Self-Monitoring and attitude accessibilit自我监测和无障碍态度

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探讨自我决定理论在小学英语教学中的应用

探讨自我决定理论在小学英语教学中的应用

探讨自我决定理论在小学英语教学中的应用作者:赵亿来源:《学习周报·教与学》2021年第02期摘要:提高学习动机有利于教学效果的整体提升。

关于如何提高学习动机,有着众多的理论对其进行解释,当前最热门的是由Deci & Ryan在1985年提出的自我决定理论。

该理论不仅是在教育领域有着重要的地位,而且在市场营销、心理学和社会学领域有着广泛的实践应用。

本文的作者通过描述和分析一线教师的教学经验,结合相关文献,来探讨自我决定理论在小学英语教学中的应用。

关键词:教学:小学英语:自我决定理論一、自我决定理论的定义和应用自我决定理论将学习动机提高的关键,概括为三大要素:对任务的胜任程度(competence),自主的程度(autonomy),对关联的满足程度(relatedness)。

该理论最重要的特征就是,它是从内部动机的角度去影响学生的动机水平。

传统教育心理学将学习动机分成了两个维度:内部动机:学生对学习拥有浓厚兴趣,对能力提升有着强烈的本能倾向,不依靠外部诱因就能产生。

外部动机:学生本身对学习并不保有兴趣,而是因为外部的奖励或者惩罚才去学习。

其中,内部动机通常被认为有着更强大的作用,并与学业成绩、创造力和成就有着密切的联系。

而自我决定理论对学生内部动机的强大作用,决定了它在教学中举足轻重的地位,它能有效提升学生的学习动机,最终提高学生在学习方面的表现。

英语本身是一门比较特殊的学科,其特殊性表现在英语作为第二语言习得时在学习上的复杂性。

汉语作为母语,学生通常在耳目濡染的环境下长大,他们对汉语的高度敏感,让语文的学习变得非常容易。

而英语则不同,这是因为第二语言习得受制于使用频率和生活环境的影响。

学生在生活中英语用得少,因此学习难度较大。

通常他们在课堂上学习的知识,课后容易遗忘。

这导致他们失去了信心。

同时他们在课堂上学到的英语知识在生活中用不上,这也会让他们产生疑惑,不明白自己学习英语的意义,最终会导致他们学习动机的大幅度降低。

自我意识和态度

自我意识和态度

Self Concept 自我意识
Positive self concept 积极的自我意识 Happy快乐 Relax放松 Confident自信 Communicate沟通 Negative self concept 消极的自我意识 Unhappy不快乐 Affect relationships 情感关系 Affect communication 情感沟通
Benefits of a positive self concept 积极的自我意识的好处

More confident 更加自信 Motivation - enthusiasm & drive 动力 - 热情和动力 Effective Communication 有效沟通


How can we develop a positive self concept?

PEOPLE SEE THINGS DIFFERENTLY 人们看问题的方式不同

PEOPLE WHO SEE THINGS WITH AN OPEN MIND CAN PLEASE MORE PEOPLE
能以开放的头脑看待事物的人可以取悦更多的人
谢谢观看哦~!
启示:
首先,她喝下去的是自信。正是因为她对自己的工作成果: 把厕所打扫干净这一点毫不怀疑,充满自信,她才敢从马桶 里舀一杯水喝下去。所以,她喝下去的实际上是对自己工作 毫不怀疑的自信。
其次,她喝下去的是追求完美。我们的一切工作都是在为客 户提供服务,要让客户对我们的工作感到满意,我们就应该 像野田圣子那样,对工作不断追求完美,只有首先做到让自 己满意了,客户才可能满意。 最后,她喝下去的是勇于自我约束、对工作尽职尽责的人生 态度。在实际工作中,我们的工作干得好与坏,不应该总是 依靠领导的检查或是依靠上级严密的考核标准,或他人的监 督等方式来进行约束。工作认真的态度应该成为我们每个人 的自我约束标准。

关于自控能力的英语作文高中

关于自控能力的英语作文高中

关于自控能力的英语作文高中Self-control is an essential skill that is important for success in all aspects of life. It refers to our ability to control our actions, emotions, and thoughts in order to achieve a particular goal or to resist temptation. Self-control is not only important for achieving personal goals, but it also plays a crucial role in our relationships with others and in our overall well-being.One of the key benefits of self-control is that it enables us to make better decisions. When we are able to resist immediate gratification, we are more likely to make choices that will benefit us in the long run. For example, if we have the self-control to resist the temptation to eat unhealthy foods, we are more likely to maintain a healthydiet and avoid the negative consequences of poor nutrition. Similarly, if we have the self-control to resist the impulseto procrastinate, we are more likely to accomplish our tasks and achieve our long-term goals.Self-control also plays an important role in our relationships with others. When we are able to control our emotions and reactions, we are better able to communicate effectively and resolve conflicts in a constructive manner. Additionally, self-control allows us to consider the feelings and perspectives of others, which is essential for building and maintaining healthy relationships.Furthermore, self-control is closely linked to ouroverall well-being. Research has shown that individuals with high levels of self-control are more likely to experience greater psychological and physical health. This is because self-control enables us to engage in behaviors that promote well-being, such as exercising regularly, getting enough sleep, and managing stress effectively.Developing self-control is not always easy, but there are several strategies that can help. One important strategy is to identify and understand the triggers that lead to impulsive or undesirable behaviors. By recognizing these triggers, we can take steps to avoid or mitigate them. Another strategy is to practice mindfulness, which can help us become more aware of our thoughts and emotions, making it easier to regulate them. Additionally, setting clear goals and creating a plan to achieve them can help us stay focused and motivated, even when faced with temptation.In conclusion, self-control is a vital skill that plays a crucial role in our personal and professional lives. It enables us to make better decisions, build strong relationships, and maintain our overall well-being. By developing and practicing self-control, we can improve our lives in countless ways and work towards achieving our goals and aspirations.。

Implicit Self-esteem and Social Identity AND

Implicit Self-esteem and Social Identity AND

ANTHONY GREENWALD, G. AND MAHZARIN R . construct validity
William James (1890)defined self-esteem as a self-feeling that is determined by a comparison between the actual self and the ideal self. Following James's definition of self-esteem, standard self-report measures of self-esteem ask respondents either to rate themselves on a variety of specific traits (Marsh, 1986; Pelham and Swann, 1989; Wells and Marwell, 1976), or to indicate how they feel about themselves globally (Rosenberg, 1979). However, research has not supported James's formulation because self-esteem does not appear to be the product of honest appraisal of one's traits and abilities (Rosenberg, 1979) or one's social identity (Crocker and Major, 1989). Rather, research indicates that the higher one's self-esteem, the greater the self-enhancing bias (see Brown, 1991, for review). Consequently, psychologists have debated extensively whether selfesteem causes self-appraisals or vice versa (Brown, 1993; Pelham and Swann, 1989), whether self-esteem leads to discriminatory behavior or vice versa (Abrams and Hogg, 1988), whether people are motivated towards accuracy or positivity in their self-concepts (Brown, 1991; Shrauger, 1975; Swann, 1990), and why, if having high self-esteem is not based on accurate self-appraisals, anyone would have low self-esteem (Baumeister, 1993). What psychologists have only recently considered is that the correspondence between self-esteem measures and self-enhancing behaviors suggests that selfesteem measures may be capturing the wrong construct (Baumeister, Tice, and Hutton, 1989): the motive to present a positive attitude toward self rather than genuine self-esteem. A positivity bias provides no threat to the construct validity of self-esteem measures (i.e., their ability to measure the self-esteem construct). Whether such biases arise from positive feelings toward the self (Brown, 1993) or cognitive beliefs about the self (Markus and Wurf, 1986), they are a reflection of the level of positive self-regard. Such an automatic positivity bias can be interpreted as a manifestation of implicit self-esteem. Greenwald and Banaji defined implicit selfesteem as "the introspectively unidentified (or inaccurately identified) effect of the self-attitude on evaluation of self-associated and self-dissociated objects" (1995, p. 11). This tendency to overestimate one's traits and abilities is understood as a spillover of positive affect from the self to objects associated with the self. Because most people have positive self-affect (Banaji and Prentice, 1994; Greenwald, 1980; Taylor and Brown, 1988), implicit self-esteem effects usually

Emotional Intelligence The Hidden Asset

Emotional Intelligence The Hidden Asset

Emotional Intelligence The Hidden Asset Emotional intelligence is often referred to as the hidden asset because it plays a crucial role in our personal and professional lives, yet it is not always recognized or valued as much as other skills. Emotional intelligence, also known as EQ, encompasses the ability to understand and manage our own emotions, as well as the emotions of others. It involves empathy, self-awareness, social skills, and the ability to regulate our emotions effectively. In today's fast-paced and interconnected world, having high emotional intelligence can be a significant advantage in navigating relationships, making decisions, and achieving success. One of the key aspects of emotional intelligence is self-awareness, which involves recognizing and understanding our own emotions, strengths, weaknesses, and values. This self-awareness allows us to better understand how our emotions and actions impact others, as well as how we can effectively manage our emotions in various situations. By being in tune with our own emotions, we can make better decisions, communicate more effectively, and build stronger relationships with others. Self-awareness is the foundation of emotional intelligence and is essential for personal growth and development. Another important aspect of emotional intelligence is empathy, which involves understanding and sharing the feelings of others. Empathy allows us to connect with others on a deeper level, build trust and rapport, and demonstrate compassion and understanding. By being empathetic, we can better navigate conflicts, resolve differences, and build strong interpersonal relationships. Empathy is a valuable skill in both personal and professional settings, as it allows us to communicate effectively, collaborate with others, and build a supportive and inclusive environment. Social skills are also a crucial component of emotional intelligence, as they involve the ability to build and maintain relationships, communicate effectively, and work well with others. Strong social skills enable us to navigate social situations, resolve conflicts, and collaborate with others to achieve common goals. By developing our social skills, we can build a strong support network, create a positive work environment, and foster teamwork and collaboration. Social skills are essential for success in both personal and professional relationships, as they enable us to connect with others, build trust, and work effectively in teams. Emotional intelligence also includesthe ability to regulate and manage our emotions effectively, which involves controlling impulses, managing stress, and adapting to changing situations. By developing our emotional regulation skills, we can respond to challenges and setbacks in a constructive and positive manner, rather than reacting impulsively or irrationally. Emotional regulation allows us to stay calm under pressure, make sound decisions, and maintain a positive attitude even in difficult circumstances. By mastering emotional regulation, we can enhance our resilience, cope with stress more effectively, and maintain a healthy work-life balance. In conclusion, emotional intelligence is a valuable asset that can have a significant impact on our personal and professional lives. By developing our emotional intelligence skills, such as self-awareness, empathy, social skills, and emotional regulation, we can enhance our relationships, make better decisions, and achieve success in various areas of our lives. Emotional intelligence is a key factor in building strong interpersonal relationships, effective communication, and collaborative teamwork. By recognizing the importance of emotional intelligence and investing in its development, we can unlock our full potential and thrive in today's complex and dynamic world.。

1986年宗教态度,自我意识,自我监控量表--纸和铅笔版本_数据挖掘_科研数据集

1986年宗教态度,自我意识,自我监控量表--纸和铅笔版本_数据挖掘_科研数据集

1986年宗教态度,自我意识,自我监控量表--纸和铅笔版本(Religious Attitude, Self-Consciousness, Self-Monitoring Scales -Paper and Pencil Version,1986 )数据摘要:The Computer Administered Panel Study (CAPS) collected demographic, personality, attitudinal, and other social psychological data from annual samples of University of North Carolina undergraduates from 1983 through 1988. Respondents spent 60 to 90 minutes per week for 20 weeks during the academic year answering questions via computer terminals. In their comparison of demographic and academic variables, researchers found few significant differences between respondents and the general undergraduate population. This dataset contains the Religious Attitude, Self-Consciousness Scale and the Self-Monitoring Scale. The Fenigstein Self-Consciousness Scale is a measure of the consistent tendency of persons to direct attention inward or outward. The Snyder Self-Monitoring Scale purports to measure individual differences in concern about the appropriateness of social behavior and attention to or use of situational cues for monitoring self-presentation.中文关键词:宗教态度,自我意识,自我监控,计算机管理小组研究,年度样本,英文关键词:religious attitude,self-consciousness,self-monitoring,Computer Administered Panel Study,annual sample,数据格式:TEXT数据用途:The data can be used for data mining.数据详细介绍:Religious Attitude, Self-Consciousness, Self-Monitoring Scales -Paperand Pencil Version, 1986The Computer Administered Panel Study (CAPS) collected demographic, personality, attitudinal, and other social psychological data from annual samples of University of North Carolina undergraduates from 1983 through 1988. Respondents spent 60 to 90 minutes per week for 20 weeks during the academic year answering questions via computer terminals. In their comparison of demographic and academic variables, researchers found few significant differences between respondents and the general undergraduate population. This dataset contains the Religious Attitude, Self-Consciousness Scale and the Self-Monitoring Scale. The Fenigstein Self-Consciousness Scale is a measure of the consistent tendency of persons to direct attention inward or outward. The Snyder Self-Monitoring Scale purports to measure individual differences in concern about the appropriateness of social behavior and attention to or use of situational cues for monitoring self-presentation. Data FileCases: 173Variables: 64Weight Variable: NoneData CollectionDate Collected: 1986Funded ByThe Odum Institute for Research in Social Science /odum/jsp/home.jspCollection ProceduresEach year of the study, a random sample of registered University of North Carolina undergraduates was invited to attend an orientation session about the project. From those who attended and signed up to participate, 96 (half males and half females) were chosen on the basis of scheduling compatibility. Each week for 20 weeks, respondents spent60 to 90 minutes during the academic year answering questions viacomputer terminals. Respondents were paid a base rate of $4 to $5 per completed weekly session and an average of $2 per session more in rewards and bonuses, including a chance at a substantial end-of-year bonus designed to keep subject attrition low.Data presented here were taken from 1986, 1987, and 1988. For 1986, this CAPS unit was also administered in a paper and pencil version and to the respondents' same-sex friend. This information about the survey was taken from the Odum Institute's summary of the CAPS program, which can be found at: http://152.2.32.107/odum/jsp/content_node.jsp?nodeid=7Principal InvestigatorsThe Odum Institute for Research in Social ScienceRelated PublicationsL. L. Thurstone, and E. J. Chave. 1929. The Measurement of Attitude.Chicago: University of Chicago Press.A. Fenigstein, M. F. Scheier, and A. H. Buss. "Public and PrivateSelf-Consciousness: Assessment and Theory." Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology. 43(3):522-527A. H. Buss. 1980. Self-Consciousness and Social Anxiety. SanFrancisco:W.H. Freeman and Company.S. R. Briggs, J. M. Cheek, and A. H. Buss. 1980. "An Analysis of theSelf-Monitoring Scale." Journal of Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin. 38:679-686.W. K. Gabrenya and R. A. Arkin. 1980. "Self-Monitoring Scale: Factor Structure and Correlates." Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin.6:12-22.L. A. Penner and W. E. Wymer. 1983. "The Moderator Variable Approach to Behavioral Predictability: Some of the Variables Some of the Time." Journal of Research in Personality. 37:339-353.NotesWhen citing this study, the following information should be included:"Religious Attitude, Self-Consciousness, Self Monitoring Scales (CAPS-SELFCM and CAPS-PPSELFCM and CAPS-FSELFCM module)", hdl:1902.29/CAPS-SELFCM ; Odum Institute [distributor(DDI)]For SIDBecause the subject's ID is derived from the CAPS year and a sequential number,respondents can be tracked for an entire year's worth of experiments.Datasetscan also be merged using the respondent's ID. The original SID, as we receivedit from the primary investigator, had an underscore between the year and the IDnumber. The underscore was deleted to make the variable numeric, but the SIDwas not changed in any other way.THE FOLLOWING SCALES CAN BE MADE FROM THIS DATA USING THE FOLLOWING VARIABLESFOR PRIVSELFThe private self-consciousness scale concerns the process of attending to one's inner thoughts and feelings. The following variables are included in the scale: FIGOUT, AWARE, REFLECT, FANATASY, SCRUTINI, ATTENT, MOTIVES, WATCH, MOOD, and MINDWORK.AWARE and SCRUTINI should be reversed scored.FOR PUBSELFThe public self-consciousness scale is a general awareness of self as a social object that has an effect on others. The following variables are included in the scale: STYLE, PRESENT, SELFCON, IMPRESS, MIRROR, OTHTHINK, and APPEAR.FOR SOCANXIEThe social anxiety scale measures the discomfort experienced in the presence of others. The following variables are included in the scale: SHYNESS, TROUBLE, EMBRASS, HARDTALK, ANXIOUS, and NERVOUS. HARDTALK should be reversed scored.FOR EXTRAVERExtraversion subscale- includes the following variables: CENTER, LIKEME, CHARADE, CHANGING, JOKES, AWKARD. The following variables should be reversed scored in this measure: CHANGING, JOKES, and AWKWARD.FOR OTHERDIROther directedness subscale- includes the following variables: TRUEINN, PARTIES, ONASHOW, CUES, ACTDIFF, PRETEND, PERSON, OPINION, GETALONG, AWKARD, FRIENDLY. The following variables should be reversed scored in this measure: TRUEINN, PARTIES, OPINION, AWKARD, and FRIENDLY.FOR TOTALSMSum of all items- includes the following variables: IMITATE, TRUEINN, PARTIES, ARGUE, SPEECHES, ONASHOW, CUES, ACTOR, ADVICE, EMOTIONS, COMEDY, CENTER, ACTDIFF, LIKEME, PRETEND, PERSON, OPINION, ENTERTAI, GETALONG, CHARADE, CHANGING, JOKES, AKWARD, TELLALIE, and FRIENDLY. The following variables should be reversed scored in this measure: IMITATE, TRUEINN, PARTIES, ARGUE, ADVICE, CENTER, LIKEME, OPINION, CHARADE, CHANGING, JOKES, and AWKWARD.数据预览:点此下载完整数据集。

