public as to myself; and it is，I trust，reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future，no prediction in regard to it is ventured. On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago，all thoughts ere anxiously directed to an impending civil ar. All dreaded it--all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address as being delivered from this place，devoted altogether to saving the Union ithout ar，insurgent agents ere in the city seeking to destroy it ithout ar--seeking to dissolve the Union，and divide effects，by negotiation. Both parties deprecated ar; but one of them ould make ar rather than let the nation survive; and the other ould accept ar rather than let it perish. And the ar came. One eighth of the hole population ere colored slaves，not distributed generally over the Union，but localized in the Southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and poerful interest. All kne that this interest as，someho，the cause of the ar. To strengthen，perpetuate，and extend this interest as the object for hich the insurgents ould rend theUnion，even by ar; hile the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the ar，the magnitude，or the duration，hich it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease ith，or even before，the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph，and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible，and astounding to the same God; and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God s assistance in ringing their bread fromthe seat of other men s faces; but let us judge not that e be not judged. The prayers of both could not be ansered; that of neither has been ansered fully. The Almighty has his on purposes. Woe unto the orld because of offence！ for it must needs be that offence s e; but oe to that man by hom the offence eth！ If e shall suppose that American Slavery is one of those offences hich，in the providence of God，must needs e，but hich，having continued through His appointed time，He no ills to remove，and that He gives to both North and South，this terrible ar，as the oe due to those by hom the offence came，shall e discern therein any departure from those divine attributes hich the believers in a Living God alays ascribe to Him? Fondly do e hope--fervently do e pray--that this mighty scourge of ar may speedily pass aay. Yet，if God ills that it continue，until all the ealth piled by the bond-man s to hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk，and until every drop of blood dran ith the lash，shall be paid by another dran ith the sord，as as said three thousand years ago，so still it must be said the judgments of the Lord，are true and righteous altogether With malice toard none; ith charity for all; ith firmness in the right，as God gives us to see the right，let us strive onto finish the ork e are in; to bind up the nation s ounds; to care for him ho shall have borne the battle，and for his ido，and his orphan--to do all hich may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace，among ourselves，and ith all nations. 最后两段译文： ? 提到祷告次数：3 ? 提到圣经次数：1 ? 引用圣经次数：2 所以只要读一下这篇讲演，就会知道林肯是怎样一位敬畏上帝，祈求上帝带领的人了！就如林肯传记《公民林肯》-- 仅仅40天后，即同年4月15号，林肯在剧院里被谋杀了。
林肯第二次就职演说译文
林肯第二次就职演说译文篇一：林肯第二次就职演说的全文如下:同胞们,我在今天站在这里,向大家发表这篇演说,是因为我知道,我们的国家需要更多的英雄来领导我们。
我们的国家曾经历了无数的痛苦和磨难,但我们有足够的勇气和智慧来克服这些困难。
我们需要一个领袖,一个能够为我们的国家和人民利益而战斗的领袖。
我们的国家曾经被背叛和破坏,我们失去了我们的自由和尊严。
但现在,我们需要更多的英雄来重建我们的国家,让我们重新找回我们的自由和尊严。
我们需要一个领袖,一个能够领导我们走向自由和民主的领袖。
我们的国家需要更多的英雄来领导我们,因为我们的国家正在面临着各种挑战。
我们的社会和经济正在不断变化,我们需要一个领袖来适应这些变化,并为我们的国家提供新的希望和方向。
我们的国家需要更多的英雄来领导我们,因为我们的国家需要更多的英雄来保护我们的文化和传统。
我们的文化和传统是我们人民的文化遗产,我们需要一个领袖来保护和传承这些文化遗产,并让我们的国家更加多元化和包容。
同胞们,我是一个公民,我有责任为我的祖国服务。
我相信,如果我们团结一心,如果我们共同努力,我们一定能够创造更加美好的未来。
让我们携手前行,为了我们的梦想和我们的祖国。
谢谢大家。
篇二：林肯第二次就职演说的译文如下:尊敬的联邦人民:我林肯,今天站在这里,代表联邦人民发表这篇就职演说,感到非常荣幸。
在过去的一年中,我们经历了许多挑战和困难。
我们的国家面临着分裂和危险,我们的人民面临着无数的痛苦和苦难。
然而,我相信,我们有一个强大的国家和一个伟大的人民,我们能够克服这些挑战,重振我们的国家,让我们的人民过上更加美好的生活。
我们的国家在过去几十年中取得了巨大的进步。
我们的人民通过团结合作,克服了许多困难和挑战。
我们建立了一个强大的国家,一个能够为我们的所有人民提供安全和繁荣的国家。
但是,我们需要继续保持我们的团结和合作,以便我们能够在未来取得更大的成就。
我们需要继续团结一致,为我们的国家和我们的人民创造一个更加美好的世界。
林肯第二次就职演说
