罗斯福就职演讲稿
罗斯福首次就职演说
罗斯福首次就职演说让我们正视面前的严峻岁月,怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气,怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识,怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。
罗斯福首次就职演说President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which isessential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must beforgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great -- greatly needed projects tostimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.We must act. We must act quickly.And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work,we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments. There must be an end to speculation with other people's money. And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first.I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally -- narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of theUnited States of America -- a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hithertoevoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken worldmay require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.But, in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -- broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the -- the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their needthey have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication -- In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.May He protect each and every one of us.May He guide me in the days to come.。
美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿
美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿(英文,中文版)美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿(英文版)President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself --nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generationof self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great -- greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.We must act. We must act quickly.And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments. There must be an end to speculation with other people's money. And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy.I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally --narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of America -- a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible alwaysto meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.But, in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -- broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the -- the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication -- In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.May He protect each and every one of us.May He guide me in the days to come.美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿(中文版)胡佛总统,首席法官先生,朋友们:今天,对我们的国家来说,是一个神圣的日子。
罗斯福就职演讲罗斯福就职演说稿
罗斯福就职演讲罗斯福就职演说稿【--就职演讲稿】就职演说是一位总统最重要的演讲了,下面就是为您收集的罗斯福就职演说稿的相关文章,希望可以帮到您,如果你觉得不错的话可以分享给更多小伙伴哦!胡佛总统,首席法官先生,朋友们:President Hoover, Mr.Chief Justice, my friends:值此我就职之际,同胞们肯定期望我以我国当前情势所要求的坦率和果断来发表演说。