非英语专业大学生的英语自主学习意识和能力研究——一个学生的视角

非英语专业大学生的英语自主学习意识和能力研究——一个学生的视角

非英语专业大学生的英语自主学习意识和能力研究——一个学生的视角非英语专业大学生的英语自主学习意识和能力研究——一个学生的视角Acknowledgements It is quite difficult for me to plete the current paper without helping and guiding from lots of people.NowI would like to express my sincere gratitude as follows.First and foremost, I am extremely grateful to my supervisor, Professor Tang Shizhong who offers me every helpful and instructional suggestion benignantly during the whole period of finishing the paper.Meanwhile,I also receive feedbacks promptly for every problem and suggestion so that it enables me to fix all in a timely manner and move on.Then, Professor Li Qiang and Li Jiangxiu should also be appreciated cordially for their encouragements and urge so that the progress of finishing the paper goes more smoothly.Last but not least, I owe students who participatedin the questionnaire my best thanks for whom were investigated willingly and handed in effective questionnaires and two of my friends who helped me a lot in conducting and collecting it.Abstract English autonomous learning has been concerned by scholars all the time since it is put forward.Atthe same time, they have realized that students are the centers of learning.Hencestudy should be done by the studentsthemselves.However,the existing researches show that educators tended to explore the college students’ English autonomous learning awareness and petence from the perspectives of their own, and paid less attention to the subjects of learning English.Inview of this, the present study tries to start from the perspective of students, by conducting a survey of 207 non-English major freshmen and sophomores so as to inquire into the students’ English autonomous learning awareness and petence.Meanwhileit will bine with the characteristics of non-English majors in learning English, then analyze if there appear any differences in learning English autonomously infactors like majors, grades and genders so as to help researchers to understand the awareness of non-English majors in learning English autonomously at present, andto provide a reference for the cultivation of non-English majors’ English autonomous learning petence.Key words: English autonomous learning; non-English major college students; awareness; petence; differences 摘要英语自主学习自提出以来一直为各方学者所关注,同时他们也认识到学生是学习的中心因而学习应由学生来完成。

自我监控研究综述

自我监控研究综述

自我监控研究综述第一部分文献综述一、研究概念(一)定义的提出1972年由M.Snyder博士提出,他认为自我监控是一个人在自我表现方面的心理结构,是由社会适应性的情境线索引导的个体对自己进行的自我观察、自我控制、和自我调节的功能。

(二)理论的发展1984,Lennox&Wlofe认为,自我监控是指对个体对他人表达性行为的敏感性和调节自我表现的能力。

1996,J.Sanz等认为,自我监控是指人们在社会交往过程中对自己表现出的形象进行观察、调整和控制的程度。

1998,S.P.Robbins认为,自我监控就是指个体根据外部情境因素而调整自己行为的一种能力。

点评:从以上概念可以看出,无论从心理学、管理学还是教育学的研究领域定义,自我监控的本质是对自我行为的一种调控,反映人的一种主观能动性。

二、国外对自我监控学习理论的研究成果(一)言语的自我指导理论最早是由前苏联心理学家维果茨基于本世纪三十年代在关于言语思维发展的研究中提出来的。

其主要观点是:第一,认为儿童言语思维的发展需经历“社会言语、自我中心言语和内容言语”三个阶段。

第二,强调言语对行为的指导功能。

第三,个体这种言语自我指导能力是通过内化逐渐形成和发展起来的。

七十年代以来,一些心理学家纷纷采用言语自我指导理论及其原理来解释、研究学习中学生的自我监控行为和制定有关的教学、训练程序。

Meiehenbaum(1977)根据言语自我指导原理提出了一套培养学习困难学生自控学习能力的训练程序。

palineesor和Brown(1984)在言语自我指导理论的基础上制定了一套阅读理解教学程序,让学生互相充当用言语口头指导对方进行阅读的教师角色来获取和提高阅读理解监控能力。

Rohrkemper等人(1986)将内部言语依据指导的对象分为自我指向型(self- involvedtype)和任务指向型(task-involvedtype)。

(二)自我监控学习的操作主义理论这一理论实际上就是新行为主义代表人物斯金纳创立的关于行为的操作主义理论在自我监控学习问题上的具体表现或延伸。

英语专业学生自我效能感、归因方式与英语成绩的相关性研究

英语专业学生自我效能感、归因方式与英语成绩的相关性研究

广西师范大学硕士学位论文英语专业学生自我效能感、归因方式与英语成绩的相关性研究姓名:***申请学位级别:硕士专业:课程与教学论指导教师:***20060401英语专业学生自我效能感、归因方式与英语成绩的相关性研究学科专业:课程与教学论研究方向:英语教学论指导老师:李晓教授研究生:陈淮(2003级)内容摘要本文以班杜拉的自我效能感理论和韦纳的归因理论为理论基础,运用定量研究的方法,对242名英语专业学生的英语自我效能感及其归因方式进行了研究,并分析了学生的语言自我效能感、归因方式与全国英语专业四级考试成绩的关系。

研究结果表明:(1)英语专业学生的英语学习自我效能感水平与学业成绩密切相关:优等生的自我效能感较高,中等生的英语学习效能感一般,学业成绩较差的学生英语学习效能感水平比前两者都低;(2)英语学习自我效能感与英语学业成绩呈正相关;(3)学生在英语学习成败的自我归因中,能力归因最能预测学习成绩的变化,而将成功归因于运气和将失败归因于努力的二种成败因果解释,则与英语学习成绩呈负相关;(4)在成功或失败的境地中,学生对于成功和失败的自我归因会对学生的语言自我效能感产生不同的影响。

该研究结果总体上验证了研究自我效能和自我归因的重要性,肯定了自我效能和归因方式对英语成就的重要预测作用。

由此,本研究提出以下几点建议:(1)进一步了解学生的归因信念,采取归因训练的方式,引导学生正确归因,促进其形成积极的自我意识;(2)为提高学生的自我效能意识,教师应向学生提供有建设性的回馈,帮助学生从认知角度认识自我效能对英语学习的促进作用;(3)教师和社会还应通过种种途径努力提高学生的英语自我效能感,帮助他们形成积极的自我归因方式。