林肯第二次就职演说Second Inaugural Addressby Abraham Lincoln March 4, 1865Fellow-Countrymen:At this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a st atement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have be en constantly called forth on every point and phase of his great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little th at is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all else chi efly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxi ously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it; all sought to avert i t. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted alt ogether to saving teing delivered from thisurgent agents were in the city seeki ng to destroy it without war-seeking to dissolve the Union and divide effects b y negotiation. Both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rath er than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came. One-eighth of the whole population were colored sl aves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. Their slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest.All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents w ould rend the Union even by war, while the Government claimed no right to do mo re than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected f or the war the magnitude or the duration, which it has already attained. Neithe r anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before th e conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible and pray to the same God, and each invokes His aid against the other.It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces, but let us judge not, that we be not judged. That of neither has been answered fully. The Almigh ty has His own purposes. "Woe unto the world because of offenses; for it must n eed be that offenses come, but woe to that man by whom the offense comet."If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those offenses which, i n the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through H is appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern there in any departure from those divine attributes which the belie vers in a living God always ascribe to Him?Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray that thi——ighty scourge of war ma y speedily pass away? Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth p iled by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall besunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by anothe r drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago so still it must b e said "The judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether."With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right a s God gives us to see the might, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battl e and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a j ust and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.林肯第二次就职演说（1865年3月4日）一八88年当林肯再度当选连任总统职位时，美国仍为内战所分裂。
第二次就职演说
精神危机
• 1835年，26岁的林肯与未婚妻安妮.拉 特利奇订婚，不久，未婚妻因为斑疹 伤寒病逝，林肯伤心过度，几欲自杀；
• 1836年，27岁的林肯难以承受未婚妻 病逝，精神崩溃卧病在床6个月，期 间失去了州议员的资格；
• 1838年，29岁的林肯尝试争取成为州 议员发言人，落选告终；
我现在是世上最不幸的人，我究竟能不 能突破困境，我也不敢说，这似乎不会 好转。
• 胜利：《宅地法》，《解放黑奴宣言》保障了战争胜利。1865 年4月9日南部投降。
• 评价：南北战争是工业革命后的第一次大规 模战争，在此期间确立了战术、战略思想、 战地医疗等现代战争的标准。参战的350万人 中绝大多数为志愿兵。战争造成75万士兵死 亡，40万士兵伤残，相关协会估计阵亡人数 可能更多，不明数量的平民也遭到波及。
童年:一部贫穷的编年史
• 1809年，出生在
肯塔基州霍金维 尔镇以南约5千米
的一片原始森林 中的一座孤独的 小木屋
林肯没有受过正规教育， 他一生中进学校的时候， 加在一起总共不到一 年。”他放牛、砍柴、挖 地、伐木、开荒……
9岁的时候，林肯年仅36岁的母亲不 幸去世了。一年后，父亲与一位名叫 莎莉·布什(Sally Bush)的善良开明的女 性结婚。
就爆发了。 尽可能客观、公正陈述
3、不过我们还是不要议论别人，免得被人家议论。 谨慎、谦虚的态度
这篇演讲稿的特点
1、篇幅短小,内容精炼。没有从政治和道德方面进行长篇大论。
2、情感激烈却又充满理性光辉。 3、具有政治宗教色彩，多次引用《圣经840年，31岁，争取成为被选举人，落选了。
• 1843年，34岁，参加国会大选，又落选了。
• 1846年，37岁，再次参加国会大选，这次当选了。
林肯第二次就职演说译文
林肯第二次就职演说译文
林肯第二次就职演说原文如下:
尊敬的联邦公民们:
我谨代表美国人民,在此宣誓就职。
我相信,我们的国家需要一位更加伟大的领袖来引领我们前进。
正如我们在第一次就职演说中所说的那样,我们的国家正处于危急时刻。
我们需要有人能够承担起这个责任,为我们的国家和我们的人民谋福利。
我们的国家在过去几十年中经历了许多挑战和困难。
我们的人民受到了不公正待遇,受到了种族歧视和压迫。
这些问题我们必须克服,因为这些问题不仅影响我们个人的生活,而且不仅影响我们子孙后代的生活,而且不仅影响整个人类的未来。
我们需要采取积极的措施来解决这个问题。
我们必须继续推动平等、公正和自由,确保每个人都受到尊重和平等对待。
我们必须确保所有种族、所有民族和所有性别的人都能够在我们的社会中发挥他们应有的作用。
我们必须保护我们的文化和价值观,确保它们不会被摧毁或削弱。
但是,这些措施需要我们的共同努力。
我们需要团结一致,共同努力克服这些挑战。
我们需要发挥我们的创造力,共同努力创造更好的社会。
我们需要教育我们的下一代,让他们成为更好的领袖,带领我们走向更加美好的未来。