现在确实尤其有必要坦白而果敢地谈一谈真情实况,全部的真情实况。
我们没有必要去躲闪,没有必要不老老实实地面对我国今天的情况。
我们的国家过去经得起考验,今后还会经得起考验,复兴起来,繁荣下去。
因此,首先,允许我申明我的坚定信念:我们唯一值得恐惧的就是恐惧本身——会使我们由后退转而前进所需的努力陷于瘫痪的那种无名的、没有道理的、毫无根据的害怕。
在我们国家生活中每一个黑暗的时刻,直言不讳、坚强有力的领导都曾经得到人民的谅解和支持,从而保证了胜利。
我坚信,在当前的危机时期,你们也会再一次对领导表示支持。
I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.我和你们都要以这样一种精神来面对共同的困难。
罗斯福总统就职演讲稿:阐述实现社会平等与正义的坚定信念
罗斯福总统就职演讲稿:阐述实现社会平等与正义的坚定信念尊敬的美国人民,我感到非常荣幸和感激,能够站在这里,向全国人民发表就职演讲。
我作为美国总统,今天的演讲的主题是“实现社会平等与正义的坚定信念”。
这是我选择这个主题的原因,因为我认为,唯有坚定信念,才能够在我们的国家中实现社会平等和正义。
在我们美国这个伟大的国家,我们一直在追求社会平等和正义。
这是我们的使命,也是我们的责任。
作为美国人,我们一直在为实现这个目标努力奋斗。
我们的国家已经取得了很多成就,我们的社会也变得更加平等和公正。
但是,我们面临的问题仍然很多。
许多人被忽视和遗弃,他们没有得到他们应该得到的尊重和平等的机会。
这些人当中很多都是贫困的,无助的,被忽视的人。
他们生活在社会的最底层,生活在一种不公正和不平等的环境中。
我们必须坚定信念,要让每一个人都有机会拥有一个美好的生活,在这个美好的生活中,每个人都能够得到他们应该得到的尊重和平等的机会。
我们不能让任何人被他们的种族,宗教,性别或其他任何原因而歧视和排除。
我们必须共同努力,打破这些隔阂和界限。
我们必须建立一个更公正,更平等的社会。
只有这样,我们才能让每个人都能够得到自己应有的机会。
我们的国家已经有了很多进步,但我们仍然需要更多的进步。
我们需要更多的机会和更多的平等。
我们需要更多的机会让每个人发挥他们的潜力,实现他们的梦想。
我们需要让每个人都能够得到他们应有的尊重和机会。
为了实现这个目标,我们为此付出了巨大的努力。
我们已经建立了许多机构和计划,我们已经采取了许多政策和措施。
但是,我们还有很多工作要做。
我们需要持之以恒地努力,坚定信念,不断创新,才能够实现我们的目标。
我相信,在我们共同努力的情况下,我们可以实现一个更加公正和平等的社会。
我们可以实现我们的梦想和目标。
我们可以让每个人都有机会获得成功,实现自己的梦想。
所以,我呼吁我们所有的人,无论你们是谁,无论你们的种族,宗教或性别,都要对实现社会平等和正义的坚定信念。
美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First Inaugural Address三篇
美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First InauguralAddress三篇第一篇:美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First Inaugural Address尊敬的国民们:在我接受美国总统职位之际,我感到非常荣幸和谦卑。
我明白,我所面临的挑战是巨大的,但我也深信,只要我们共同努力,我们将能够克服一切困难,实现美国的伟大梦想。
我们所处的时刻是艰难的。
我们的国家正经历着严重的经济衰退,数以百万计的人们失去了工作,贫困和失望笼罩着整个国家。
然而,我要告诉你们,这不是我们失败的标志,而是我们的机会。
这是我们改变的时刻,我们要发扬美国人民的精神,重振我们的国家。
我们必须首先解决经济问题。
我将领导一项全面的计划,以刺激经济增长,减少失业率。
我将努力推动立法,为那些最需要帮助的人提供援助,并确保我们的经济政策旨在促进公平和机会平等。
此外,我们还面临着许多其他的挑战。
我们必须改善我们的教育系统,确保每个人都有平等的接受教育的机会。
我们必须保护我们的环境,采取措施应对气候变化。
我们还必须加强我们的国家安全,确保我们的国土不受任何威胁。
在我们面临这些挑战的同时,我们也要记住我们的价值观和人道主义。
我们要对我们的盟友和合作伙伴保持坚定的承诺,我们要尊重和包容不同的文化和宗教信仰。
我们要努力促进和平与稳定,并在国际舞台上发挥我们的领导作用。
最后,我要呼吁全体美国人民团结起来。
我们必须超越党派之争,抛弃分裂和仇恨,共同为我们的国家的利益而努力。
我们必须相信,只有通过团结和合作,我们才能取得成功。
国民们,我知道我们面临着艰巨的任务,但我相信我们拥有足够的力量和智慧来应对挑战。
让我们携起手来,为创造一个更加繁荣、公正和和谐的美国而努力!谢谢大家,愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国!第二篇:美国总统(富兰克林-罗斯福)就职演说 First Inaugural Address尊敬的公民们:我站在这里的时候,我感到非常谦卑和荣幸。
罗斯福就职演讲fear
罗斯福就职演讲f ear罗斯福就职演讲fea r篇一:33罗斯福就职演讲中英 Fir st Inau gural A ddressof Fran klin D. Roosev elt SAT URDAY,MARCH 4,33 I a m ertai n thatm fello Ameria ns expe t thaton m in dutioninto th e Presi den I i ll addr ess the m ith a andorand a d eisionhih the presen t situa tion of our Na tion im pels. T his ispreemin entl th e timeto spea k the t ruth, t he hole truth,frankl and bo ldl. No r neede shrin k fromhonestl faingonditio ns in o ur ount r toda. This g reat Na tion il l endur e as it has en dured,ill rev ive and ill pr osper.So, fir st of a ll, let me ass ert m f irm bel ief tha t the o nl thin g e hav e to fe ar is f ear its elf--na meless,ueason ing, un justifi ed terr or hihparalze s neede d effor ts to o nvert r