本研究尚存许多不足之处,例如:样本量不够大,数据的获得所采用的测量手段单一等等,有关结论还有待进一步验证和完善。

关键词:自我效能感;归因方式;英语成绩;英语专业学生;归因训练;回馈The Relationship of Perceived Self-efficacy, Attributional Beliefs andAchievement for English MajorsAbstractThe present study adopts a quantitative approach and seeks to investigate language self-efficacy and students’ attributional styles by using a sample of 242 English major students from Guangxi province in China. Based on the theoretical foundations of Bandura’s self-efficacy theory and Weiner’s attribution theory, the study also examines the interactions among students’ language self-efficacy, attributional beliefs and their academic performance on TEM-4 in an EFL context.The general statistical results of the study indicate that:(1) there does exist a relationship between language self-efficacy and Englishacademic achievements —the high achievers have fairly good self-efficacy whilemoderate achievers have moderate self-efficacy and the self-efficacy of low ones isslightly lower than those of the other two groups;(2) language self-efficacy is positively correlated with the English academicachievements of the students;(3) ability attributions are the most powerful predictor in achievement-related settings,concerning students’ self-attributions to success and failure in English learning.However, luck-success attribution and effort-failure attribution are negativelyrelated with English achievement;(4) under different circumstances (successful/unsuccessful performance), theperceptions of students’ self-attributions to successes and failures may exertdifferent influence on language self-efficacy beliefs.The results lend support to the view that the beliefs of self-efficacy and casual attribution not only play an important motivational role in language learning, but are good predictors of language achievement. The findings of this study provide some useful insights into English teaching and learning: (1) Shape positive beliefs about the causes of success and failure, which will affect students’ attitude towards English learning. Teachers need to be aware of students’ attributional beliefs, and guide students to correct self-attributions by means of attribution training. (2) Provide constructive feedback. Teachers can help students cognitively realize the facilitation of self-efficacy beliefs in English learning. (3) Enhance students’ language self-efficacy and positive self-attribution with a variety of means.Limitations as well as possible pedagogical implications are also discussed in the study. For instance, the sample under investigation is relatively small; moreover, multiple data collection techniques are needed to get more accurate information. Therefore, the results obtained in the present study leave much to be improved and it is hoped that further research will lead to more overall and accurate results.Key words: self-efficacy; attributional style; English academic achievement; English majors;attribution training; feedbackAcknowledgementsI would like to express hearty appreciation to Professor Li Xiao, my supervisor for her critical acumen, constant encouragement and patient support throughout the process of writing and modifying the present thesis. Despite her full engagement in the teaching and research work, Professor Li has managed several careful readings of the thesis and made illuminating comments and revisions on it, without which the present thesis would not have been what it appears now. My gratitude to her is boundless.I’m greatly indebted to all the other teachers who have taught me during the three years of my study in College of Foreign Studies, Guangxi Normal University. Their excellent lectures and profound insights have presented me the essence of their knowledge and their indefatigable pursuits of academic achievement have exerted an uplifting influence upon me in the past years.Finally, I owe my thanks to my family who has kindly assisted me all along the way.Chapter I Introduction1.1 Research backgroundThe study of self-efficacy and attributions falls into the first general category of motivational constructs (Pintrich & De Groot, 1990). This category represents students’ perceptions about their ability to accomplish a task. The basic idea behind this family of motivational constructs revolves around students’ beliefs that they are able to perform a task and that they are responsible for their own performance. And they answer the student’s question: “Can I do this task?” Put it simply, such perceptions of ability play an important role in the social cognitive theories of motivation. Enhancing students’ perceptions of ability has been understood as an important part of the teaching-learning process.Self-efficacy, as one motivational construct, is a major component of Bandura’s (1986) social cognitive learning theory, which can be named alternatively as “self-efficacy beliefs”, “perceived self-efficacy”, “perceived beliefs of self-efficacy”, “sense of self-efficacy”. Bandura described self-efficacy as individuals’ confidence in their ability to control their thoughts, feelings, and actions, and therefore influence an outcome. These perceptions of self-efficacy influence individuals’ actual performances (Locke et al., 1984), emotions (Bandura, Adams, & Beyer, 1977), choices of behavior (Betz & Hackett, 1981), and finally the amount of effort and perseverance expended on an activity (Brown & Inouye, 1978).In the past few decades, self-efficacy has enjoyed a resurgence of interest among educational psychologists, and many studies have proved its influence on academic performance in various areas (Pajares & Johnson, 1996; Zimmerman & Bandura, 1994). Based on the self-efficacy theory, more and more researches point to the crucial nature and role of self-efficacy in the field of foreign language learning. It seems that the first important step towards successful learning of English is to help students to establish positive self-beliefs about one’s capabilities.Although educators have long recognized that students’ beliefs about their academic capabilities play an essential role in their motivation to achieve, researchers have suggested that the focus of self-efficacy research be expanded to include the often ignored mediating influence of attributional analysis (Quinones, 1995; Silver et al., 1995).Causal attributions are individuals’ perceptions of the causes of various achievement outcomes (Pintrich & Schunk, 1996). Students may attribute their successes or failures to two general types of antecedent conditions: environmental factors and personal factors. Environmental factors include teacher feedback, social norms, or situational features. Personal factors include causal patterns, personal bias, prior knowledge, or individual differences. These two general categories of perceived causes influence the actual attributions that individuals will make in terms of whether they attribute their failure to low ability, lack of effort, bad luck, a hard test, a bad mood, fatigue, unfairness, anxiety, or just about any other explanation, justification, or excuse students produce for failure at a test or task.Researchers in academic environments have found that attributions to success and failure to foreign language learning are relevant to foreign language learning, which may facilitate or impede foreign language learning. Also research findings indicate that successful languagelearners tend to attribute their perceived success to internal controllable unstable attributions while unsuccessful learners tend to attribute their perceived failure to external uncontrollable stable attributions. Further researches into attributions in language learning demonstrate that the controllability of language learners over their language learning is greatly associated with language learning outcomes.However, in the Chinese context, the general empirical studies have been respectively conducted on self-efficacy and attribution theory in the domain of foreign language teaching and learning (e.g.: Zhang & Yuan, 2004; Qin & Wen, 2002; Zhang, 2002; Qin, 2002; Zhang, 2004, etc.). Since self-efficacy and attributions are considered to be the key factors in language teaching and learning, we are particularly interested in this general research question: how do Chinese EFL learners’ perceptions of self-efficacy and attributions relate to English achievements? Thus, this study attempts to investigate the relationship among English academic achievements, language self-efficacy, and attributions to success or failure in English learning for Chinese college English majors.1.2 Aims of the studyWith a view to promoting a comprehensive understanding of language self-efficacy and learners’ causal attribution, the purpose of the study, therefore, is three-fold: exploring the relationships between Chinese students’ perceptions of self-efficacy and achievement in English learning; examining how students’ attributions for success and failure correlate with English achievement; and investigating the interaction among students’ language self-efficacy, attributional beliefs and academic achievement.The specific purpose is to provide empirical evidence that self-efficacy both causes and is caused by performance experiences. The research is designed to find out the perceptions of language self-efficacy Chinese college students hold, and how they are related to English achievement and attributional beliefs. It draws attentions to students’ perceptions of their language self-efficacy and attributional beliefs in foreign language learning. The pedagogical implication is to try to arouse the awareness of the influence of these two personal factors on the language learning and promote effective language learning.Among Chinese students, English majors do not occupy a much larger proportion in China. It seems that they can take much more advantages in English learning than non-English majors, such as their supportive environment, adequate exposure to English, etc.. For the reason that they are part of foreign language learners in China, the study from English majors’ perspective can enrich the research on self-efficacy and attributions in Chinese setting. Undoubtedly the study under this homogeneous context will provide EFL teachers and students with some useful insights.1.3 Overview of the thesisThis thesis is composed of six chapters. To be more specific, it spreads out as follows:Chapter One firstly contextualizes the research topic, and then introduces aims of the present study, and finally provides the outline of the thesis.Chapter Two offers a discussion and critique of the previous literature related to the present study. First of all, it introduces the theoretical framework of self-efficacy theory. Then it gives an account of self-efficacy research conducted in the academic area in which self-efficacy has the power to predict academic achievements. Furthermore, attribution interms of Weiner’s attributional theory and its relation with academic achievement are also elaborated. Some empirical studies show insights into the relationship between language achievement, language self-efficacy, and attributional beliefs as well.Chapter Three formulates research questions, and then describes the survey of Chinese English majors concerning their English academic achievement, language self-efficacy, their attributions of success and failure in foreign language learning. It presents a discussion of the research methodology, including subjects, instrumentation, data collection and analysis procedures.Chapter Four provides a detailed description of the statistical results and findings of the survey in relation to the research questions.Chapter Five discusses and explains the results presented in Chapter Four. It also points out the limitations of the present study and puts forward some suggestions for the future study in this area. In addition, research and pedagogical implications are discussed.Chapter Six is the conclusion of the study.Chapter II Review of LiteratureIn this chapter, we will first report an overview of the self-efficacy theory, including the definition, sources and researches on self-efficacy which examine the literature on motivation constructs. Then we will review literature on attribution theory, as well as the linkage of self-efficacy, attribution and academic performance.2.1 Self-efficacy theoryPsychologist Bandura’s enlightening works (1977, 1982, and 1986) on self-efficacy provided a solid theoretical ground, on which subsequent investigation could continue to explore the role of self-efficacy both theoretically and empirically. Provided below are the definition, sources, and researches of self-efficacy, which are one of the theoretical foundations of the present study.2.1.1 Introduction of self-efficacyAlbert Bandura (1982, 1986, and 1989) has developed a social cognitive model of behavior that includes self-efficacy as a major construct. In this model, self-efficacy is defined as “people’s judgments of their capabilities to organize and execute courses of action required to attain designated types of performances” (Bandura, 1986: 391).According to the self-efficacy theory, self-efficacy beliefs act as filters between a person’s prior achievement or ability and that person’s subsequent behavior (Bandura, 1986). Therefore, two persons of the same ability may exhibit different levels of performance because of their differing self-beliefs. Self-efficacy helps to govern how much effort and persistence a person will put forth on a task and how much resilience that person will demonstrate in the face of obstacles. Highly efficacious people are likely to exhibit greater effort and persistence, interpreting their self-beliefs to mean that their sustained effort will result in success. Those with low self-efficacy may give up easily on a task, interpreting their self-beliefs to mean that their sustained effort will be futile.Lying at the very core of social cognitive theory, self-efficacy functions as a mediator of the effects of prior achievement, knowledge, and skills on subsequent achievement. Consequently, it is often seen as a better predicator of success than are actual abilities. Self-efficacy affects behavior by influencing people’s behavioral choices, the amount of effort they expend, and the persistence they exhibit in the face of failure. This cognitive factor is the most influential arbiter in human functioning.2.1.2 Sources of self-efficacyFour sources of information contribute to the development of an individual’s self-efficacy beliefs (Bandura, 1997): enactive mastery experience, vicarious experience, social persuasion, and physiological and affective states. Information from these sources does not directly influence an individual’s self-efficacy: it is an individual’s interpretation of this information that results in an increase or decrease in self-efficacy. Many factors, personal, situational, and cultural, have an effect on the interpretation of these experiences.Enactive mastery experiences, in which individuals interpret the results of their performance, have the strongest influence because they provide the most direct evidence ofwhether one has the capability needed to succeed at a task (Bandura, 1997). Accomplishments can foster a strong sense of efficacy to succeed at similar task in the future. Likewise, failure can lower a person’s self-efficacy beliefs. People who have a strong belief that they can succeed will more often persevere in the face of difficulty, thereby increasing their chances of attaining a successful outcome, an outcome which then provides further support for a positive sense of self-efficacy. People who do not believe that they will succeed often make fewer and briefer attempts at a task, thus decreasing their chances of success, further eroding their already low self-efficacy. However, it must be remembered that it is the interpretation of these events that has the strongest effect on self-efficacy.The second source of information is vicarious experience (Bandura, 1997) that people may have when they observe others engaged in a task. Through observing the success or failure of others, people may process this information to evaluate their own likelihood of success at the same or similar tasks. This source of information is particularly salient in novel situations and when the model is perceived to possess characteristics similar to the observer. Coping models, in which the model demonstrates perseverance and self-confidence, are the most effective models in increasing self-efficacy in the observer.Social persuasions, which include exposure to the verbal and nonverbal judgments that others provide, are also an important source of information (Bandura, 1997). Typically, positive messages encourage the development of self-efficacy, and negative ones hinder its development. As regards, individuals who are verbally encouraged or told that they have the ability to accomplish a task, may gain stronger self-efficacy as a result, particularly if they already possess reasonably high self-efficacy. Similarly, verbal discouragement may reduce a person’s self-efficacy, especially if that person has relatively low self-efficacy initially. Yet, social persuasion alone may not produce a positive sense of self-efficacy, but may operate in concert with other sources of self-efficacy, such as mastery experiences, to increase self-efficacy.Finally, people interpret their own physical and emotional states as sources of self-efficacy information. Feelings of extreme anxiety and signs of tension may be interpreted as signals that an individual is vulnerable or apt to fail, thereby reducing that person’s self-efficacy. However, people’s interpretation of these physiological states is key to their effect on self-efficacy. For instance, arousal may be interpreted as an energizing factor, fostering higher self-efficacy, or as an incapacitating factor, resulting in lower self-efficacy.People construct their self-efficacy beliefs through the integration of information from these four sources (Bandura, 1997). The strength of the contribution made by each source varies depending on the domain in question and on the cognitive processing strategies of the individual. Moreover, information for judging personal efficacy, whether conveyed enactively, vicariously, persuasively, or somatically is not inherently informative. It is only raw data. Experiences become instructive through cognitive processing of efficacy information and reflective thought (Bandura, 2000).2.1.3 Self-efficacy and self-conceptA construct closest to self-efficacy is self-concept, which also influences academic outcomes across domains (Skaalvik, 1997). Self-concept is a global term, referring to “the amalgamation of all of our perceptions and conceptions about ourselves which give rise to our sense of personal identity” (Williams & Burden, 2000: 97). It is a more general self-descriptive construct that incorporates many forms of self-knowledge and self-evaluativefeelings (Marsh & Shavelson, 1985; cited from Zimmerman, 2000:84). Self-concept is a hierarchical system of self-beliefs, each level divided into more specific components of self-concept (Marsh, 1990), with a global self-concept at the apex of a self-hierarchy, subcategories such as academic self-concept in the middle of the hierarchy and academic domain-specific self-concepts at the bottom.Figure 2-1 Structure of self-conceptGeneral self-conceptNonacademic Academic English Academic mathematicsself-concept self-concept self-conceptPhysical Physical Peer Parent Reading General Mathematicsability appear- relation- relation- school ance ships ships(Source: H. W. Marsh & R. J. Shavelson, 1985; cited from Woolfolk, 1995. Educational Psychology (6th edition). Needham Heights, MA: Allyn & Bacon, A Simon & Schuster Company)Self-concept beliefs differ from self-efficacy beliefs in that self-concept includes judgments of self-value (Bandura, 1986), whereas self-efficacy is a cognitive judgment of ability. Self-concept is thus a more inclusive construct as it includes descriptive, evaluative and affective components (Bong & Clark, 1999). Although some researchers use the terms interchangeably, self-efficacy is distinct from self-concept and, in fact, self-efficacy contributes to an individual’s self-concept. These differences between self-concept and self-efficacy are apparent in the items used to measure the two constructs. A math self-concept item such as “I am a good math student” differs in tone and substance from a self-efficacy item that asks “How sure are you that you can make appropriate predictions (hypotheses) about results in mathematical problem solving?”. Students may feel confident about their performance in math but may fail to take pride in their performance. Pajares and Miller (1994) found that math self-efficacy was more predictive of problem solving than was math self-concept when using path analysis procedures to examine the predictive and mediational roles of these two constructs in mathematical problem solving by college students.Basically, self-concept could be considered as our attempt to explain ourselves to ourselves, to build a scheme (in Piaget’s term) that organizes our impressions, feelings, and attitudes about ourselves. Therefore, self-concept research involves more general measures, both of self-concept and of the criterial measures with which it is associated strongly such as anxiety, apprehension, intrinsic motivation, and value, etc., while self-efficacy is domain-specific, generalizing only to highly related areas, which implies one can have more or less firm self-beliefs in different domains or particular situations of functioning; and measures of self-efficacy should be much more specific and correspondent to varying performance tasks and contexts than self-concept. In other words, they are not only conceptually distinctive, but also have discriminant validity in predicting a variety of academic outcomes.2.1.4 Researches on self-efficacy in academic contextsSince it is introduced as a key component in social cognitive theory, self-efficacy hasreceived a lot of attention in research. Most self-efficacy research in academic contexts has been conducted in language arts and mathematics. For example, mathematics self-efficacy predicts mathematics problem solving to a greater degree than self-beliefs such as mathematics anxiety or self-concept, previous mathematics experience, or self-efficacy for self-regulatory practices (Pajares & Miller, 1994). It has also been demonstrated that across ability levels, students whose self-efficacy is stronger are more accurate in their mathematics computation and show greater persistence on difficult items than students whose self-efficacy is low (Collins, 1982). The predictive utility of self-efficacy beliefs holds true for gifted as well as for regular education students (Pajares, 1996a). In general, self-efficacy research in the domain of mathematics supports Bandura’s contention that self-efficacy is a strong predictor and mediator of performance.In writing, as in mathematics, self-efficacy predicts performance across grade levels (Pajares et al., 1999). Self-efficacy to complete writing tasks correlates with achievement and increases as students progress through school (Grade 4, 7, 10), although self-efficacy to use grammar and composition skills does not increase (Shell, Colvin, & Bruning, 1995). Some gender differences in writing self-efficacy are evident, with girls reporting higher confidence in their writing abilities than do boys (Pajares & Valiante, 1997). This gender difference favoring girls was not evident in a study using students from Grades 3, 4, and 5, even though the girls were rated as better writers by their teachers (Pajares et al., 1999). Overall, the research on perceived ability in writing confirms the findings from the domain of mathematics on the usefulness of the self-efficacy construct in academic contexts.Lent, Brown, and Gore (1997) found that global academic self-efficacy among college students correlated more highly with mathematics course self-efficacy than with problem-specific self-efficacy. These two broader measures of academic self-beliefs also correlated with the achievement measures, thus supporting Bandura’s (1986) assertions that self-efficacy is most useful as a predictor when matched appropriately to the criterial measure.All this is to say that the capabilities assessed in the self-efficacy measure and the capabilities assessed in the outcome measure should be similar capabilities. Self-efficacy assessments often lack the specificity of measurement and consistency with the criterial task that optimizes the predictive power of self-efficacy beliefs, thus minimizing the influence of self-efficacy (Bandura, 1986; Pajares, 1996b). Self-efficacy measurements that are carefully matched with criterial measures and administered in close temporal proximity are the most effective predictors of subsequent achievement.2.2 Attribution theoryAttribution theory is concerned with how individuals interpret events and how this relates to their thinking and behavior. It explores how individuals “attribute” causes to events and how this cognitive perception affects their motivation. In simple words, it is about how people answer questions beginning with “why?”. The theory deals with the information they use in making causal inferences, and with what they do with this information to answer causal questions.Attribution theory develops within social psychology as a means of dealing with questions of social perception. Gradually, it achieved a unique status among contemporary motivation theories as the first theory that successfully challenged Atkinson’s classic achievement motivation theory (Dörnyei, 2003). Subsequently it became the dominant model in researchon student motivation in the 1980s. It is also unique because it manages to link people’s past experiences with their future achievement efforts by introducing causal attributions as the mediating link: As the main proponent of the theory, Bernard Weiner (1992), has argued, the subjective reasons to which learners attribute their past successes and failures considerably shape their motivational disposition. If, for example, they ascribe past failure on a particular task to low ability on their part, the chances are that they will not try the activity again, whereas if they believe that the problem lay in the insufficient effort or unsuitable learning strategies that they employed, they are more likely to give it another try. Because of the generally high frequency of language learning failure worldwide, attributional processes are assumed to play an important motivational role in language studies, as confirmed by the qualitative research by Marion Williams and Bob Burden (1999).2.2.1 Heider’s attribution theoryFritz Heider (1958) was the forerunner of contemporary cognitive-social psychology, interested in what he called “naïve” or “commonsense” psychology —that is, how the average person formed psychological concepts such as intention and motivation or how individual explained behavior. A central aspect of Heider’s theory was that it was how people perceived events rather than the events in themselves that influenced behavior. In his view, people were like amateur scientist, trying to understand other people’s behavior by piecing together information until they arrived at a reasonable explanation or cause.When required to give reasons for the outcomes of events or the behavior of others, Heider suggested that people would tend to refer to a limited range of internal (personal) and external (environmental) factors — two attributions a person can make: (1) internal attribution, the inference that a person is behaving in a certain way because of something about the person, such as attitude, character or personality; (2) external attribution, the inference that a person is behaving a certain way because of something about the situation he or she is in. A simple example is that success on a test could be perceived as resulting from personal factors (ability, the amount of time spent studying) or factors in the environment (an essay test, grading policy).Heider believed that the internal and external forces combine additively to determine behavior. Besides, he stressed the consequences of differential ascriptions to internal versus external factors, which is opposed to Atkinson’s theory of achievement motivation, individual differing in resultant achievement motivation (personal factor) differentially work to achieve success at tasks varying in difficulty (environmental factors) —that is, both the person and the environment influence action.2.2.2 Kelley’s attribution theoryAttribution theory emerged from Heider’s (1958) “naïve” or “lay” psychology and Kelley (1967) advanced Heider’s theory by adding hypothesis about the factors that affect the formation of attribution: consistency, distinctiveness and consensus. Kelley’s theory concerned the subjective experience of attributional validity. He proposed that perceivers identify the causes of an effect by using a principle of covariation which specifies that an “effect is attributed to that condition which is present when the effect is present and which is absent when the effect is absent” (1967:194).Furthermore, he asked the question: “How do individuals establish the validity of their own or of another person’s impression of an object?” He, then, suggested that perceivers examine three different kinds of information in their efforts to establish validity (Ross &。

国外组织行为学课件皮尔森详解演示文稿

国外组织行为学课件皮尔森详解演示文稿
• To predict and understand organizational behaviour, we need to know something about an individual’s personality and the work setting.
6. Define learning and describe what is learned in organizations.
7. Explain operant learning theory and differentiate between positive and negative reinforcements.
国外组织行为学课件皮尔森详解演示文稿
优选国外组织行为学课件皮尔森
Chapter
2
Learning Objectives
1. Define personality and discuss its general role in influencing organizational behaviour.
The Situational Approach
• Characteristics of the organizational setting such as rewards and punishment influence people’s feelings, attitudes and behaviour.
• Individuals possess stable traits or characteristics that influence their attitudes and behaviours.
• Individuals are predisposed to behave in certain ways.