我相信,只要我们共同努力,我们的国家必将变得更加强大和繁荣。
只要我们团结一致,我们必将克服任何困难,实现我们的梦想。
我
期待着我们共同迈向更加美好的未来。
谢谢大家。
林肯第二次就职演说(完整版)
林肯第二次就职演说林肯第二次就职演说制度是这个过错的一种，而这些过错在上帝的领域里在所难免，但既已经持续了他所指定的一段时间，他现在要清洗这些过错。
憩时，假使我们以上帝的名义让双方从事这惨烈的战争，作为对那引起这一过错的人的惩罚，我们可以认为这件事，与虔诚供奉一个存在的上帝的信徒们归功于他的那些圣德，并无差异。
钜们怀着深挚的爱来盼望，我们怀着热忱来祈祷，希睇这战争的重罚可以很快地过去。
可是，假使上帝要让战争再继续下去，一直等?50年来无偿劳力所聚积的财富化为乌有，等到鞭打所流的每一滴血，为用刀剑所流的每一滴血所偿付，那么我们也只好像三千年前所说的那样。
"主的裁判是完全真实而且公道的。
"我们不对任何人怀有丝毫恶意，我们对任何人都抱着好感，上帝令我们看到哪一边是对的，就坚定地信仰对的一边，让我们继续奋斗完成我们正在进行的工作──去治疗国家的创伤，去照顾英勇作战的志士和他的遗属，去从事一切的努力以达成并维护在我们自己之间和我国与各国之间的一个公平而持久的和平.第二篇：林肯第二次就职演说林肯第二次就职演说seond inaugural addressb abraham linoln marh 4,65fello-ountrmen:at this seond appearing to take the oath of the presidential offie there is less oasion for an extended address than there as at the first. then a statement somehatin detail of a ourse to be pursued seemed fitting and proper. no, at the expiration of four ears, during hih publi delarations have been onstantl alled forth on ever point and phase of his great ontest hih still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is ne ould be presented. the progress of our arms, upon hih all elsehiefl depends, is as ell knon to the publi as to mself, andit is, i trust, reasonabl satisfator and enouraging to all.ith high hope for the future, no predition in regard to it is ventured.on the oasion orresponding to this four ears ago all thoughts ere anxiousl direted to an impending ivil ar. all dreaded it; all sought to avert it. hile the inauguraladdress as being delivered from this plae, devoted altogether to saving teing delivered from thisurgent agents ere in theit seeking to destro it ithout ar-seeking to dissolve theunion and divide effets b negotiation. both parties depreated ar, but one of them ould make ar rather than let the nation survive, and the other ould aept ar rather than let it perish, and the ar ame. one-eighth of the hole population ere oloredslaves, not distributed generall over the union, but loalized in the southern part of it. their slaves onstituted a peuliar and poerful interest.all kne that this interest as someho the ause of the ar. to strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest as the objet for hih the insurgents ould rend the union even b ar, hile the government laimed no right to do more than torestrit the territorial enlargement of it. neither part expeted for the ar the magnitude or the duration, hih it has alread attained. neither antiipated that the ause of theonflit might ease ith or even before the onflit itself should ease. eah looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. both read the same bible and pra to the same god, and eah invokes his aid against the other.it ma seem strange that an men should dare to ask a just god's assistane in ringing their bread from the seat of other men's faes, but let us judge not, that e be not judged. that of neither has been ansered full. the almight has his on purposes. oe unto the orld beause of offenses; for it must need be that offenses e, but oe to that man b hom the offense et.if e shall suppose that amerian slaver is one of those offenses hih, in the providene of god, must needs e, but hih,having ontinued through his appointed time, he no ills to remove, and that he gives to both north and south thisterrible ar as the oe due to those b hom the offense ame, shall e disern there in an departure from those divine attributes hih the believers in a living god alas asribe to him?fondl do e hope, ferventl do e pra that thi——ight sourge of ar ma speedil pass XX? et, if god ills that it ontinue until all the ealth piled b the bondsman's to hundred and fift ears of unrequited toil shall besunk, and until ever drop of blood dran ith the lash shall be paid b another dran ith the sord, as as said three thousand ears ago so still it must be said the judgments of the lord are true and righteous altogether.ith malie toard none, ith harit for all, ith firmness in the right as god gives us to see the might, let us strive on to finish the ork e are in, to bind up the nation's ounds, to are for him ho shall have borne the battle and for his ido and his orphan, to do all hih ma ahieve and herish a just and lasting peae among ourselves and ith all nations.林肯第二次就职演说（1865年3月4日）一八88年当林肯再度当选连任总统职位时，美国仍为内战所分裂。