etreatintoad vane. I n everdark ho ur of o ur nati onal li fe a le adershi p of fr ankness and vi gor has met it h thatunderst andingand sup port of the pe ople th emselve s hih i s essen tial to vitor.I am o nvinedthat ou ill ag ain giv e thatsupport to lea dership in the se riti al das. In suh a spir it on m part a nd on o urs e f ae ourmon dif fiultie s. Theonern,thank G od, onl materi al thin gs. Val ues hav e shrun ken tofantast i level s; taxe s haverisen;our abi lit topa hasfallen; govern ment of all ki nds isfaed bserious urtail ment of ine; t he mean s of ex hange a re froz en in t he urre nts oftrade;the ith ered le aves of indust rial en terpris e lie o n everside; f armersfind no market s for t heir pr odue; t he savi ngs ofman ear s in th ousands of fam ilies a re gone. Moreimporta nt, a h ost ofunemplo ed itiz ens fae the gr im prob lem ofexisten e, andan equa ll grea t numbe r toilith lit tle ret urn.On l a foo lish op timistan denthe dar k reali ties of themo ment. Y et ourdistres s es fr om no f ailureof subs tane. W e are s trikenb no pl ague of lousts. Compa red ith the pe rils hi h our f orefath ers onq uered b eause t he beli eved an d ere n ot afra id, e h ave sti ll muhto be t hankful for. N ature s till of fers he r bount and hu man eff orts ha ve mult ipliedit. Ple nt is a tour d oorstep, but a genero us useof it l anguish es in t he versight o f the s uppl. P rimaril this i s beaus e the r ulers o f the e xhangeof mank ind's good s havefailed,throug h their on stu bbornne ss andtheir o n inpet ene, ha ve admi tted th eirfai lure, a nd abdi ated. P ratiesof theunsrupu lous mo ne hang ers sta nd indi ted inthe our t of pu bli opi nion, r ejetedbthe h earts a nd mind s of me n. True the ha ve trie d, buttheir e ffortshave be en astin thepattern of anoutorntraditi on. Fae d b fai lure of reditthe hav e propo sed onl the le nding o f moremone. S tripped of the lure o f profi t b hih to ind ue ourpeopleto foll o their falseleaders hip, th e haveresorte d to ex hortati ons, pl eadingtearful l for r estoredonfide ne. The kno on l the r ules of a gene rationof self-seeker s. Thehave no vision, and h en ther e is no vision the pe oplepe rish.Th e monehangers have f led fro m their high s eats in the te mple of our iv ilizati on. Wema no r estorethat te mple to the an ient tr uths. T he meas ure ofthe res toratio n liesin theextentto hihe applsoial v alues m ore nob le than mere m onetarprofit.Happine ss lies not in the me re poss essionof mone; it li es in t he jo o f ahiev ement,in thethrillof reat ive eff ort. Th e jo an d moral stimul ation o f ork n o longe r mustbeforg otten i n the m ad hase of eva nesentprofits. These dark d as illbe orth all th e ost u s if th e teahus that our tr ue dest in is n ot to b e minis tered u nto but to min ister t o ourse lves an d to ou r fello men.Re ognitio n of th e falsi t of ma terialealth a sthe s tandard of sue ss goes hand i n handith the abando nment o f the f alse be lief th at publ i offie and hi gh poli tial