父母教养方式与高中生自我监控学习的关系——核心自我评价的中介作用

父母教养方式与高中生自我监控学习的关系——核心自我评价的中介作用

第44卷第2期 2017年03月浙江大学学报(理学版)Journal of Zhejiang University (Science Edition)http://w w w. zjujournals. com/sciVol. 44 No. 2Mar. 2017D O I:10. 3785/j. issn. 1008-9497. 2017. 02. 016父母教养方式与高中生自我监控学习的关系----核心自我评价的中介作用杨丽媛u,陈毅文李信u,刘彤u(1.中国科学院心理研究所行为科学重点实验室,北京100101; 2.中国科学院大学心理学系,北京100049)摘要:考察了父母教养方式与高中生自我监控学习的关系,及核心自我评价在其中的中介作用.选取424名高中生,采用简式父母教养方式问卷、核心自我评价量表和中学生自我调节学习策略问卷,分别测量其父母教养方式、核心自我评价及自我监控学习.父亲情感温暖直接预测自我监控学习(B=0.22,,<0.001),又通过核心自我评价间接预测自我监控学习(B=0. 09,,<0.05);母亲情感温暖直接预测自我监控学习(B=0. 27,,<0.001),又通过核心自我评价间接预测自我监控学习(B=0. 07,,<0.05).自我监控学习与父母教养方式、核心自我评价密切相关,核心自我评价在父母教养方式与自我监控学习及其各维度之间起部分中介作用.关键词:高中生;父母教养方式;自我监控学习;核心自我评价;中介作用中图分类号:B 849 文献标志码:A文章编号:1008-9497(2017)02-214-07Y A N G L iy u a n1,2 , C H E N Y iw e n1,2 , L I X in1,2 , L I U T o n g1,2 (K ey Laboratory o f Behavioral Science, Institute o f Psychology, Chinese Academy o f Sciences , B eijin g 100101, Chinas 2. Department o f Psychology , University o f Chinese Academy o f Sciences,B eijin g100049? China)The relationship between parenting styles and self-monitoring learning of the senior high school students-The mediating effects of core self-evaluation. J o u rn a l o f Z h e jia n g U n iv e rs ity C S c ie n c e E d itio n), 2017,44(2):214-220Abstract:T h e m e d ia tin g e ffe c t o f core s e lf-e v a lu a tio n o n p a re n tin g s ty le s and s e lf-m o n ito rin g le a rn in g in se n io r h ig h sch o o l s tu d e n ts w as e x p lo re d in th is pa per. T o ta lly424 s e n io r h ig h s c h o o l s tu d e n ts fro m 3 s e n io r h ig h schools p a rtic ip a te d in o u r s u rv e y w ith th e q u e s tio n n a ire s o f S h o rt-E g n a M in n e n a v B a rn d o m s U p p fo s tra n fo r C h in e s e, th e s e lf-a d ju s tin g le a rn in g s tra te g y and th e core s e lf-e v a lu a tio n scale. B y c o n tro llin g g e n d e r and g ra d e,th e re s u lt re vealed th a t fa th e r’s e m o tio n a l w a rm th p re d ic te d s e lf-m o n ito rin g le a rn in g d ire c tly(B = 0. 22,p<C0.001) , and core s e lf-e v a lu a tio n m e d ia te d th e e ffe c t o f fa th e r’s e m o tio n a l w a rm th o n s e lf-m o n ito rin g le a rn in g(B = 0. 09,p<C〇.05).S im ila r ly, m o th e r’s e m o tio n a l w a rm th p re d ic te d s e lf-m o n ito rin g le a rn in g d ir e c tly(B = 0. 27,>〈0. 001),and core s e lf-e v a lu a tio n m e d ia te d th e e ffe c t o f m o th e r’s e m o tio n a l w a rm th o n s e lf-m o n ito rin g le a r n in g(B = 0. 07,>〈0. 05).C o re s e lf-e v a lu a tio n m e d ia te d th e e ffe c t o f p a re n ts’ e m o tio n a l w a rm th o n s e lf-m o n ito rin g le a rn in g. T h e s e re s u ltsin d ic a te th e im p o rta n c e o f p a re n tin g e m o tio n a l w a rm th and core s e lf-e v a lu a tio n o n s e lf-m o n ito rin g le a rn in g.Key Words:se n io r h ig h sch o o l s tu d e n ts;p a re n tin g s ty le s;s e lf-m o n ito rin g le a r n in g;core s e lf-e v a lu a tio n;m e d ia tin ge ffe c t学业成功的关键因素之一就是自我监控学感、行为进行主动的自我调节以保证达到学习目标习^].自我监控学习是学生对自身的认知、动机、情 的过程[3].它被定义为“根据特定的学习任务,设置 *收稿日期:2015-07-27.作者筒介:杨丽媛(1982 —),〇1^1〇:111^://〇^(1.〇呀/0000-0002-2609-2965,硕士研究生,国家二级心理咨询师,主要从事应用心理学研究.* 通信作者,O R CID: http: //orcid. org/〇000-0002-0634-4328,E-m ail: chenyw@psych, ac. cii.第2期杨丽媛,等:父母教养方式与高中生自我监控学习的关系——核心自我评价的中介作用215学习目标,并调整相应的认知和元认知策略,采取有 序的任务计划、监控行为,在必要时改变策略和内在 动机以实现学习目标”[4].自我监控学习可分为动机 和策略两方面.动机方面由4个维度组成:(1)学业 自我效能,指学习者主观判断自己的学习能力;(2) 内在动机,指学习者对学习任务的兴趣;(3)外在动 机,指学习者为了外在的学习目的;(4)学业情绪调 节,指学习者在学习过程中所体验到的情绪及应对 方式.策略方面由3个维度组成:(1)元认知策略,指 学习者在学习过程中对自身的行为进行计划和监控 的策略;(2)认知策略,指学习者在学习过程中对目 标进行设置,并采用组织、复述和精制等各种有效的 学习策略;(3)合作学习策略,指学习者在学习时与 同伴是否存在学习互动[5].研究表明,自我监控学习受到家庭环境认知、课 堂活动认知的影响[6].在家庭环境中,孩子与父母的 互动占主导,父母是孩子的第一任老师,也是影响 孩子终身发展的重要因素之一.D A R L IN G等[7]指 出,教养方式指父母营造的一种情感氛围,将影响 孩子的社会化发展.这个概念仅强调了父母对孩 子的单向影响,忽略了孩子的主观能动性.B R A N D等[8]以父母的教养和孩子对教养的主观感知双向进行定义,指出父母教养方式是在相对稳定的时间内,父母在自己所创造的情感和谐的气氛中对子女进行教养的行为表现.A S G H A R I 等[9]根据自我决定理论对父母教养方式进行界定,强调在教养过程中,父母有目的地对孩子进行 影响,孩子不是被动地被影响,而是主动地对父母 教养方式进行认识和接受,孩子为了满足自身基 本的3个心理需求(自主性、能力和关系)以及促 进自身发展的内在动机,主动内化父母教养过程 中的态度和行为规范,积极参与建立和发展自我 系统,并努力获得自我调节和情感的能力.蒋奖等[1°]根据中国的文化背景将父母教养方式分为3 个维度:(1)情感温暖,指父母为孩子提供适当的 支持性和反应性,在教养过程中的态度一致,能够 敏感和及时地回馈孩子的需要[11];(2)过度保护,指父母对孩子过分照顾和溺爱,使孩子在家庭中 处于一个很特殊的地位;(3 )拒绝,指父母在教养 过程中对子女进行惩罚、羞辱和归罪的行为,甚至 旁人在场也会对孩子进行过分的批评和责骂.情 感温暖被认为是积极的教养方式,过度保护和拒 绝被认为是消极的教养方式[1°].已有研究表明:父 母教养方式与自我监控学习显著相关,父母教养 方式不同对自我监控学习的影响亦不同.在教养过程中,父母积极的教养方式会提升学业自我效能感,促进自我监控学习[12〜,而消极的教养方式 会阻碍自我监控学习[14].核心自我评价的研究与发展为探讨父母教养 方式与自我监控学习之间的关系提供了新视角. 核心自我评价是个体对自身的能力和价值最基本 的评价,是一种总体自我评价,也是深层次的评价,对个人的各领域自我评价均产生影响[15],是对 自己的价值、效能和能力的基本评价[16].核心自我 评价包括4个特征:(1)自尊,指个体自我的价值 感以及真正爱和尊重自己的价值;(2)—般自我效 能感,指评价自己在不同情景下的执行能力;(3)神经质(也称为情绪稳定性),指倾向于表达负面 情绪;(4)控制源,指把结果归结于个人行为或是外部因素[15],分为外控制源和内控制源.倾向于内 控制源的个体把成功或失败归因于自己的能力,认为自身可以控制自己的生活和未来;倾向于外 控制源的个体更相信机会和运气,把成功和失败 归因于外部[17].研究表明:个体对自我的评价决定 了个体对于事件所采取的态度[18].良好和积极的 自我评价,使得个体拥有学习的自信,保持积极乐 观的态度,从而促进自我监控学习[19].一般自我效 能感高的个体相信自己拥有完成学习的能力,有 助于其克服学习中的枯燥和困难,从而提高自我 监控学习[1’3].关颖等[2°]认为,父母教养方式是影响孩子社会 化的重要因素,社会化是孩子接受和内化了父母理 念、价值观和规范的适当行为,从而形成了自己的认 知模式,这种认知模式影响着孩子对自己、他人和事 件的认知和评价以及对待事物的态度[2>22].已有研 究表明:权威的教养方式令孩子感到父母的支持和 理解,有助于孩子肯定自身的价值、培养高自尊[17]以及有效完成任务的自信,并将任务完成的成就归 因于自己,从而提高孩子的自我效能感,也促进孩子 将对任务的控制点归于自己[2];而父母严厉、惩罚性 或不一致的教养方式会导致孩子不相信自己的价 值,总觉得无力,容易产生焦虑感,从而降低自尊,产 生焦虑[23],使得情绪很难稳定;可见父母对孩子的 支持和理解性教养方式可促进孩子良好自我的认 识,防止消极的自我评价[9].因此,本文提出假设:父 母教养方式通过核心自我评价影响自我监控学习.本研究考察父母教养方式与高中生自我监控 学习的关系,并探索核心自我评价在父母教养方式与自我监控学习中的中介作用.完善了父母教 养方式与自我监控学习影响的理论框架,实践上216浙江大学学报(理学版)第44卷有望为高中生提高自我监控学习提供参考依据. 7点计分[5],得分越高,表明该维度程度越高.本研究中该量表各维度的内部一致性系数a在0. 64〜1对象与方法1.1对象于2015年5〜6月,选取福建省3所高中高一 至高三的学生为研究对象,以班级为单位,共发放问 卷700份,现场作答并收回.剔除作答不认真、漏填、未完成等无效问卷后,有效问卷424份,有效率 60. 57%,其中男生184名,女生240名;高一 155 人,高二94人,高三175人.1.2研究工具1.2.1简式父母教养方式问卷中文版(Short-form Egna Minnenav Barndoms Uppfostran for Chinese 简称s-EM BU-C)[1°]此问卷用来评估父母教养方式类型,父母分 量表,共42个条目.分为情感温暖、过度保护和拒 绝3个维度,采用1(完全不对)〜4(完全正确)4点评分,其中15为反向计分[1«,各维度得分越 高,情感温暖、过度保护和拒绝维度程度越高.本研究中,父母分量表各个维度一致性系数《在 0• 64:〜0• 83.1.2.2中学生自我调节学习策略问卷[5]此问卷对自我监控学习进行测量和评估,共31 个条目,分为学业自我效能、元认知策略、认知策略、外部动机、学业情绪调节策略、内在动机和合作学习 策略7个维度,采用1(非常不同意)〜7(非常同意)表1问卷结私1.2.3核心自我评价量表[24]此问卷对核心自我评价进行了测量和评估,共 8个条目,采用1(完全不同意)〜5(完全同意)5点计分,其中第1,2,3,5,6,8个条目为反向计分总分越高,说明核心自我评价越高.本研究中该量表 的内部一致性系数《为〇.82.1.3统计方法采用SPSS22. 0和A M0S21. 0统计软件对数 据进行分析,运用验证性因素分析验证问卷的结构 效度;运用Pearson相关分析探讨父母教养方式、核 心自我评价、自我监控学习之间的相关关系;采用 Bootstraping[25]检验核心自我评价在父母教养方式 与自我监控学习间的中介效应,々<〇. 05表示差异 有统计学意义.2结果采用H am an单因素检验共同方法偏差,得到 第1个因子解释的变异为14. 57%,小于50%,因此 共同方法偏差在本研究中的影响不显著[26].2.1问卷的结构效度分析首先,对本研究采用的问卷进行验证性因素分 析,保证其具有较好的结构效度,模型的拟合指标见 表1.结果显示,各重要拟合指标均大于0.85,表明 模型拟合度较好.Table 1Confirmatory factor analysis of questionnaire structure乂2df x2/df RMSEA GFI AGFI IFI CFI父亲教养方式358.21177 2. 020. 050. 930. 900. 910. 90母亲教养方式390.42172 2. 270. 060. 920. 890. 900. 90自我调节学习策略778.76399 1. 950. 050. 900. 870. 920. 92核心自我评价54. 1718 3. 010. 070. 970. 940. 970. 972.2不同性别、不同年级高中生各量表评分比较男生的父亲拒绝、父亲过度保护、学业自我效 能和核心自我评价得分高于女生,而元认知策略 得分低于女生;不同年级的学生在父亲拒绝、母亲 拒绝、父亲过度保护、母亲过渡保护、学业自我效 能、元认知策略、学业情绪调节、合作学习、核心自 我评价和自我监控学习上的得分也有所不同(见 表2).因此在后面的分析中,将性别和年级作为控 制变量.2.3父母教养方式、自我监控学习及核心自我评价的相关分析采用Pearson相关法,对3个变量各维度得分 进行相关分析.结果表明:父母情感温暖教养方式与 自我监控学习均显著正相关,与核心自我评价显著 正相关.父母拒绝教养方式与自我监控学习均负相 关,而父亲拒绝教养方式与核心自我评价负相关,母 亲拒绝教养方式与核心自我评价正相关;父母过度 保护教养方式与自我监控学习均正相关,与核心自 我评价均负相关,详见表3.第2期杨丽媛,等:父母教养方式与高中生自我监控学习的关系——核心自我评价的中介作用217表2 不同性别、不同年级高中生各量表评分比较T a b le 2 C o m p a ris o n s o f th e scores o f d iffe re n t ge nders and grades o f h ig h s ch o o l s tu d e n ts 变量男女:值力值高一①高二②高三③F值力值两两比较父亲拒绝 1. 40±0.41 1. 26±0.35 3. 760. 000 1. 38±0.40 1. 25±0.37 1. 30±0.37 4. 080. 018母亲拒绝 1. 41±0.50 1. 37±0.45 1. 040. 307 1. 48±0.49 1. 32±0.43 1. 34±0.47 4. 950. 008©>②③父亲情感温暖 2. 67±0. 66 2. 74±0.64-1.070. 286 2. 68±0.65 2. 78±0.63 2. 70±0.670. 590. 555母亲情感温暖 2. 93±0. 65 2. 94±0.66-0.090. 928 2. 89±0.67 2. 91±0.68 2. 98±0.620. 790. 453父亲过度保护 2. 01±0.47 1. 87±0.44 3. 080. 002 2. 04±0.49 1. 85±0.46 1. 87±0.417. 350. 001©>②③母亲过度保护 2. 15±0. 49 2. 07士0. 52 1. 660. 097 2. 19±0.45 2. 06 + 0. 55 2. 06±0.53 3. 170. 043学业自我效能 4. 69±1. 01 4. 43±0.91 2. 740. 007 4. 35±0.97 4. 50±0.81 4. 74±1.007. 040. 001元认知策略 4. 54±0. 99 4. 73±0.86-2.120. 035 4. 68±0.91 4. 84±0.84 4. 52±0.95 4. 030. 018认知策略 4. 23±0.99 4. 32±0.98一0. 920. 359 4. 22±1.01 4. 28±1.01 4. 34±0.940. 560. 57外部动机 5. 40±1.14 5. 52±1.02-1.160. 249 5. 44±1.14 5. 53 + 1. 05 5. 46±1.020. 200. 819学业情绪调节 5. 31±0. 99 5. 32士0. 95-0.090. 931 5. 05 ± 1. 08 5. 35±0.83 5. 53±0.8810. 580. 000③②>©内部动机 5. 54±1. 17 5. 49±1.150. 450. 653 5. 42±1.29 5. 49±1.08 5. 61±1.07 1. 120. 327合作学习 4. 68±1. 22 4. 79±1.14-1.020. 308 4. 50±1.20 4. 55±1.18 5. 06± 1. 0811. 480. 000©>①②核心自我评价 3. 49±0.73 3. 32±0.74 2. 390. 018 3. 29±0.70 3. 39±0.72 3. 50±0. 74 3. 420. 034自我监控学习 4. 91±0. 74 4. 94±0.67-0.450. 656 4. 81±0.76 4. 94±0.62 5. 04±0.68 4. 330. 014注两两比较中户<0.05.表3 各种指标的信度、平均数、标准差及相关系数(N=424)T a b le 3 R e lia b ility, m e a n, s ta n d a rd d e v ia tio n and c o e ffic ie n t o f v a rio u s in d ic a to rs(N = 424)变量M+SD a12345678910111213 14 1父亲拒绝1.32 +0.380.662母亲拒绝1.39 +0.470.740.50M*3父亲情感温暖2.71 +0.650.81—0• 37…-0.21*M4母亲情感温暖2.93 +0.650.83—0.23—0.43*M055…5父亲过度保护1.93 +0.460.64O f0• 39——0i r—012*6母亲过度保护2.11 +0.510.640.39—0.43*M—016M-0.11*0.51M*7学业自我效能4.54 +0.960.87-0.11*-0.10*0I T**0I T**0.00—0.078元认知策略4.65 +0.920.76—0.09—0.10*0011***—0.04—0.020.39M*9认知策略4.29 +0.980.78-0.11*-0.060016«—0.02—0.040.39M*0.49***10外部动机5.47 +1.070.78—0.09—0.08007022M0.020.060. 29…0.28—020—11学业情绪调节5.32 +0.970.79-0. 14M—0. 20—00I T**—0.04-0. 030. 52—0.44***043*M〇.4r«12内部动机5.51 +1.160.64—0.08-0.11*0011***0.010.050• 37…0.27—024*M0.44*M0.50M*13合作学习4.74 +1.180.64—0.09—0.080i r019*M—0.010.000.44M*0.30儘035*«0. 29紐0.42M*0.34*M14核心自我评价3.40 +0.740.82-0.25M*-0.1『030遍025—0.20—-0.24*M0.45M*0.020—0.050.30M*0.19*M0.17*M15自我监控学习4.93 +0.700.91-0. 15M-0.15"028***032*«—0.02—0.010.71M*0.64*«064*«0.63*M0.79—0.68*M0.68*M0.33M*注 *表示户<〇. 05,**表示 ^<0. 01,***表示 ^<0. 001(2-tailed).2.4核心自我评价在高中生父母教养方式与自我监控学习之间的中介效应检验为了进一步考察父母教养方式、核心自我评价 和自我监控学习之间的关系,根据以上相关分析结 果使用B ootstrapping方法进行中介效应检验[25].父亲情感温暖正向预测自我监控学习及其各维度和 核心自我评价,其对自我监控及其各维度的间接效 应95%的置信区间并不包含0,表明中介效应具有 统计学意义,核心自我评价中介父亲情感温暖对自 我监控学习及其各维度的影响,结果见表4.核心自我评价在父亲拒绝和父亲过度保护对自我监控学习 及其各维度的中介作用均不显著.母亲情感温暖正向预测自我监控学习及其各 维度和核心自我评价,其对自我监控及其各维度 的间接效应95%的置信区间不包含0,表明中介 效应具有统计学意义,说明核心自我评价中介母亲情感温暖对自我监控学习及其各维度的影响,结果见表5.核心自我评价在母亲拒绝和母亲过度 保护对自我监控学习及其各维度的中介作用均不 显著.218浙江大学学报(理学版)第44卷表4:核心自我评价在父亲情感温暖与自我监控学习各维度之间的中介效应T a b le 4 T h e m ediating effect o f core self-evalua tion on each dim ensions o f fa th e r^em otional w a rm th and s e lf-m o n ito rin g learning自我监控学业自我效能元认知策略认知策略学业情绪调节内部动机效应值性别008-〇17*0.20*0.110.08-〇01年级009*013**-0.11*0.040.21***007自变量到中介变量034***034***0. 34***0.34***0.34***034***中介变量对因变量025***050***0. 29***0.1『0.30***023**自变量对因变量的总效应030***041***0. 34***0.32***0.32***030***自变量对因变量的直接效应022***020. 25***0.25***0.22***022*自变量对因变量的间接效应0090170. 100.070.10008间接效应的95%C I[0. 05,0.14][0. 10,0. 25][0. 05, 0. 16][0. 020. 13][0. 05,〇. 17][0. 03,0. 15]注*表7K05,**表7K ><C0. 01,***表7K ><C0. 001(2-tailed).表5核心自我评价在母亲情感温暖与自我监控学习各维度之间的中介效应T a b le 5 T h e m ediating effect o f core self-evalua tion on each dim ensions o f m o th e r^em otional w a rm th and se lf-m o n ito rin g learning自我监控学业自我效能元认知策略认知策略学业情绪调节内部动机效应值性别0. 09-0.150.22*0. 130. 090.00年级0. 08*0. 12**-0.11*0. 030. 20***—0.06自变量到中介变量0. 28***0. 28***0. 28***0. 28***0. 28***0.28***中介变量对因变量0. 25***0. 51***0. 30***0. 22***0. 30***0.22**自变量对因变量的总效应0. 34***0. 38***0. 31***0. 24**0. 38***0.39***自变量对因变量的直接效应0. 27***0. 24***0. 23***0. 17*0. 29***0.33***自变量对因变量的间接效应0. 070. 140. 090. 060. 080.06间接效应的95%C I[0. 04, 0. 11][0. 09, 0. 22][0. 05, 0. 14][0. 02, 0. 12][0. 04, 0. 14][0. 020. 12]注 *表示户<0. 05,**表示户<0. 01,***表示户<0. 001(2-tailed).3讨论本研究考察了高中生父母教养方式与自我监控 学习的关系,以及核心自我评价在其中的中介作用,结果表明,父母情感温暖均与自我监控学习正相关,与文献[12,M]的结果相一致,父母情感温暖均与自 我监控学习的学业自我效能、元认知策略、认知策 略、学业情绪调节、内部动作和合作学习正相关;此 外,母亲情感温暖与外部动机正相关.证实了 M O IL A N E N等™提出父母的教养方式是影响孩子自我监控能力的关键.分析可能是父母情感温暖 的教养方式,令孩子拥有自我效能感[27],因而当孩 子面对艰难的学习任务时,能够积极想方设法,从而 提升自我监控学习能力.父母过度保护教养方式与 自我监控学习相关性不显著,而刘彩谊等[14]提出,过度保护的教养与学业自我效能感负相关.分析可 能受应试教育的影响,产生于科举制度时代“万般皆 下品,唯有读书高”的思想还在影响着当代父母.很 多父母过分关注孩子的学习成绩,为了使孩子全力 以赴,不惜全职跟读、陪读,过分限制孩子的兴趣爱 好和人际交往,在孩子学习时全程监督,一部分孩子 可能会产生逆反心理,自我监控学习下降,而另一部 分孩子可能会理解父母的苦心,自我监控学习提升,因而出现了本研究中父母过度教养与自我监控学习 相关性不显著的情况.父亲拒绝与自我监控学习的学 业自我效能、认知策略和学业情绪调节负相关;母亲 拒绝与自我监控学习的学业自我效能、元认知策略、学业情绪调节和内部动机负相关,拒绝的教养令孩子 个人的价值感没有得到积极的肯定,从而否认自身的 价值,导致孩子低自尊、易沮丧[28],使孩子更易体验 到焦虑的情绪[23],从而降低了自我监控学习.本研究还表明,核心自我评价均中介父母情感 温暖与自我监控学习之间的关系,支持了研究假设. 本研究发现,父母教养方式能够影响孩子的核心自 我评价,而核心自我评价会影响孩子的自我监控学 习,支持了 P IN T R IC H[29]的基于社会认知理论,强 调自我监控学习,与认知、动机、情感、行为密切相关 的自我监控模型.H E S A R I等[3°]发现自尊中介教养 方式与自我监控行为;30¥3八等[31]认为,自我认 知和自我评价在父母教养方式和自我监控行为之间 起中介作用.自我评价与核心自我评价存在相关 性[32],自尊是核心自我评价的特征[15],因而本研究 结果与H E S A R I和S O Y S A等的研究一致.父母情 感温暖的教养方式以支持、鼓励的态度,尊重孩子的 选择,培养孩子的高自尊、良好的自我效能感和内归 因[17],即提高孩子核心自我评价.核心自我评价高第2期杨丽媛,等:父母教养方式与高中生自我监控学习的关系——核心自我评价的中介作用219的孩子,面对困难和遭受挫折时能够保持情绪稳定,对自己的能力充满自信,积极面对,从而促进自我监 控学习.本研究进一步发现核心自我评价中介父亲情感温暖与学业自我效能、元认知策略、认知策略 之间的关系,核心自我评价中介母亲情感温暖与学 业自我效能、学业情绪调节、内部动机之间的关系. 分析可能是父母情感温暖的教养方式有助于孩子建 立自信心,防止消极的自我评价[28],保持情绪稳定,在完成任务的过程中遇到困难会主动运用策略解决,从而提高自我监控学习.核心自我评价虽然均中介父 母情感温暖的教养方式与自我监控学习的关系,但仍 存在略微差别.分析可能与中国男主外女主内的传统 有关[33],男人以事业为主,更为理性,解决问题更擅 长应用策略[34],所以在与孩子相处时会引导孩子用 策略解决学习中的困难,有助于孩子建立良好的元认 知策略和认知策略;女人以家庭为主,擅长应用直觉 解决问题,更为感性[34],易感受到孩子的情绪并教会 孩子进行情绪调节,所以有助于孩子学业情绪调节能 力的发展,同时生活当中大部分的琐事都是母亲为孩 子操办,孩子感受到母亲为自己辛苦付出,其学习的 内部动机受到了激发.4未来研究方向本研究的不足:如探讨父母教养方式对自我监 控学习的影响时,忽略了孩子学习的主要场所学校 对学生的效应;仅考察父母教养方式与自我监控学 习的关系,忽略了教养方式与孩子性格的交互作用;只采用横断研究;未来可通过纵向研究,追踪在不同 父母教养方式下,孩子自我监控能力的差异;另外,本研究只涉及核心自我评价的中介变量,而在父母 教养方式与自我监控学习之间起中介作用的可能还 涉及其他方面的变量,这些变量间也可能存在交互 作用,有待进一步研究.参考文献(References):[1]K L A S S E N R M,K R A W C H U K L L,R A J A N I S.A c a d e m ic p r o c ra s 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Theimpact of a parenting skills training program onstressed mothers and their children’s self-esteem level[J ]. Procedi a-Social and Behavioral Sciences, 2011,30:316-326.[24]任志洪,叶一舵.核心自我评价量表的中文修订[J].福建师范大学学报:哲学社会科学版,2009 (4): 157­163.REN Z H,YE Y D. The Chinese version of core self­evaluation scale[J]. Journal of Fujian Normal Univer­sity;Philosophy and Social Sciences Edition,2009(4);157-163.[25] HAYES A F. Introduction to Mediation, Moderation,and Conditional Process Analysis:A Regression-BasedApproach[M]. New York;Guilford Press,2013. [26] PODSAKOFF P M,MACKENZIE S B,LEE J Y,etal. Common method biases in behavioral research:Acritical review of the literature and recommended rem-edies[J]. Journal of Applied Psychology,2003,88(5):879-903.[27] PINO-PASTERNAK D,WHITEBREAD D. Therole of parenting in children’s self-regulated learning[J]. Educational Research Review, 2010, 5(3):220­242.[28] LIEW J, KWOK O, CHANG Y, et al. 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对性格测试的联想和思考作文