林肯第二次就职演说(精选多篇)
林肯第二次就职演说(精选多篇)第一篇：林肯第二次就职演说*second inaugural address by abraham lincoln march 4, 1865#林肯第二次就职演说（1865年3月4日）fellow-countrymen:at this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper. now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of his great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. the progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, i trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. with high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.on the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. all dreaded it; all sought to avert it. while the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving teing delivered from thisurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war-seeking to dissolve the union and divide effects by negotiation. both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came. one-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the union, but localized in the southern part of it. their slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. all knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. to strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the union even by war, while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration, which it has already attained. neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease. each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. both read the same bible and pray to the same god, and each invokes his aid against the other. it may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just god’s assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men’s faces, but let us judge not, that we be not judged. that of neither has been answered fully. the almighty has his own purposes. “woe unto the world because of offenses; for it must need be that offenses come, but woe to that man by whom the offense comet.” if we shall suppose that american slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of god, must needs come, but which, having continued through his appointed time, he now wills to remove, and that he gives to both north and south this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern there in any departure from thosedivine attributes which the believers in a living god always ascribe to him? fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away? yet, if god wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsman’s two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago so still it must be said “th e judgments of the lord are true and righteous altogether.”with malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as god gives us to see the might, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation’s wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.各位同胞：在这第二任就职的宣誓典礼上，不必像在第一任的时候那样做一个长篇的演说。
2019年克林顿总统第二次就职演说优秀演讲范文-范文资料
克林顿总统第二次就职演说优秀演讲范文My fellow citizens:At this last presidential inauguration of the 20th century, let us lift our eyes toward the challenges that await us in the next century. It is our great good fortune that time and chance have put us not only at the edge of a new century, in a new millennium, but on the edge of a bright new prospect in human affairs -- a moment that will define our course, and our character, for decades to come. We must keep our old democracy forever young. Guided by the ancient vision of a promised land, let us set our sights upon a land of new promise.The promise of America was born in the 18th century out of the bold conviction that we are all created equal. It was extended and preserved in the 19th century, when our nation spread across the continent, saved the union, and abolished the awful scourge of slavery.Then, in turmoil and triumph, that promise exploded onto the world stage to make this the American Century. And what a century it has been. America became the world s mightiest industrial power; saved the world from tyranny in two world wars and a long cold war; and time and again, reached