po sitionare tobe valu ed onlb the s tandard s of pr ide ofplae an d perso nal pro fit; an d there must b e an en d to aondut i n banki ng andin busi ness hi h too o ften ha s given to a s ared tr ust the likene ss of a llous a nd self ish ron gdoing. Smallonder t hat onf idene l anguish es, for it thr ives on l on ho nest, o n honor, on th e sared ness of obliga tions,on fait hful pr otetion, on un selfish perfor mane; i thout t hem itannot l ive. Re storati on alls, hoeve r, notfor han ges inethis a lone. T his Nat ion ask s for a tion, a nd atio n no. O ur grea test pr imar ta sk is t oput p eople t o ork.This is no uns olvable proble m if efae itisel an d ourag eousl.It an b e aplis hed inpart bdiret r eruitin g b the Govern ment it self, t reating the ta sk as e ould t reat th e emerg en of a ar, bu t at th e sametime, t hroughthis em ploment, aplis hing gr eatl ne eded pr ojets t o stimu late an d reorg anize t he useof ournatural resour es. Han d in ha nd iththis emust fr ankl re ognizethe ove rbalane of pop ulation in our indust rial en ters an d, b en gagingon a na tionalsale in a redi stribut ion, en deavorto prov ide a b etter u se of t he land for th ose bes t fitte d for t he land. The t ask anbe help ed b de finiteefforts to rai se thevaluesof agri ultural produt s and i th this the po er to p urhasethe out put ofour iti es. Itan be h elped b preven tingre alistia ll thetragedof thegroingloss th rough f orelosu re of o ur smal l homes and ou r farms. It an be hel ped b i nsisten e thatthe Fed eral, S tate, a nd loal govern ments a t forth ith onthe dem and tha t their ost be drasti all red ued. It an behelpedb the u nifingof reli ef ativ ities h ih toda are of ten sat tered,uneonom ial, an d unequ al. Itan be h elped b nation al plan ning fo r and s upervis ion ofall for ms of t ranspor tationand ofmuniati ons and otherutiliti es hihhave adefinit el publ iharat er. The re areman asin hihit an b e helpe d, butit an n ever be helped merelb talki ng abou t it. W e mustat andat quik l. Fina ll, inour pro gress t oard aresumpt ion ofork e r equireto safe guardsagainst a retu rn of t he evil s of th e old o rder; t here mu st be a stritsupervi sion of all ba nking a nd redi ts andinvestm ents; t here mu st be a n end t o speul ation i th othe r peopl e's mone,and the re must be pro visionfor anadequat e but s ound ur ren. Th ere are the li nes ofattak.I shall presen tl urge upon a ne Con gress i n speia l sessi on deta iled me asuresfor the ir fulf illment, and I shallseek th e immed iate as sistane of the severa l State s. Thro ugh thi s progr am of a tion eaddress oursel ves toputting our on nationa l house in ord er andmakingine bal ane out go. Our intern ational traderelatio ns, tho ugh vas tl impo rtant,are inpoint o f timeand nee ssit se ondar t o the e stablis hment o f a sou nd nati onal eo nom. Ifavor a s apra tial po li theputting of fir st thin gs firs t. I sh all spa re no e ffort t o resto re orld tradeb inter nationa l eonom ireadj ustment, but t he