对性格测试的联想和思考作文

对性格测试的联想和思考作文英文回答:Personality tests, designed to assess an individual's psychological makeup and personality traits, have become ubiquitous in various aspects of modern life. From job interviews to dating apps, these tests promise to provide insights into our inner workings, predicting oursuitability for certain roles, relationships, and life paths. However, the reliability and validity of personality tests have been subjects of ongoing debate, raising important questions about their usefulness and potentialfor bias.One significant concern with personality tests is their reliance on self-reporting, which can be prone to conscious or unconscious distortions. Individuals may intentionallyor unintentionally misrepresent their responses to presenta more favorable or socially desirable image. This can compromise the accuracy and objectivity of the test results.Moreover, the interpretation of these tests often involves subjective judgment, leaving room for bias andinconsistency across different administrators.Another criticism directed at personality tests istheir limited predictive power. While they may provide a snapshot of an individual's current state of mind or disposition, their ability to predict future behavior orjob performance is often overstated. Research has shownthat personality traits are relatively stable over time,but they can also be influenced by situational factors, environmental changes, and life experiences. Relying solely on personality test results for making significant decisions, such as job hiring or relationship compatibility, can lead to inaccurate or incomplete assessments.Additionally, personality tests can perpetuate stereotypes and reinforce existing biases. By categorizing individuals into rigid personality types or assigning them specific traits, these tests may overlook the complexities and nuances of human behavior. This can lead to simplified and potentially discriminatory practices, limitingopportunities for diverse individuals to succeed in different areas.Furthermore, the proliferation of personality tests in popular media and online platforms raises concerns about data privacy and ethical considerations. Individuals may unknowingly share sensitive personal information, which can be used for commercial purposes or even lead to discrimination. The lack of transparency about how test results are utilized and stored poses risks to individuals' privacy and autonomy.Despite these concerns, personality tests continue to hold a prominent place in various domains. Some argue that they can provide valuable information for self-awareness, personal growth, and career exploration. However, it is crucial to approach these tests with a critical eye, recognizing their limitations and potential biases. Reliance on a single test result should be avoided, and multiple sources of data, such as in-depth interviews, should be considered for comprehensive evaluations.In conclusion, personality tests offer a potentially useful tool for understanding ourselves and others, but their limitations and potential for bias must be acknowledged. Critical evaluation of the reliability, validity, and ethical implications of these tests is essential to ensure their responsible and fair use in different contexts.中文回答:谈及性格测试,脑海中浮现出种种联想和思考。