outacross the globe to millions who, like us, longed for the blessings of liberty.Along the way, Americans produced a great middle class and security in old age; built unrivaled centers of learning and opened public schools to all; split the atom and explored the heavens; invented the computer and the microchip; and deepened the wellspring of justice by making a revolution in civil rights for African Americans and all minorities, and extending the circle of citizenship, opportunity and dignity to women.Now, for the third time, a new century is upon us, and another time to choose. We began the 19th century with a choice, to spread our nation from coast to coast. We began the 20th century with a choice, to harness the Industrial Revolution to our values of free enterprise, conservation, and human decency. Those choices made all the difference. At the dawn of the 21st century a free people must now choose to shape the forces of the Information Age and the global society, to unleash the limitless potential of all our people, and, yes, to form a more perfect union.When last we gathered, our march to this new future seemed less certain than it does today. We vowed then toset a clear course to renew our nation.In these four years, we have been touched by tragedy, exhilarated by challenge, strengthened by achievement. Americastands alone as the world s in“克林顿总统第二次就职演说”版权归作者所有;转载请注明出处!dispensable nation. Once again, our economy is the strongest on Earth. Once again, we are building stronger families, thriving communities, better educational opportunities, a cleaner environment. Problems that once seemed destined to deepen now bend to our efforts: our streets are safer and record numbers of our fellow citizens have moved from welfare to work.And once again, we have resolved for our time a great debate over the role of government. Today we can declare: Government is not the problem, and government is not the solution. We -- the American people -- we are the solution. (Applause.) Our founders understood that well and gave us a democracy strong enough to endure for centuries, flexible enough to face our common challenges and advance our common dreams in each new day.As times change, so government must change. We need a new government for a new century -- humble enough not to try to solve all our problems for us, but strong enough to give us the tools to solve our problems for ourselves; a government that is smaller, lives within its means, and does more with less. Yet where it can stand up for our values and interests in the world, and where it can give Americans the power to make a real difference in their everyday lives, government should do more, not less. The preeminent mission of our new government is to give all Americans an opportunity -- not a guarantee, but a real opportunity -- to build better lives. (Applause.)Beyond that, my fellow citizens, the future is up to us. Our founders taught us that the preservation of our liberty and our union depends upon responsible citizenship. And we need a new sense of responsibility for a new century. There is work to do, work that government alone cannot do: teaching children to read; hiring people off welfare rolls; coming out from behind locked doors and shuttered windows to help reclaim our streets from drugs and gangs and crime; taking time out of our own lives to serve others.Each and every one of us, in our own way, must assumepersonal responsibility -- not only for ourselves and our families, but for our neighbors and our nation. (Applause.) Our greatest responsibility is to embrace a new spirit of community for a new century. For any one of us to succeed, we must succeed as one America.The challenge of our past remains the challenge of our future -- will we be one nation, one people, with one common destiny, or not? Will we all come together, or come apart?。
最新-林肯第二次就职演说 精品
林肯第二次就职演说篇一：林肯第二次就职演讲(中文)在我现在第二次来到这里宣誓就任总统职位的时候，就不十分必要像第一次就职时那样作长篇演说了。
那时，一篇关于我将采取的方针的比较详尽的说明，似乎是比较合适和理所当然的。
可是现在，四年任期刚刚结束，在这期间，关于那至今仍吸引着举国上下的注意，消耗着全民的精力的巨大斗争的各个阶段的任何一个细节，随时都有公告发奉，现在也实在再没有多少新东西可讲了。
关于我们的军事进展情况——它是其它一切的主要依靠所在——，公众也了解得和我本人一样清楚；而且我相信对所有的人来说都是相当满意和令人鼓舞的。