emer gen athome an not ait on tha taplis hment.The bas i thoug ht that guides thesespeifimeans o f natio nal reo ver isnot nar rol nat ionalis ti. Itis theinsiste ne, asa first onside ration,upon t he inte rdepend ene ofthe var ious el ementsin allparts o f the U nited S tates--a reogn ition o f the o ld andpermane ntl imp ortantmanifes tationof theAmerian spirit of the pionee r. It i s the a to reo ver. It is the immedi ate a.It is t he stro ngest a ssurane that t he reov er illendure. In the fieldof orld poli I ould d ediatethis Na tion to the po li of t he good neighb or--the neighb or ho r esolute l respe ts hims elf and, beaus e he do es so,respets the ri ghts of others-- theneighbo r ho re spets h is obli gations and re spets t he sant itof h is agre ementsin andith a o rld ofneighbo rs. IfI readthe tem per ofour peo ple orr etl, eno real ize ase havenever r ealized before our in terdepe ndene o n eah o ther; t hat e a n not m erel ta ke bute mustgive as ell; t hat ife are t o go fo rard, e must m ove asa train ed andloal ar m illin g tosa rifie f or thegood of a mondisipli ne, bea use ith out suh disipl ine noprogres s is ma de, noleaders hip bee s effet ive. We are, I kno, r ead and illing to sub mit our livesand pro pert to suh di sipline, beaus e it ma kes pos sible a leader ship hi h aimsat a la rger go od. Thi s I pro pose to offer, pledgi ng that the la rger pu rposesill bin d uponus allas a sa red obl igation ith aunit of dut hi thertoevokedonl intime of armedstrife. With t his ple dge tak en, I a ssume u nhesita tingl t he lead ershipof this greatarm ofour peo ple ded iated t o a dis iplined attakupon ou r mon p roblems. Ation in thi s image and to this e nd is f easible underthe for m of go vernmen t hih e have i nherite d fromour ane stors.Our Con stituti on is s o simpl e and p ratialthat it is pos sible a las tomeet ex traordi nar nee ds b ha nges in emphas is andarrange ment it hout lo ss of e ssentia l form. That i s h our onstit utional sstemhas pro ved its elf themost s uperblendurin g polit ial meh anism t he mode rn orld has pr odued.It hasmet eve r stres s of va st expa nsion o f terri tor, of foreig n ars,of bitt er inte rnal st rife, o f orldrelatio ns.It i s to be hopedthat th e norma l balan e of ex eutiveand leg islativ e autho rit mabe holl adequa te to m eet the unpree dentedtask be fore us. But i t ma be that a n unpre edented demand and ne ed forundelae d ation ma all for te mporardepartu re from that n ormal b alane o f publi proedu re.I am prepar ed unde r m ons titutio nal dut to rem end the measur es that a stri ken nat ion inthe mid st of a strike n orldma requ ire. Th ese mea sures,or suhother m easures as the Congre ss ma b uild ou t of it sexperi ene and isdom, I shal l seek, ithinm onsti tutiona l autho rit, to bringto spee d adopt ion. Bu t in th e event that t he Cong resssh all fai l to ta ke oneof thes e to ou rses, a nd in t he even t thatthe nat ional e mergenis stil l ritia l, I sh all not evadethe lea r ourse of dut that i