高中生自我调节学习与自尊感知教师支持及性别的调节作用

高中生自我调节学习与自尊感知教师支持及性别的调节作用

心理学探新2020,Vol.40,No.6,562-567PSYCHOLOGICAL EXPLORATION高中生自我调节学习与自尊:感知教师支持及性别的调节作用”薛璐璐姜媛2(1.首都师范大学心理学院,北京100048;2,北京体育大学心理学院,北京100084)摘要:采用自我调节学习问卷、感知教师支持问卷及自尊问卷,对334名高中生进行测量,探究感知教师支持及性别在自我调节学习与自尊之间的调节作用。

结果表明:(1)自我调节学习与自尊呈显著正相关,感知教师支持与自尊及自我调节学习呈显著正相关;(2)感知教师支持及性别在自我调节学习与自尊之间均起调节作用:自我调节学习对自尊的影响在女生中更为明显,感知高水平的教师支持缓解了低自我调节学习对自尊的负面影响。

关键词:自我调节学习;自尊;感知教师支持;性别中图分类号:B848文献标识码:A文章编号:1003-5184(2020)06-0562-061引言20世纪70年代,美国心理学家Bandura提出自我调节学习(self-regulated learning)理论,认为这是一种新的、能促进学生知识和技能迁移,使学生接受新知识时较少依赖教师的学习理论。

Zimmerman (1989)认为自我调节学习是学习者通过不断激发学习动机,提高学习主动性,使用恰当有效的策略进行学习的过程。

研究表明,自我调节学习对学生的学业成绩有显著影响(El-Adl&Alkharusi,2020;方平,李凤英,姜媛,2006;周国韬,张林,付桂芳, 2001),自我调节学习水平高的学生,其认知、元认知策略发展较好,学习过程中能充分利用外界资源,不断监控与目标的距离,保持高水平的学习效能感,有效解决问题(Popham,Adams,&Hodge,2019)。

除此之外,自我调节学习是一个循环的过程(付桂芳, 2004),会影响个体的认知发展能力(Eissa,2015),充足的先前准备为个体提供了明确的目标和动机,坚定的意志控制帮助个体集中注意力解决问题,有效的自我反思是对目标和结果的合理评估,会影响个体今后的先前准备。

强大的自我感知的重要性英语作文

强大的自我感知的重要性英语作文

强大的自我感知的重要性英语作文The Paramount Importance of a Robust Self-Perception.In the intricate tapestry of human consciousness, self-perception occupies a pivotal position, shaping our thoughts, actions, and overall well-being. A robust self-perception, characterized by clarity, accuracy, and self-acceptance, is indispensable for a fulfilling and meaningful life.Clarity.A clear self-perception enables us to understand our strengths, weaknesses, values, and aspirations. It allows us to identify our true purpose and align our actions accordingly. When we possess a clear understanding of who we are, we are less likely to be swayed by external influences or succumb to self-doubt.Accuracy.An accurate self-perception is essential for making informed decisions, setting realistic goals, and navigating the complexities of life. It requires us to confront our limitations and weaknesses without succumbing to false humility or grandiose delusions. By acknowledging our shortcomings, we gain the opportunity to address them and embark on a path of growth.Self-Acceptance.Perhaps the most crucial aspect of a robust self-perception is self-acceptance. It involves embracing all aspects of oneself, both positive and negative, with compassion and understanding. When we fully accept ourselves, we are less likely to dwell on our imperfections or compare ourselves to others. Instead, we can focus on our strengths and work towards improving areas that require attention.Benefits of a Robust Self-Perception.The benefits of cultivating a robust self-perception are manifold. It enhances our:Emotional well-being: A clear and accurate self-perception reduces stress, anxiety, and depression. It fosters a sense of self-worth and promotes resilience in the face of challenges.Cognitive functioning: A robust self-perception improves our ability to learn, solve problems, and make effective decisions. It strengthens our focus and concentration, facilitating intellectual pursuits.Social relationships: A clear and accurate self-perception allows us to interact with others more authentically. We are better equipped to build meaningful relationships and communicate our needs effectively.Personal growth: A robust self-perception provides a foundation for personal growth and development. By understanding our true selves, we can identify areas where we can improve and set goals to enhance our lives.Cultivating a Robust Self-Perception.Developing a robust self-perception is an ongoing process that requires introspection, self-reflection, and a willingness to embrace both our strengths and weaknesses. Some practices that can foster a more positive and accurate self-perception include:Mindfulness: Engaging in mindfulness practices, such as meditation or journaling, helps us become more aware of our thoughts, emotions, and behaviors.Self-reflection: Regularly taking time to reflect on our experiences, successes, and failures allows us to identify patterns and gain a deeper understanding of ourselves.Feedback from others: Seeking constructive feedback from trusted sources can provide valuable insights into our blind spots and areas where we can improve.Challenging negative thoughts: When negative thoughts arise, it is important to challenge them and consider alternative perspectives. This helps break down self-limiting beliefs and fosters a more positive self-image.Conclusion.A robust self-perception is the cornerstone of a fulfilling and meaningful life. By cultivating a clear, accurate, and self-accepting sense of self, we can unlock our full potential, enhance our well-being, and navigate the complexities of life with confidence and resilience. The journey towards a robust self-perception is an ongoing one, but it is a journey that is well worth taking.。

雅思作文个人能力分析

雅思作文个人能力分析

雅思作文个人能力分析In the intricate tapestry of life, individual capabilities play a pivotal role in shaping one's journey towards success. These capabilities, encompassing a broad spectrum of skills, attitudes, and personal traits, are the very foundations upon which individuals build their aspirations and achievements. In this essay, we will delve into the intricate analysis of individual capabilities, exploring their significance, diverse manifestations, and the strategies for enhancing them.Significance of Individual CapabilitiesFirstly, it is crucial to acknowledge that individual capabilities are the driving force behind personal growth and progress. They determine how effectively an individual navigates through life's challenges, grasps opportunities, and contributes to society. Whether it's excelling in academics, thriving in a professional setting, or fostering meaningful relationships, individual capabilities form the cornerstone of success.Diverse ManifestationsIndividual capabilities manifest in various forms, each contributing uniquely to an individual's overall potential. Here are a few key areas: Cognitive Abilities: These encompass intelligence, critical thinking, problem-solving skills, and creativity. They enable individuals to analyzeinformation, make informed decisions, and innovate solutions.Interpersonal Skills: Effective communication, empathy, and teamwork are vital for building strong relationships and collaborating effectively. These skills facilitate social integration and enhance personal and professional success.Emotional Intelligence: Self-awareness, self-regulation, motivation, empathy, and social skills constitute emotional intelligence. They enable individuals to manage their emotions, navigate social complexities, and foster resilience.Physical Fitness: Good health and physical prowess are crucial for maintaining energy levels, coping with stress, and engaging in physical activities that promote well-being.Technical Skills: In today's technologically advanced world, proficiency in specific fields such as coding, digital marketing, or scientific research can open up new avenues of success.Strategies for Enhancing Individual CapabilitiesRecognizing the significance of individual capabilities, it is imperative to devise strategies for their continuous enhancement: Lifelong Learning: Embrace a culture of lifelong learning by engaging in formal education, workshops, online courses, and self-study. Continuously update your knowledge base and skill set to stay relevant and competitive.Practice and Reflection: Regularly practice your skills, whether it's public speaking, coding, or a sport. Reflect on your performance, identify areas for improvement, and set new goals.Networking and Mentorship: Seek out mentors and peers who can offer guidance, support, and feedback. Network within your industry to expand your knowledge base and make valuable connections.Mindfulness and Self-Care: Cultivate mindfulness practices to improve emotional intelligence and manage stress. Prioritize self-care, ensuring adequate rest, exercise, and healthy eating habits.Adaptability and Resilience: Develop the ability to adapt to change and bounce back from setbacks. Embrace challenges as opportunities for growth and learn from your mistakes.ConclusionIn conclusion, individual capabilities are the cornerstone of personal success and fulfillment. They encompass a wide range of skills, attitudes, and traits that collectively determine an individual's potential and performance. By recognizing their significance, embracing lifelong learning, practicing regularly, seeking mentorship, and prioritizing self-care, individuals can continuously enhance their capabilities and navigate the complexities of life with confidence and resilience.。

如何测量情商英文作文

如何测量情商英文作文

如何测量情商英文作文Measuring emotional intelligence, or EQ, is a complex process that involves a combination of self-reporting, observation, and assessment tools. Here are some ways to measure EQ:1. Self-Reporting: One of the simplest ways to measure EQ is through self-reporting. This involves asking individuals to complete questionnaires or surveys that assess their emotional intelligence. These questionnaires typically ask about an individual's ability to recognize and manage their own emotions, as well as their ability to understand and empathize with others.2. Observation: Another way to measure EQ is through observation. This involves observing an individual's behavior and interactions with others in various settings, such as the workplace or social situations. Observers may look for specific behaviors that indicate high emotional intelligence, such as active listening, empathy, andeffective communication.3. Assessment Tools: There are also various assessment tools available that can measure EQ. These tools may include standardized tests, such as the Emotional Quotient Inventory (EQ-i), or more informal assessments, such as the Mayer-Salovey-Caruso Emotional Intelligence Test (MSCEIT). These assessments typically involve a combination of self-reporting and observation.Overall, measuring EQ is a complex process that requires a combination of approaches. While self-reporting can provide valuable insights into an individual's emotional intelligence, it is important to also consider observation and assessment tools to gain a more comprehensive understanding of an individual's EQ.。

自我监控理论评价

自我监控理论评价

自我监控理论评价是个高自我监控者么?对于下列每一个陈述,你认为哪一个数字最符合你的情况?5=完全符合 4=大部分符合 3=有一些符合,但也有些例外,2=有一些不符合,但也有些例外 1=大部分不符合 0=完全不符合1、在社交情况下,只要我觉得有必要,我有能力改变我的行为。

2、我能从对方的眼神中读到他的真情实感。

3、在人际交往中,我有能力控制交往方式,这取决于我希望给对方留下什么印象。

4、在交谈时,我对对方面部表情中极微小的变化十分敏感。

5、在理解别人的情感和动机方面,我的直觉能力非常强。

6、当人们觉得一个笑话很庸俗无聊时,即使他们真的笑了,我也能辨别出来。

7、当我发觉自己所扮演的形象并不见效时,我可以立即改变和调整它。

8、我敢肯定,通过阅读听众的眼神,我能知道一些不一致的东西。

9、我在改变自己的行为以适应不同的人和环境方面存在困难。

10、我发现自己能够调整行为以适应任何环境的要求。

11、如果有人欺骗我,我可以从他的面部表情中立刻察觉到。

12、尽管事情可能对我有利,我还是很难伪装自己。

13、只要我知道环境的要求是什么,我会很容易调整我的活动。

将9,12题反向计分,即5分计1分,4分计2分,以此类推。

然后将所有题目的分数总和起来。

如果你的分数高于53分,则是一个高自我监者。

自我监控理论评价X肖崇好XX(中山大学心理学系,广州,510275)摘要Snyder (1974) 提出自我监控来解释自我呈现中的个体差异。

他认为高自我监控者具有三个特征:关注行为的适宜性,对情境线索敏感,并以此作为行为调节的指南。

以此为基础编制出一个25 项目的自我监控量表。

但随后的研究发现该量表测量到的与自我监控构念之间存在差距。

为此,Lennox 和Wolfe (1984) 发展了修订版自我监控量表,Gangestad 和Snyder (1985) 把25 项目自我监控量表精减成18 项目,Li Feng 等(1998) 编制出中国版自我监控量表,但这些自我监控量表同样存在缺陷。

The Importance of Self-Awareness

The Importance of Self-Awareness

The Importance of Self-Awareness Self-awareness is a crucial aspect of personal development and growth. It involves having a deep understanding of oneself, including one's strengths, weaknesses, emotions, and motivations. It allows individuals to recognize their own thoughts and feelings, understand how they impact others, and make informed decisions based on this self-knowledge. In essence, self-awareness is the foundation of emotional intelligence and plays a significant role in shaping one's relationships, career success, and overall well-being. One of the key benefits of self-awareness is the ability to identify and manage one's emotions effectively. By being in tune with our emotions, we can better regulate our reactions to different situations, preventing impulsive or irrational behavior. This self-regulation not only helps us navigate challenging circumstances with composure but also enhances our interpersonal relationships. When we are aware of our emotional triggers, we can communicate more effectively, resolve conflicts peacefully, and build stronger connections with others. Furthermore, self-awareness enables individuals to recognize their strengths and weaknesses, allowing them to set realistic goals and work towards self-improvement. By acknowledging areas where they excel and areas where they need to grow, people can develop a growth mindset and actively seek opportunities for learning and development. This self-reflection fosters personal growth and empowers individuals to reach their full potential in both their personal and professional lives. In a professional setting, self-awareness is particularly valuable as it can lead to improved leadership skills and decision-making. Leaders who possess self-awareness are more attuned to their impact on others and can adapt their communication style to suit different personalities. They are also more open to feedback and constructive criticism, using it as a tool for self-improvement rather than feeling defensive. Thisability to reflect on their actions and make adjustments accordingly not only enhances their leadership effectiveness but also fosters a positive work culture built on trust and collaboration. On an individual level, self-awareness is essential for maintaining mental and emotional well-being. When we are in tune with our thoughts and feelings, we can better manage stress, anxiety, and other negative emotions. By practicing self-care and self-compassion, we can nurture apositive self-image and cultivate resilience in the face of life's challenges. Self-awareness also allows us to identify when we need support or professional help, ensuring that we prioritize our mental health and seek assistance when necessary. In conclusion, self-awareness is a fundamental aspect of personal growth and well-being. By understanding ourselves on a deeper level, we can navigate life's challenges with resilience, build meaningful relationships, and achieve our goals with clarity and purpose. Cultivating self-awareness requires ongoing reflection, introspection, and a willingness to confront our own vulnerabilities. However, the benefits far outweigh the effort, leading to a more fulfilling and authentic life grounded in self-awareness and emotional intelligence.。