既然对未来充满了希望，那么在这里也就无意冒昧作出预测了。
也正是在四年之前我就任总统的那一场合，所有的人都在为即将来临的内战惴惴不安。
所有的人都害怕内战——都竭力想避免内战发生。
而当我在这里发表就职演说，决定不惜采用一切力量，但不用战争，拯救联邦的时候，叛乱分子的代理人却在全城到处活动，力求不用战争摧毁联邦——力求通过谈判瓦解联邦，分裂国家。
——双方都声称反对战争；但可是他们中的一方却宁愿发动战争也不让这个国家生存下去；另一方也则宁可接受战争也不能眼看着国家灭亡。
于是战争便打起来了。
在全国人口中有八分之一是黑人奴隶，他们并非遍布在全国各地，而是大部分集中在我国南方。
这些黑人构成一个特殊强有力的权益。
大家都知道这权益是导致战争的原因。
为了达到加强、永久化保持和扩大这个权益的目的，叛乱分子甚至不惜通过战争瓦解联邦；而政府方面，只不过是要求有权限制奴隶制扩大其地域。
双方谁也没有料想到，战争竟会达到现在已出现了这种规模，或持续这么久。
双方谁也不曾料到，冲突的缘由可能会随着冲突的结束而结束，或甚至在冲突本身结束之前，便已终止；每一方都寻求能比较轻易地获得胜利，战争的结果。
林肯的就职演讲稿doc
林肯的就职演讲稿篇一：林肯就职演说原文1林肯的第二任总统就职演说这篇演说的讲稿是人类历史上最伟大的演说词，永久地刻在了林肯纪念堂里，英文原文是：At this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office，there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement，somewhat in detail，of a course to be pursued，seemed fitting and proper. Now，at the expiration of four years，during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention，and engrosses the energies of the nation，little that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms，upon which all else chiefly depends，is as well known to the public as to myself; and it is，I trust，reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future，no prediction in regard to it is ventured.On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago，all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it--all sought toavert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place，devoted altogether to saving the Union without war，insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war--seeking to dissolve the Union，and divide effects，by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive; and the other would accept war rather than let it perish. And the war came.One eighth of the whole population were colored slaves，notdistributed generally over the Union，but localized in the Southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was，somehow，the cause of the war. To strengthen，perpetuate，and extend this interest was the object for which theinsurgents would rend the Union，even by war; while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war，the magnitude，or the duration，which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might ceasewith，or even before，the conflict itself should cease.Each looked for an easier triumph，and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible，and astounding to the same God; and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread fromthe sweat of other men's faces; but let us judge not that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not be answered; that of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has his own purposes. "Woe unto the world because of offence！ for it must needs be that offence s come; but woe to that man by whom the offence cometh！" If we shall suppose that American Slavery is one of those offences which，in the providence of God，must needs come，but which，having continued through His appointed time，He now wills to remove，and that He gives to both North and South，this terrible war，as the woe due to those by whom the offence came，shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a Living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope--fervently do we pray--that thismighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet，if God wills that it continue，until all the wealth piled by the bond-man's two hundred and fifty years of uequited toil shall be sunk，and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash，shall be paid by another drawn with the sword，as was said three thousand years ago，so still it must be said "the judgments of the Lord，are true and righteous altogether"With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right，as God gives us to see the right，let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle，and for his widow，and his orphan--to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace，among ourselves，and with all nations.最后两段译文：(交战)每一方都在寻求一个快速的、不伤根本的胜利。
林肯第二次就职演说(精选多篇)