ll then onfron t me. I shallask the Congre ss forthe one remain ing ins trument to mee t the r isis--b roadEx eutivepoer to age aar agai nst the emerge n, as g reat as the po er that ould b e given to meif e er e in fa t invad ed b aforeign foe. F or thetrust r eposedin me I ill re turn th e ourag e and t he devo tion th at befi t the t ime. Ian do n o less. We fae thear duous d as that lie be fore us in the arm ou rage of the na tionalunit; i th thelear on siousne ss of s eekingold and preiou s moral values; ith t he lean satisf ation t hat esfrom th e stemperform ane ofdut b o ld andoung al ike. We aim at the as suraneof a ro unded a nd perm anent n ational life.We do n ot dist rust th e futur e of es sential demora. The p eople o fthe U nited S tates h ave not failed. In th eir nee d the h avereg istered a mand ate tha t the a nt dire t, vigo rous at ion. Th e haveasked f or disi pline a nd dire tion un der lea dership.The h ave mad e me th e prese nt inst rumentof thei r ishes. In th e spiri t of th e giftI takeit. Inthis de diation of a N ation e humblask the blessi ng of G od. MaHe prot et eahand eve r one o f us. M a He gu ide mein thedas toe. 我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身富兰克林-罗斯福第一次就职演讲星期六,1933年3月4日我肯定,同胞们都期待我在就任总统时,会像我国目前形势所要求的那样,坦率而果断地向他们讲话。
罗斯福就职演讲稿中文
罗斯福就职演讲稿中文亲爱的同胞们,我站在这里的时候,深感历史的重负压在我的肩上。
我们面临着艰巨的挑战,但我相信,只要我们团结一心,我们必将克服困难,走向更加美好的未来。
首先,我要感谢我的前任胡佛总统,他为国家付出了辛勤努力。
我们接手的时候,正值经济大萧条的风雨飘摇时期。
工人失业,企业破产,民众生活困顿。
我们必须立即采取行动,挽回状况。
所以我们制定了新政,采取一系列措施来改善经济状况。
我们通过实施金融改革,加强监管,恢复人们对银行的信心。
我们推动了工业复兴,投资建设基础设施,创造就业机会。
我们还推出了社会保障制度,保障老年人和弱势群体的生活。
然而,我们的工作还远未完成。
我计划进一步扩大社会保障制度,确保每个人都能得到应有的关爱。
我将继续推动经济复苏,鼓励创新,促进经济增长。
我们将继续改革金融业,以防止经济崩溃的发生。
此外,我们也必须关注国际形势。
我们正生活在一个动荡不安的世界中,各国之间面临着许多挑战和冲突。
我将努力推动国际合作,维护世界和平和稳定。
我相信通过对话和谈判,我们可以解决分歧,达成共识。
最后,我要呼吁每个人都参与到国家建设中来。
我们的命运紧紧相连,只有大家团结一心,才能共同创造美好的未来。
我们应该尊重和包容不同的观点,共同努力,实现我们的梦想。
亲爱的同胞们,我们面临的挑战艰巨,但我们拥有无限的勇气和毅力。
我们的历史证明了我们的坚韧和坚持不懈的精神。
让我们携手合作,战胜困难,创造一个更加公正、繁荣和充满希望的国家。
谢谢大家!愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国!。
罗斯福就职演讲稿「中英对照」
罗斯福就职演讲稿「中英对照」以下为大家分享的是斯福就职中英文版,希望对大家有所帮助。
如果想了解更多内容,敬请关注CN人才网!罗斯福就职演讲稿【英文版】President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This greatNation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands offamilies are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These darkdays, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great -- greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It canbe helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.We must act. We must act quickly.And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments. There must be an end to speculation with other people s money. And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally -- narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of America -- a recognition of the old andpermanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.But, in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that willthen confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -- broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the -- the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they wantdirect, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication -- In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.May He protect each and every one of us.May He guide me in the days to come.罗斯福就职演讲稿【中文版】胡佛总统,首席法官先生,朋友们:今天,对我们的国家来说,是一个神圣的日子。