论个体主义价值对美国英语的影响

论个体主义价值对美国英语的影响

The Influence Of Individualism On American EnglishAbstract: As we all know, individualism is one of the most important national traits in America. My original purpose to compile this paper is to analyse the intimate connection between American English and American culture . In order to reach this purpose , this paper will focus on the influence of individualism on American English.Key words : individualism ; American culture; American English论个体主义价值对美国英语的影响内容摘要:众所周知,个体主义在美国是一个最重要的民族特征,我写这篇文章的原旨是分析美国英语与美国文化之间的密切联系和相互作用,为了达到这个目的,这篇文章将着重讨论个体主义价值在美国文化中的具体表现以及它在美国英语中的反映关键词:个体主义;美国文化;美国英语“Individualism” is a special term created by Aloxis de Tocgueville (1805-1859), a French historian and pclitician. It painstakingly highlights a pclitical and social philosophy that emphasize individualistic freedom and none-restraint, including self-advantage, Individualism and collectivism are the tnocultural systems and there from a sharp contrast between them.To discuss American culture, it is inevitable to talk about individualistic Value because Individualism is prevailing in American scciety. Individualism is a particular culture phouomenon which has come into being for a long time in American history . There are many forms of individualism in American culture .First of all , among these forms the self-benefit has got the most important position.In addition , Individualism includes: self-interest ,self-heroic and liberalism. In some extreme cases, Individualism can even been embodied by non-governmentalism . Taking these forms of Individualism into corsideration , it is obviously that Individualism is inferior to collectivism. But compocred with feudualistic system which tend to restrain personal idea and personal development, it is an advancement. In some extent Individualism has fueled the development of productivity during the American historial course of productivity improvement.As we all know, language and culture influences each other. Now we are goingto talk about the close relationship between American culture and American English. In order to reach this ultimate aim, we are going to focus on the concentrated expression of idividualism in American culture and the influence of idividualism on American English.Americans have a strong consciousness of self-struggling and competition. Social environment makes many American people accept such belief : Every man for himself , and God for us all (人人为自己,上帝为大家), Every man is the architect of his own forture(每个人都是自身命运的建筑师) .Nevertheless, the lucky fellows who can be in an invincible position in the intense competition are in the minority . The minorityis entitled to enjoy reputation and previloge,euvied by others . The so-called“upward mobility”(上向流动倾向) in American English means the individual’s moving from a lower rank, economic status ,political standing or social position to a higer rark, econcmic status, political standing or social position. There lies many chances of succoss in this “upward mobility”. Most of Americans are longing for that chance of success day and night . If there exists a choice , no one is willing to accept “jobs with no upward mobility”(无向上流动倾向的工作) Even though someone gets the job with upward mobility , it does not means that he or she gets the guarantee of “gaining advancement in carrer”(发迹). Without the ability of independent struggling and confidence of attending competition ,no one will have a success.Like modesty which is the virtue advocated in orieutal nations , confidence is the virtue which is thought highly of by the American people in American culture . when you apply for a job in USA, you can not win the interviewers’ heart by showing your modesty but lack of confidence. There is a relevant fact that can be set as an example for you : The interviewers put the inlerviewee’s confidence from their behavior. If the interviewee comes in and takes the seat which is set in the middle calmly , with moving the other two chairs aside, he would be considered to be confident. From this point ,at least he satisfies the basic reqwirements of being accepted. Although this is just a popular legend,but in a sense it tells the truth that confidence is the essential quality for American people to take part in the competition.In American culture , the conceptions which are related to “self” or “ego”(自我) are deep-rooted and can be seen here and there. So it is natural that many words or phrases which are used for expressing “the conscionsuess of self”(自我意识) can be seen everywhere in American English .many of them are compound words consist of ego and self.Here are some typical examples:Self-absorption 自我专注Self-cultivation 自我修养Self-admiration 自我赞赏Self-dependenceSelf-disciplined 有自我约束力的Self-advancement自我发展Self-expression 自我表现,个性表现Self-advantage自我利益Self-fulfilling自我实现的Self-analysis 自我分析selfhood 自我,自我中心Self-approval 自我赞许Self-image, Self-interest自身利益,私利Self-awareness 自知,自我意识Self-contered 自我中心的Self-limitation 自我限制Self-lonquest 自我战胜Self-protection 自我防护Self-control, Self-critical自我批判的Self-reflection 内省,反省Self-reliance 依靠自己,信赖自己的能力Self-responsibility 对自己的责任Self-salesmanship 自我宣传能力Egocentric 自我中心的,个人主义的Egodefence 自我防御Ego idcal 自我理想化Egoism 自我中心,只考虑自己利益Ego psychology 自我心理学Ego trip 追名逐利,自我表现There are many other similar examples that have not been listed here. But the above examples are enough to show this -----many lexical items in American English are created to express self-value, self-advantage, self-freedom, self-coutrol and self-restraint, etc. these are the core content of individualistic value system.Apart from what mentioued above , individualish also particularly hightlights the protection and respect for private life,which is never allowed to be peeped and intervened . the so-called“privacy” . which includes several fundamental connotation such as solitude,freedom, secret,privately , privateness, private life or privacy. These conceptions take a top position in American people’s minds . Actually,the disturbance into other’s privacy is considered “intrusion”,which represent no difference with that of invasion into other’s territory .Honener , no matter with cultural background, there always exists people who are interested in other’s privacy .In American English ,some words or expressions are used for desaribing these kinds of persons ,such as poke one’s nose into other people’s business(探听或干预别人的事),meddle in other people’s affairs(干涉别人的事),nosy(爱打听的,好管闲事的),inquisitive(过分好奇的,爱打听别人隐私的),gossip(爱传流言蜚语的人,爱说长道短的人).Also some protest and warning come into being keep your big nose out of our business(我们的事不要你管).Mind your own business( 别管闲事,缩略形式为MYOB). It is none of your business( 这不关你的事). Put out your hand between the bark and the tree(别管别人的家务事).What are discussed above are embodiments of individualism that connect directly with American culture format. One thing that should be particularly pointed out is that individualism not only be the reproduction of specific cultural patterns ,but also dosely associated with social political system and structure and the ownership of productivity material. USA is a capitalistic superpower with highly developed economy. But simultaneously with the sharp distinction between poor and rich , the unreasonability, and the injustice. The aspiration for fortune and profit makes many people lose their basic morality , by adding other’s suffering to gain w ealth. From this perspective, there is no wonder that individualisn is the soil which nurtures viciousness.From above, we can see individualism have a great effect on American English .I think we can have a further study on this topic.Bibliography :1.Zhu Yongtao,A Handbook to Essentials of British and American Cultures, Beijing :Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, 1994i Luning,Cultural Background for English Study: A Survey of Europe,Beijing :Peking University Press, 20043.Deng Yanchang,Liu Runqing,Language and Culture,Beijing : Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, 19894.Wang Bo, Selected Readings in American History & Culture,Beijing :Peking University Press, 20045方炎.语境·语篇·语类[A]语言的功能---系统、语用和认知[C]重庆:重庆大学出版社,1998。

自我监控量表的探索性和验证性因素分析

自我监控量表的探索性和验证性因素分析

第28卷第2期韩山师范学院学报Vol.28No.22007年4月Journal of Hanshan Normal UniversityApr 12007 收稿日期:2006—11—20基金项目:广东省哲学社会科学规划项目(XL Y0314)。

作者简介:肖崇好(1965—),男,湖南辰溪人,韩山师范学院教育系副教授,博士。

自我监控量表的探索性和验证性因素分析肖崇好(韩山师范学院教育系,广东潮州 521041) 摘要:该文在指出Snyder (1974)自我监控构念存在的缺陷后,根据自我呈现的动机和自我呈现过程中是否权衡自我和谐与人际和谐,把自我监控分为三种类型:自我导向、他人导向和高自我监控。

在分析每种自我监控者行为特征的基础上,编制出新的自我监控量表,探索性因子分析与验证性因子分析显示该量表具有较好的结构效度。

关键词:量表;自我监控;自我和谐;人际和谐 中图分类号:B 848.6 文献标识码:A 文章编号:100726883(2007)022*******一、引 言在日常生活中,人们会通过自己有意识、有目的的言行来影响他人,使他人形成自己期望的印象。

这种控制他人形成自己期望印象的过程就是自我呈现(self 2presentation )[1-4]。

自我呈现是人际互动中非常普遍的一种心理现象[5],但自我呈现存在个体差异。

如有些人根据情境和他人线索,来调整自己的自我呈现行为;有些人则依据内在的状态或情感来指导自我呈现行为。

Sny 2der (1974)[6]发展出自我监控概念,用它来解释表情控制和自我呈现的个体差异。

他认为高自我监控者行为主要有三个特征:关注社会适宜性;在社会情境中对他人表情和自我呈现敏感;使用这些线索作为监控和管理自我呈现及其表情行为的指南,并据此编制了25题自我监控量表。