林肯第二次就职演说(精选多篇) 第一篇：林肯第二次就职演说*secondinauguraladdressbyabrahamlincolnmarch4,1865#林肯第二次就职演说（1865年3月4日）fellow-countrymen:atthissecondappearingtotaketheoathofthepresidentialoffice thereislessoccasionforanextendedaddressthantherewasatthefirst .thenastatementsomewhatindetailofacoursetobepursuedseemedfitt ingandproper.now,attheexpirationoffouryears,duringwhichpublic declarationshavebeenconstantlycalledforthoneverypointandphase ofhisgreatcontestwhichstillabsorbstheattentionandengrossesthe energiesofthenation,littlethatisnewcouldbepresented.theprogre ssofourarms,uponwhichallelsechieflydepends,isaswellknowntothe publicastomyself,anditis,itrust,reasonablysatisfactoryandenco uragingtoall.withhighhopeforthefuture,nopredictioninregardtoi tisventured.ontheoccasioncorrespondingtothisfouryearsagoallthoughtswe reanxiouslydirectedtoanimpendingcivilwar.alldreadedit;allsoug httoavertit.whiletheinauguraladdresswasbeingdeliveredfromthis place,devotedaltogethertosavingteingdeliveredfromthisurgentagentswereinthecityseekingtodestroyitwithoutwar-seekingtodissolvetheunionanddivideeffectsbynegotiation.bothpa rtiesdeprecatedwar,butoneofthemwouldmakewarratherthanletthena tionsurvive,andtheotherwouldacceptwarratherthanletitperish,an dthewarcame.one-eighthofthewholepopulationwerecoloredslaves,notdistributedgen erallyovertheunion,butlocalizedinthesouthernpartofit.theirsla vesconstitutedapeculiarandpowerfulinterest.allknewthatthisint erestwassomehowthecauseofthewar.tostrengthen,perpetuate,andex tendthisinterestwastheobjectforwhichtheinsurgentswouldrendthe unionevenbywar,whilethegovernmentclaimednorighttodomorethanto restricttheterritorialenlargementofit.neitherpartyexpectedfor thewarthemagnitudeortheduration,whichithasalreadyattained.nei theranticipatedthatthecauseoftheconflictmightceasewithorevenb eforetheconflictitselfshouldcease.eachlookedforaneasiertriump h,andaresultlessfundamentalandastounding.bothreadthesamebible andpraytothesamegod,andeachinvokeshisaidagainsttheother.itmay seemstrangethatanymenshoulddaretoaskajustgod'sassistanceinwri ngingtheirbreadfromthesweatofothermen'sfaces,butletusjudgenot ,thatwebenotjudged.thatofneitherhasbeenansweredfully.thealmightyhashisownpurposes."woeuntotheworldbecauseofoffenses;foritm ustneedbethatoffensescome,butwoetothatmanbywhomtheoffensecome t."ifweshallsupposethatamericanslaveryisoneofthoseoffenseswhi ch,intheprovidenceofgod,mustneedscome,butwhich,havingcontinue dthroughhisappointedtime,henowwillstoremove,andthathegivestob othnorthandsouththisterriblewarasthewoeduetothosebywhomtheoff ensecame,shallwediscernthereinanydeparturefromthosedivineattr ibuteswhichthebelieversinalivinggodalwaysascribetohim?fondlyd owehope,ferventlydowepraythatthismightyscourgeofwarmayspeedil ypassaway?yet,ifgodwillsthatitcontinueuntilallthewealthpiledb ythebondsman'stwohundredandfiftyyearsofunrequitedtoilshallbes unk,anduntileverydropofblooddrawnwiththelashshallbepaidbyanot herdrawnwiththesword,aswassaidthreethousandyearsagosostillitm ustbesaid"thejudgmentsofthelordaretrueandrighteousaltogether. "withmalicetowardnone,withcharityforall,withfirmnessinther ightasgodgivesustoseethemight,letusstriveontofinishtheworkwea rein,tobindupthenation'swounds,tocareforhimwhoshallhavebornet hebattleandforhiswidowandhisorphan,todoallwhichmayachieveandc herishajustandlastingpeaceamongourselvesandwithallnations.各位同胞：在这第二任就职的宣誓典礼上，不必像在第一任的时候那样做一个长篇的演说。
林肯第二次就职演讲稿
林肯第二次就职演讲稿【篇一：林肯第二次就职演讲(中文)】在我现在第二次来到这里宣誓就任总统职位的时候，就不十分必要像第一次就职时那样作长篇演说了。
那时，一篇关于我将采取的方针的比较详尽的说明，似乎是比较合适和理所当然的。
可是现在，四年任期刚刚结束，在这期间，关于那至今仍吸引着举国上下的注意，消耗着全民的精力的巨大斗争的各个阶段的任何一个细节，随时都有公告发奉，现在也实在再没有多少新东西可讲了。
关于我们的军事进展情况——它是其它一切的主要依靠所在——，公众也了解得和我本人一样清楚；而且我相信对所有的人来说都是相当满意和令人鼓舞的。
既然对未来充满了希望，那么在这里也就无意冒昧作出预测了。
也正是在四年之前我就任总统的那一场合，所有的人都在为即将来临的内战惴惴不安。
所有的人都害怕内战——都竭力想避免内战发生。
而当我在这里发表就职演说，决定不惜采用一切力量，但不用战争，拯救联邦的时候，叛乱分子的代理人却在全城到处活动，力求不用战争摧毁联邦——力求通过谈判瓦解联邦，分裂国家。
——双方都声称反对战争；但可是他们中的一方却宁愿发动战争也不让这个国家生存下去；另一方也则宁可接受战争也不能眼看着国家灭亡。
于是战争便打起来了。
在全国人口中有八分之一是黑人奴隶，他们并非遍布在全国各地，而是大部分集中在我国南方。
这些黑人构成一个特殊强有力的权益。
大家都知道这权益是导致战争的原因。
为了达到加强、永久化保持和扩大这个权益的目的，叛乱分子甚至不惜通过战争瓦解联邦；而政府方面，只不过是要求有权限制奴隶制扩大其地域。
双方谁也没有料想到，战争竟会达到现在已出现了这种规模，或持续这么久。
双方谁也不曾料到，冲突的缘由可能会随着冲突的结束而结束，或甚至在冲突本身结束之前，便已终止；每一方都寻求能比较轻易地获得胜利，战争的结果也不那么带有根本性和惊人。
双方都读着同一部《圣经》，祈祷于同一个上帝；每一方都求上帝帮助他们一方，而反对另一方。
这看来也许有些不可思议，怎么可能有人公然敢于祈求公正的上帝帮助他从别人的血汗中榨取面包；不过，我们且不要论断别人，以免自己遭到论断吧。
林肯就职演讲稿