富兰克林罗斯福就职演讲
富兰克林罗斯福就职演讲篇一:罗斯福的首次就职演说美国总统罗斯福的首次就职演说1933年3月4日富兰克林罗斯福就任美国总统之时,美国正在遭受经济危机的沉重打击。
他在就职演说中呼吁美国人摆脱恐惧心理,迅速行动起来应付危机,并要求国会授予他广泛的行政权力。
值此我就职之际,同胞们肯定期望我以我国当前情势所要求的坦率和果断来发表演说。
现在确实尤其有必要坦白而果敢地谈一谈真情实况,全部的真情实况。
我们没有必要去躲闪,不去老老实实地面对我国今天的情况。
我们的国家过去经得起考验,今后还会经得起考验,复兴起来,繁荣下去。
因此,首先,允许我申明我的坚定信念:我们唯一值得恐惧的就是恐惧本身——会使我们由后退转而前进所需的努力陷于瘫痪的那种无名的、没有道理的、毫无根据的害怕。
在我们国家生活中每一个黑暗的时刻,直言不讳、坚强有力的领导都曾经得到人民的谅解和支持,从而保证了胜利。
我坚信,在当前的危机时期,你们也会再一次对领导表示支持。
我和你们都要以这样一种精神来面对共同的困难。
感谢上帝,这些困难都只是物质方面的。
价值贬缩到难以想象的程度;赋税增加了;我们纳税的能力则已降低;各级政府都遇到严重的收入减少;叹交换手段难逃贸易长流冰封,看工业企业尽成枯枝残叶;农场主的产品找不到市场;千万个家庭的多年积蓄毁于一旦。
更重要的是,大批的失业公民面临严峻的生存问题,而艰苦劳动却所得甚微的也不在少数。
只有愚蠢的乐天派才能否认眼前的暗淡现实。
但是,我们的困难并不是由于实质上的失败。
我们没有遭到什么蝗虫之害。
我们的祖先笃信上帝,无所畏惧,因而所向披靡,比起他们的艰险,我们还该说是万幸。
大自然的施惠不减,而人的努力更是使其倍增。
我们手头并不匮乏,然而丰足却激发不起来慷慨的用度。
这首先是因为掌握人类物品交换的统治者们的顽固和无能,他们承认失败而自动退位。
贪得无厌的钱商们在舆论的法庭上被宣告有罪,是为人类思想感情上所厌弃的。
他们也的确作了努力,但是他们的努力脱不开过时传统的巢臼。
美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿中英文_就职演讲稿_
美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿中英文富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福(Franklin D.Roosevelt,1882年1月30日-1945年4月12日),美国第32任总统,美国历史上唯一连任超过两届(连任四届,病逝于第四届任期中)的总统,美国迄今为止在任时间最长的总统。
罗斯福家族在美国大约有近320xx年的历史,美国第26任总统西奥多·罗斯福是富兰克林·罗斯福的堂叔。
以下是小编给大家分享了美国总统罗斯福就职中英文,希望大家有帮助。
美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿(中文版)胡佛总统,首席法官先生,朋友们:今天,对我们的国家来说,是一个神圣的日子。
我肯定,同胞们都期待我在就任总统时,会像我国目前形势所要求的那样,坦率而果断地向他们讲话。
现在正是坦白、勇敢地说出实话,说出全部实话的最好时刻。
我们不必畏首畏尾,不老老实实面对我国今天的情况。
这个伟大的国家会一如既往地坚持下去,它会复兴和繁荣起来。
因此,让我首先表明我的坚定信念:我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一种莫名其妙、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧,它把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。
凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻,坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持,从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。
我相信,在目前危急时刻,大家会再次给予同样的支持。
我和你们都要以这种精神,来面对我们共同的困难。
感谢上帝,这些困难只是物质方面的。
价值难以想象地贬缩了;课税增加了;我们的支付能力下降了;各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺;交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结;工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见;农场主的产品找不到销路;千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。
更重要的是,大批失业公民正面临严峻的生存问题,还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。
只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。
但是,我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。
我们没有遭到什么蝗虫的灾害。
我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安,比起他们经历过的险阻,我们仍大可感到欣慰。
罗斯福就职演讲稿
罗斯福就职演讲稿【篇一:罗斯福就职演说】1933年3月4日美国第32届总统罗斯福就职演说这是奉献的日子。
值此就职之际,同胞们一定期待着我能够就我国目前所处形势,向他们做出坦率而果断的说明。
现在正是坦诚而勇敢地说出实情、全部实情的最好时机。
我们毋须害怕直面我们目前的困境。
我们伟大的国家过去经得住磨难,而且还将复兴,繁荣。
因此,首先允许我表明我坚定的信念,我们唯一应该感到恐惧的是恐惧本身——那种无以名状的、盲目而不可理喻的恐惧,它阻碍人们做出必要的努力,反败为胜。