自我监控理论及其量表出现以后,相关的研究很多[7],自我监控量表也成为20世纪80年代以来最常用的测量之一[8]。

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U NIVERSITÉ DE L AUSANNEÉCOLE DES H AUTES ÉTUDES C OMMERCIALESSELF-MONITORING AND ATTITUDEACCESSIBILITYSelf-monitoring and Attitude Accessibility Revisited1Sandor CzellarDecember 2003Institut Universitaire de Management International (IUMI)École des HECUniversité de LausanneCH – 1015 Lausanne / SwitzerlandTél: ++41 (0)21 692 3310, Fax: ++41 (0)21 692 3495Admin.mim@hec.unil.ch / www.hec.unil.ch/iumi1 Results from this paper are presented at the Society for Consumer Psychology Conference, San Francisco, February 2004.AbstractResearch on self-monitoring and attitude accessibility has remained inconclusive about two alternative hypotheses. In a pioneering study, Kardes, Sanbonma tsu, Voss and Fazio (1986) reported shorter response latencies for low self-monitors than for high self-monitors in implicit cognition tasks. A first explanation of this result is that low self-monitors could have more accessible attitudes than high self-monitors. An alternative explanation is that the attitudes of both low- and high self-monitors may be equally accessible, but that – out of a concern for self-presentation - high self-monitors deliberate more in certain attitude response tasks, even if these are implicit in the form of response latencies. Our empirical results based on implicit association tests support the latter hypothesis rather than the former. We interpret past research in light of this evidence and discuss its implications for future inquiry in consumer psychology.Self-monitoring and Attitude Accessibility RevisitedAccording to self-monitoring theory, “individuals differ in the extent to which they monitor (observe and control) their expressive behavior and self-presentation” (Snyder, 1974, p. 536). Low self-monitors tend to exert relatively little control over their expressive behavior. They project towards others a stable self in diverse settings of social interaction and their behavior is guided predominantly by inner beliefs and attitudes rather than social influences. In contrast, high self-monitors exert more expressive control over their social behavior and tend to adapt their appearance and acts to specific situations. During the last three decades, a substantial body of research has been accumulated on self-monitoring in social psychology in general (Gangestad & Snyder, 2000) and in consumer psychology in particular (DeBono, 1987; DeBono, 2000; DeBono & Harnish, 1988; Shavitt, Lowrey & Han, 1992; Snyder & DeBono, 1985).Among numerous other findings, research shows that low self-monitors form judgments and intentions and display behavior that are more consistent with their attitudes than high self-monitors (Ajzen, Timko & White, 1982; DeBono & Omoto, 1993; Kraus, 1995). This observation about the rather high attitude-behavior consistency of low self-monitors has led several scholars to investigate the relation between self-monitoring and attitude accessibility (DeBono, Green, Shair & Benson, 1995; DeBono & Snyder, 1995; Kardes, Sanbonmatsu, Voss & Fazio, 1986; Mellema & Bassili, 1995). Empirical research on this topic remains nevertheless mixed and inconclusive, leaving up two alternative hypotheses and mixed evidence. A first hypothesis, proposed by Kardes et al. (1986), is that low self-monitors may have higher attitude accessibility than high self-monitors, leading to shorter response latencies in attitude response tasks. This statement seems to be backed by empirical evidence reported by Kardes et al. (1986), who show that response latencies to “good” vs. “bad” evaluations of 125 diverse attitude objectswere faster for low- than for high self-monitors. DeBono and Snyder (1995) have reported similar supportive results in two experiments.An alternative explanation for this evidence, first proposed by Kardes et al. (1986) themselves, is that differences in response latencies of low self-monitors may have no link to attitude accessibility. Rather, the attitudes of both low- and high self-monitors may be equally accessible, but that – out of a concern for self-presentation - high self-monitors deliberate more in attitude response tasks, even if these are implicit in form of response latencies. Differences in response latencies could therefore be attributable to conscious deliberation rather than higher attitude accessibility. To complicate matters further, two other studies (DeBono et al., 1995; Mellema & Bassili, 1995) reported no difference in attitude task response latencies between low- and high self-monitors. These results do not support either of Kardes et al.'s (1986) hypotheses.In general, high self-monitors are more concerned about self-presentation than low self-monitors (Gangestad & Snyder, 2000). Therefore, if there is motivation and opportunity to deliberate in a given evaluation task, then high self-monitors would do more so than low self-monitors. Our suspicion is that the mixed evidence about self-monitoring and attitude accessibility is related to differences in the opportunity for self-presentation and deliberation inherent to study conditions. To illustrate this possibility, we would like to contrast two studies: DeBono et al. (1995) and Kardes et al. (1986), both of which have provided a detailed account of their respective methodologies. DeBono et al.'s study (1995) on attitudes toward capital punishment was conducted in computer-assisted group sessions, whereby “participants were assured that their responses would remain anonymous and that, for analysis purposes, data would be aggregated across participants” (DeBono et al., 1995, p. 272). In these conditions, it is plausible to hypothesize that participant motivation for self-presentation and deliberate answer was relatively low. Indeed, the study produced no difference in responses latencies between low-and high self-monitors. Kardes et al.’s (1986) study was also carried out via computer-assisted tasks. Unlike DeBono et al. (1995), however, it was conducted in three successive individual sessions, each of them lasting around one hour. In these conditions, participant motivation for self-presentation might have been higher than in the conditions reported by DeBono et al. (1995), resulting in a possibly higher hesitation – and therefore deliberation – for high self-monitors than low self-monitors. This, in turn, might have yielded significantly longer response latencies for high self-monitors than low self-monitors in Kardes et al.'s (1986) study.In light of this discussion, our purpose is to investigate whether the attitude accessibility hypothesis or the alternative self-presentation hypothesis explains better the difference between low- and high self-monitors in response latency tasks. Empirical support for the former would confirm that the attitude-to-behavior process, for low self-monitors at least, is moderated by attitude accessibility (Fazio, Powell & Williams, 1989; Kardes et al., 1986). However, empirical support for the latter hypothesis would bear intriguing new insights for both self-monitoring theory and experimental consumer psychology.MethodOur investigation relies on the methodological framework of the Implicit Association Test (IAT) (Greenwald, McGhee & Schwartz, 1998). The IAT has become a popular method for measuring the strength of automatically-activated associations between an attitude object and valence attributes (Fazio & Olson, 2003). The basic idea of the method is to compare response latencies between compatible vs. incompatible combinations of attitude objects (typically, categories) and valence attributes (typically, pleasant or unpleasant words). Both valence attributes and category concepts are usually represented in the IAT by word stimuli (e.g. unpleasant words: “ugly”, “disaster”, “tragedy”; pleasant words: “happy”, “lucky”, “love”; flower names: “tulip”, “rose”, “daisy”; insect names: “cockroach”, “ant”, “bug” etc.). The IAT isbased on the rationale that if a person has positive automatic associations about an attitude object, than this person should more easily (i.e. more quickly) associate pleasant words with that object. Thus, if a person has positive automatic associations about flowers (but not about insects), than he or she should more easily (i.e. more quickly) associate pleasant words with flower names than with insect names. This should result in shorter response latencies in the compatible task (flower names + pleasant words; insect names + unpleasant words) than in the incompatible task (flower names + unpleasant words; insect names + pleasant words).We systematically manipulated the environmental conditions: For a group of participants, IATs were conducted in a setting with low motivation for self-presentation; in another group, we set the IATs with high motivation for self-presentation. The attitude accessibility hypothesis predicts longer response latencies for high self-monitors than low self-monitors in either compatible- or incompatible tasks in any experimental condition. In this scenario, we can expect a main significant effect for self-monitoring. The alternative self-presentation hypothesis suggests that high self-monitors will only have longer response latencies in the high self-presentation condition (leading to a significant interaction effect between self-monitoring and experimental condition). Let us check which of the two alternative hypotheses is supported by empirical evidence.Preliminary StepsStudies were conducted with voluntary student participants from a large Swiss university. Category concepts and their associated word stimuli were selected on the basis of an exploratory study with sixty participants. To increase motivation for self-presentation, we chose a socially sensitive topic: knowledge structures about prestige. Participants were asked three paper-and-pencil tasks, which were the following: “Write down all the words that come to your mind about the word “prestige””; “Name brands that are the most prestigious in your eyes”; and “Namebrands that are the least prestigious in your eyes”. For each of the three questions, exactly one minute was allowed for answer. Word frequencies were calculated by using Szalay and Deese’s (1978) weighted method. For the first question, words were grouped into themes with the help of two judges. Six words pertaining to the concepts “high status”, “expensive products”, “fame” and “wealth” were selected as stimuli for the purposes of this study. For each of them, opposite categories (i.e. “low status”, “cheap products”, “anonymity” and “average revenue”) and six word stimuli were also generated. Then, the six most frequent prestige brands and the six most frequent non-prestige brands were selected based on answers to questions 2 and 3 and constituted the fifth category concept pair (“prestige brands” versus “common brands”). For the “pleasant” and “unpleasant” categories, we used stimuli randomly selected from the lists provided by Greenwald et al. (1998). On the basis of this preliminary study, five IATs were constructed, each of them containing a compatible- and an incompatible task. The full list of word stimuli in French and their English translations are included in the Appendix.Main StudyA first group of thirty-three students participated in group sessions on a voluntary basis. Upon arrival into a computer room equipped with workstations, participants were instructed that they would be taking part in a categorization study as part of a research project. They were instructed to answer as quickly as possible in the tasks and were assured that making mistakes was not a problem as long as they answered quickly. They were also assured that their answers were anonymous and that data would be treated in an aggregate analysis. The purpose of these instructions was to minimize the motivation for self-presentation in the course of the experiment. Participants then completed the five IATs.A second group of thirty-three volunteer students participated in individual sessions; personal appointments were fixed with each if them. Just as before, they were instructed toanswer as quickly as possible to a computer-assisted categorization exercise. In addition to this requirement, each participant was informed that she/he would be debriefed after the experiment; that her/his results would be compared with other people’s results and that these analyses could be sent to them if they wanted to. The purpose of these instructions was to increase motivation for self-presentation in the course of the experiment. Participants then completed the same five IATs as people in the group session.The Inquisit 1.33 software was used to run implicit association tasks(). The order of the compatible- vs. incompatible tasks was counterbalanced, as well as the order of the five IATs, as recommended by Greenwald, Nosek and Banaji (2003). IAT effects were calculated using the conventional IAT measure in the following sequence (Greenwald et al., 1998). Response latencies under 300 ms and over 3000 ms were recoded to 300 and 3000 ms, respectively. Then, means of log-transformed response latencies were comput ed for compatible blocks (e.g. prestige brands + pleasant and common brands + unpleasant) as well as incompatible blocks (e.g. prestige brands + unpleasant and common brands + pleasant). Differences of means between incompatible tasks (expected to yield longer response latencies) and compatible tasks (expected to yield shorter response latencies) served as measures of relative implicit association strength. In the case of the “brands” for example, a positive IAT effect indicates that prestige brands are more easily associated with positive words than with negative words in comparison with common brands.After completing the IAT s, we also elicited explicit consumer evaluations of the five concept pairs through a paper-and-pencil survey task. We used six-item, seven-point semantic differential scales similar to those used in previous studies (e.g. Swanson, Rudman & Greenwald, 2001). Finally, to assess self-monitoring scores, participants completed Snyder and Gangestad’s18-item True-False scale (Snyder & Gangestad, 1986). The whole procedure required between 35 and 40 minutes to complete.ResultsSummary StatisticsGroups of low- and high self-monitors were constituted using the conventional median-split technique, resulting in 35 people categorized as low self-monitors and 31 people as high self-monitors (median=9). The IAT effects, as measured by Greenwald et al’s (1998) conventional measure, are all positive and significantly different from zero (Status: mean .178 (t=7.81, p<.000), Brands: .219 (t=10.05, p<.000), Expensive: .0603 (t=2.43, p<.05), Fame: .248 (t=10.96, p<.000), Rich: .211 (t=8.51, p<.000)). Additional analyses showed that IAT results were not affected either by variations in self-monitoring, experimental condition or by the interaction between the two. Explicit attitude measures of the category concepts were not significantly affected by these variations either, resulting in negative judgments about h igh status (-3.61 on a –36 to +36 scale) and expensive products (-12.66); positive judgments about prestige brands (3.41) and wealth (8.56); and a rather neutral view of fame (-.609). (Detailed results of all these analyses are available upon request to the interested reader). These results indicated that our sample had positive automatically-activated associations about status, prestige brands, expensive products, fame and wealth. At the explicit level, some of these categories were judged positively while others negatively, but no differences were attributable to the participant’s self-monitoring level.TestsLet us now have a closer look at response latency patterns. We propose a detailed analysis of both the compatible- and incompatible blocks in each of the five IATs. ANOVAs were performed using the log-transformed response latencies as dependent variable and self-monitoring (low vs. high) and experimental condition (group vs. individual) as factors. Results from these ten analyses of variance are reported in table 1 and depicted in figure 1. Table 1 shows that none of the main effects reach significance by conventional standards. However, four out of ten interaction effects are significant by conventional standards and further three of them reach margina l significance (see table 1). Despite the fact that not all the interactions are significant, figure 1 depicts the same consistent pattern of phenomena in each of the five IATs: Low self-monitors respond faster in the individual sessions than in the group sessions. The reverse is true of high self-monitors, since they are faster in group sessions than in individual ones.To check the robustness of the effects across the five experiments, we ran a MANOVA by considering the response latencies in the ten conditions as repeated measures. The results confirm the pattern of between-subject effects observed in figure 1: the main effect of self-monitoring is non-significant (F=.474, p=.494), the main effect of experimental condition i s non-significant (F=.645, p=.425) and the self-monitoring x experimental condition interaction is significant(F=5.52, p=.022). The lack of main effect for self-monitoring fails to provide support to Kardes et al.’s (1986) first hypothesis – namely, that the attitude accessibility of low self-monitors is higher than that of high self-monitors. Indeed, we found no difference in response latencies between low- and high self-monitors in the group sessions (F=1.823, p=.187). As predicted by the alternative self-presentation hypothesis, we observe a flat slope across experimental conditions for low self-monitors (F=1.11, p=.30) and a positive slope for high self-monitors(F=5.63, p=.024). These results provide support for Kardes et al.’s (1986) second hypothesis, namely, that high self-monitors deliberate more in attitude response tasks if there is sufficient motivation for self-presentation.In the group condition, there was only one instruction: the requirement that participants to respond as quickly as possible. Both high- and low self-monitors seem to have followed thisinstruction carefully. Since this was the only situational cue available, high self-monitors followed it even more than low self-monitors, resulting in somewhat shorter response latencies. In the individual condition, participants were also told to answer as fast as possible but, in addition, they were told that they would be debriefed after the experiment and that their results could be compared to other participant’s results. In this scenario, as before, low self-monitors followed the first instruction – they answered as fast as possible. In contrast, high self-monitors were more sensitive to the second piece of information – that they would be debriefed and that their results could be compared to other people’s results. Since the individual experimental condition offered much more motivation for self-presentation, high self-monitors plausibly deliberated more in their answers than low self-monitors.DiscussionThe purpose of this study was to investigate two alternative expl anations for a result first reported by Kardes et al. (1986) – namely, that low self-monitors had longer response latencies in implicit cognition tasks than high self-monitors. We found no main effect for self-monitoring in response latencies, either in compatible or incompatible IAT tasks. However, we found an overall robust interaction effect between experimental condition and self-monitoring, showing that in high-motivation conditions only did self-monitors have longer response latencies than low self-monitors. In Kardes et al.’s (1986) research, the experimental conditions were comparable to ours in the high motivation condition, allowing for considerable self-presentation opportunity. In contrast to this, DeBono et al. (1995) used group sessions, which minimized self-presentational concerns and obtained no difference between low- and high self-monitors with respect to response latencies. We have also found similar results in the group conditions. Overall, these finding s paint a consistent picture and provide a support for the explanation that high self-monitors hesitate and deliberate more in high-motivation conditions than in low-motivationconditions. If motivation for self-presentation increases, low self-monitors carry out attitude tasks in much the same way as previously; whereas high self-monitors, although their automatic associations are equally accessible, tend to hesitate more to “push the right button”.These results have major implications for research in consumer psychology. First of all, our findings suggest that self-monitoring is not related to the issue of attitude accessibility. On mere presentation of an attitude object, either positive or negative associations may be spontaneously activated, be the person a low- or a high self-monitor. Implicit association measures correspond to automatic, non-deliberative association strength between an attitude object (in our case, status-related category concepts) and valence attributes in memory. They are typically elicited unobtrusively in conditions of a very limited time frame so that subjects do not have the opportunity to deliberate on their judgments. These automatic associations may be interpreted as the sum of both stereotypes and personal experience with attitude objects in a specific cultural environment (Fazio & Olson, 2003; Greenwald et al., 1998; Karpinski & Hilton, 2001). When automatic associations are elicited by using a category as stimulus, Fazio and Olson (2003) argue that culture-bound, environmental associations may most easily come to the participant's mind. Empirical evidence also supports the view that “the IAT taps the associations a person has been exposed to in his or her environment, not the individual’s level of endorsement regarding the attitude object” (Karpinski & Hilton, 2001, p. 786). In the present study, the dominance of positive automatic associations (i.e. positive IAT effects) may well reflect socially shared stereotypical associations about status and status-related topics such as fame, wealth, expensive products an d prestige brands. In low self-presentational conditions, these cultural stereotypes were apparent for both low- and high self-monitors. In high self-presentational conditions, the same cultural stereotypes may first come to people's mind; however, right afterthis, a deliberative processing may be triggered for high self-monitors, resulting in significantly longer response latencies than in a low self-presentational condition.In the introduction, we referred to research showing that low self-monitors form judgments and display behavior that are more consistent with their attitudes than high self-monitors (Ajzen, Timko & White, 1982; DeBono & Omoto, 1993; Kraus, 1995). In light of our results we argue that low self-monitors may well exhibit behaviors which are consistent with their explicit judgments about attitude objects; we can also expect high self-monitors to deviate more in behavior from their previously reported, again explicit judgments. In addition to this, low- and high self-monitors may differ in the extent to which they rely on automatic associations to make explicit evaluations of attitude objects before forming an appropriate behavior. W e therefore believe that considerable differences may emerge between low- and high self-monitors with respect to the congruence between implicit and explicit measures of their attitude responses. According to Fazio and Olson (2003), in conditions where motivation and opportunity for deliberation are high, the consistency between implicit and explicit attitude measures should be higher than in conditions of low motivation and/or opportunity. Therefore low self-monitors, since their motivation for public self-presentation is lower, may possibly rely more on their automatically-activated associations to make conscious explicit judgments about attitude objects. By contrast, high self-monitors would do less so since they, in addition to their spontaneous associations, would take into account many situational factors to form explicit judgments. The corroboration of these propositions is an interesting topic for future empirical inquiry.One of the key motivations for the development of unobtrusive, implicit attitude measures was precisely the idea that these measures could be resistant to self-presentation (Fazio & Olson, 2003). Overall, our results are suggestive of the conclusion that even implicit measures of attitudes could have a motivational component. Some studies have reported that the IAT effectmay not influenced by faking or self-presentational artefacts (e.g. Banse, Seise & Zerbes, 2001; Egloff & Schmukle, 2002). However, these studies did not take into account the level of self-monitoring – that is, the extent to which people deliberately manage their public appearance. Furthermore, these studies did not systematically vary the experimental conditions and focussed only on the pure IAT effect – that is, the difference in response latencies between incompatible and compatible tasks. Indeed, our results did not show differences related to level of self-monitoring in the pure IAT effects either, so the conventional IAT seems indeed to be resistant to the self-presentation artefact. That is,high self-monitors responded slower in individual sessions, but they did so for both compatible and incompatible tasks.However, in conditions conducive to self-presentation, differences between low- and high self-monitors with respect to absolute response latencies in compatible and incompatible tasks do emerge. This flags warning signs for implicit attitude measures that - unlike the IAT - do not require contrast categories, such as priming (Fazio, Sanbonmatsu, Powell & Kardes, 1986) and the go-no go association task (Nosek & Banaji, 2001). High self-monitors may actually not give fully spontaneous answers to stimuli objects in these tests. While awaiting further corroboration, our results in the compatible- and incompatible tasks of a series of IATs suggest that cognitive deliberation may occur in other similar methods, too.The evidence reported here strongly suggests that implicit cognition tasks – just as explicit ones – may be sensitive to self-presentation effects, but only in special experimental conditions and for people who do exert expressive control over their behavior. This leads us to conclude, in agreement with Fazio and Olson, that “an implicitly measured attitude should not be assumed to be nonconscious” (Fazio & Olson, 2003, p. 318). We believe the reliability and validity of applied research using implicit cognition measures would certainly be increased by using experimental conditions that minimize the opportunity for self-presentation.ReferencesAjzen, I., Timko, C., & White, J. B. (1982). Self-monitoring and the attitude - behavior relation.Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 42, 426-435.Banse, R., Seise, J., & Zerbes, N. (2001). Implicit attitudes towards homosexuality: Reliability, validity, and controlability of the IAT. Zeitschrift für Experimentelle Psychologie, 48,145-160.DeBono, K. G. (1987). Investigating the social adjustive and value expressive functions of attitudes: Implications for persuasion p rocesses. Journal of Personality and SocialPsychology, 52, 279-287.DeBono, K. G. (2000). Attitude functions and consumer psychology: Understanding p erceptions of Product Quality. In G. R. Maio, & J. M. Olson (Eds.), Why We Evaluate? Functions of Attitudes (pp. 195-221). New York: Lawrence Erlbaum.DeBono, K. G., & Harnish, R. J. (1988). The role of source expertise and source attractiveness in the processing of persuasive messages: A functional approach. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 55, 541-546.DeBono, K. G., & Omoto, A. M. (1993). Individual differences in predicting behavioral intentions from attitude and subjective n orm. Journal of Social Psychology, 133, 825-831. DeBono, K. G., & Snyder, M. (1995). Acting on one's attitudes: The role of a history of choosing situations. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 21, 629-636.DeBono, K. G., Green, S., Shair, J., & Benson, M. (1995). Attitude accessibility and biased information processing: The moderating role of self-monitoring. Motivation and Emotion, 19, 269-277.Egloff, B., & Schmuckle, S. C. (2002). Predictive validity of an implicit association test for assessing a nxiety. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 83, 1441-1455.。

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