林肯就职演讲稿【篇一：林肯就职演讲稿】八十七年前，我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。
我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。
我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。
烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。
我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的。
但是，从更广泛的意义上说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，不能够圣化，不能够神化。
那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。
我们今天在这里所说的话，全世界不大会注意，也不会长久地记住，但勇士们在这里所做过的事，全世界却永远不会忘记。
毋宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。
倒是我们应该在这里把自已奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上吸取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲；我们要使国家在上帝福佑下自由的新生，要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。
【篇二：林肯第二次就职演说】各位同胞：在这第二次的宣誓就职典礼中，不像第一次就职的时候那样需要发表长篇演说。
在那个时候，对于当时所要进行的事业多少作一详细的说明，似乎是适当的。
现在四年任期已满，在这段战争期间的每个重要时刻和阶段中--这个战争至今仍为举国所关怀，还且占用了国家大部分力量--都经常发布文告，所以现在很少有什么新的发展可以奉告。
我们的军事进展，是一切其它问题的关键所在，各界人士对此情形是跟我一样熟悉的，而我相信进展的情况，可以使我们全体人民有理由感到满意和鼓舞。
既然可以对将来寄予极大的希望，那么我们也就用不着在这一方面作什么预言了。
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林肯第二次就职演说林肯第二次就职演说*second inaugural address by abraham lincoln march 4, 1865 #林肯第二次就职演说（1865年3月4日） fellow-countrymen: at this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper. now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of his great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. the progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, i trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. with high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured. on the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. all dreaded it; all sought to avert it. while the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving teing delivered from thisurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war-seeking to dissolve the union and divide effects by negotiation. both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came. one-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the union, but localized in the southern part of it. their slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. all knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. to strengthen, perpetuate, and extend thisinterest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the union even by war, while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration, which it has already attained. neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease. each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. both read the same bible and pray to the same god, and each invokes his aid against the other. it may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just god's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces, but let us judge not, that we be not judged. that of neither has been answered fully. the almighty has his own purposes. "woe unto the world because of offenses; for it must need be that offenses come, but woe to that man by whom the offense comet." if we shall suppose that american slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of god, must needs come, but which, having continued through his appointed time, he now wills to remove, and that he gives to both north and south this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern there in any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living god always ascribe to him? fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away? yet, if god wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago so still it must be said "the judgments of the lord are true and righteous altogether." with malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as godgives us to see the might, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations. 各位同胞：在这第二任就职的宣誓典礼上，不必像在第一任的时候那样做一个长篇的演说。
在那时，对于当时所采取的政策多少作一点详细的说明，自然是适当的。
现在四年任期届满，对于眼前这场为全国所关注并占用了全国力量的重大斗争的每一重要关头和方面，这四年已不断地发出公告，所以现在很少有什么新的发展可以奉告。
我们的军事进展，为其他一切问题的关键所在，而各界人士对其情形和我同样了解，我深切相信，进展的状况可以使我们全体人民满意和信任。
所以对于将来既然可以寄予极大的希望，那么我们在这一方面就用不着做什么预测了。
在四年前同一个场合里，所有的思虑都焦急地指向于一场即将来临的内战。
大家害怕它，想尽办法避免它。
当正在这里就职演说的时候，尽心尽力地为了使联邦不再用战争手段而能保存，然而，城内叛变分子的内奸却在设法不用战争来破坏联邦，在设法瓦解联邦，而以谈判的方法来分割联邦。
双方都声称反对战争，可是有一方宁愿打仗而不愿意让国家生存。