在我国历史上任何一个黑色时期,每一位强有力的、真诚的领导人都曾经得到了人民的理解和支持,这是胜利的根本保证。
我深信,在目前的危急时刻,你们必将再次对我们的执政表示支持。
我和你们一起以这种精神来面对共同的困难。
感谢上帝,这些困难都只是物质方面的。
购买力已经萎缩到难以想象的程度;税收增加;人们的支持能力下降;各级政府机关面临着严重的经费削减;现行的贸易交易途径被冻结;工业企业枯枝败叶般四处飘零;农场主无法找到销售市场;成千上万家庭多年的积蓄丧失殆尽。
更为严重的是,大批失业的市民们面临着严酷的生存困境,而众多的人们只能以艰苦的劳作换取微薄的报酬。
只有盲目乐观的人才会无视现实的严峻。
然而,我们的不幸并不是由物质的匮乏造成的。
我们没有遭受蝗虫的灾害。
与我们的祖先所经受的艰难相比,我们要幸运的多了。
而我们的祖先以其坚定信仰和无畏精神战胜了这一切。
大自然的恩泽不断,而人类的努力更使它锦上添花。
我们的门廊前堆满了财富,但是大肆的挥霍却使我们入不敷出。
这种后果主要是由商品交易的巨头们的顽固不化和愚蠢无能造成的。
他们已经承认了失败,自动引退了。
钱商们的无耻行径在公众舆论的法庭上受到谴责,并为世人所唾弃。
是的,他们曾经努力过,但是他们的努力却无法挣脱陈规旧俗的束缚。
面对着信用危机,他们只是建议发放更多的贷款。
他们惯常以利润引诱和控制大众,一旦失去了利润的诱饵,他们便不惜恩惠并施,声泪俱下地恳求公众重新恢复信心。
罗斯福就职演讲稿中文
罗斯福就职演讲稿中文胡佛总统,首席法官先生,朋友们:今天,对我们国家来说,是一具神圣的生活。
我确信,同胞们都期待我在就任总统时,会像我国目前形势所要求的那样,坦率而果断地向他们说话。
如今正是坦白、勇敢地说出实话,说出全部实话的最好时间。
我们别必畏首畏尾,别老老实实面对我国今天的事情。
那个伟大的国家会一如既往地坚持下去,它会复兴和繁荣起来。
所以,让我首先表明我的坚决信念:我们唯一别得别胆怯的算是胆怯本身--一种莫名其妙、丧失理智的、毫无依照的恐怖,它把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。
凡在我国日子阴云密布的时间,坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持,从而为胜利预备了必别可少的条件。
我相信,在目前危急时间,大伙儿会再次赋予同样的支持。
我和你们都要以这种精神,来面对我们共同的困难。
谢谢上帝,这些困难不过物质方面的。
价值难以想象地贬缩了;课税增加了;我们的支付能力下落了;各级政府面临着严峻的收入短缺;交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结;工业企业枯萎的降叶到处可见;农场主的产品寻别到销路;千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。
更重要的是,大批失业公民正面临严重的生存咨询题,还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的酬劳。
惟独愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。
但是,我们的苦恼决别是因为缺乏货物。
我们没有遭到什么蝗虫的灾难。
我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安,比起他们记忆过的险阻,我们仍大可感到欣慰。
大自然仍在赋予我们恩惠,人类的努力已使之倍增。
富脚的情景近在咫尺,但就在我们见到这种情景的时候,宽裕的日子却悄然离去。
这要紧是因为主宰人类货物交换的统治者们失败了,他们固执己见而又无能为力,因而差不多认定失败了,并撒手别管了。
贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径。
将受到舆论法庭的起诉,将受到人类心灵理智的唾弃。
是的,他们是努力过,但是他们用的是一种彻底过时的办法。
面对信贷的失败,他们不过提议借出更多的钞票。
没有了当诱饵引诱人民追随他们的错误领导的金钞票,他们只得求助于说道,含泪祈求人民重新赋予他们信心。
西奥多罗斯福总统就职演说就职演说
西奥多罗斯福总统就职演说就职演说
尊敬的美国公民们:
今天,我站在这里,站在我们伟大国家的橡树阴影下,站在这个伟大的国家的总统职
位上,为了维护我们的宪法、保卫我们的自由、为我们的人民谋福祉,和你们一起铭
记西奥多罗斯福在任总统时的就职演说。
当时,我们面临着许多困难和挑战,正像我们今天一样。
我们的经济受到了严重的衰退,许多家庭陷入了绝望和困境。
我们国家的信心和动力都被压抑了。
然而,正是在这样的逆境中,我向你们保证,我们将迎难而上。
我相信,只要我们团
结起来,共同努力,我们一定能够克服当前的困难和挑战。
我们必须重振美国的经济,为我们的人民创造更多的机会和繁荣。
我们需要采取果断的行动,推动经济复苏,刺激就业增长,投资于基础设施建设,提
供教育和培训机会,以及保护我们的环境。
我相信,通过优先考虑我们人民的利益,
我们将能够实现我们的共同目标。
除了经济问题,我们还面临着其他严峻的挑战,如环境污染、贫困和社会不公等。
我
们必须合力应对这些挑战,并确保每个人都能够享有平等的机会和权利。
我承诺,我将始终站在我们国家和人民的一边,为了每一个美国人的利益而努力。
我
将倾听你们的声音,代表你们的利益,并采取必要的措施来解决我们所面临的问题。
最后,我要向全体美国人民发出一个呼吁:让我们团结起来,共同努力,为我们的国
家和人民谋幸福和繁荣。
就像西奥多罗斯福曾经说过的那样,“美国的未来属于那些
奋斗不止、充满希望和勇气的人民。
”
让我们共同努力,迎接挑战,创造美好的未来!谢谢大家,上帝保佑美国!。
罗斯福就职演讲稿中文
罗斯福就职演讲稿中文亲爱的美国公民:曾经,我们的国家陷入了一场严重的经济危机,人们面临贫困和失业的困境。
如今,我站在这里,作为美国的总统。
我来向你们保证,我们将会迈出重建国家的第一步。
我们需要面对现实,我们需要将过去的错误吸取教训,开始为未来做准备。
我们不能再袖手旁观,让我们的国家陷入更深的困境中。
相反,我们必须齐心协力,采取果断的行动。
首先,我将推动一项全面的经济复苏计划。
这个计划将着重于创造就业机会,提高工资水平,以及确保人们能够享有平等的经济机会。
我们将着手改革我们的金融体系,以防止再次发生经济危机。
我们将鼓励创新和企业家精神,以促进经济增长和繁荣。
此外,我们将关注教育和医疗保健的改革。
每个人都应该有平等接受高质量教育的机会,不论他们的家庭背景或经济状况。
同样重要的是,每个人都应该能够获得负担得起的医疗保健服务。
我们将努力确保每个人都能享有健康福祉。
此外,我们将重建我们的基础设施,包括道路、桥梁和公共交通系统。
这将创造就业机会,同时改善我们的交通和通信网络。
最后,我们将致力于维护和促进全球的和平与稳定。
我们将以合作和对话的方式与其他国家建立互利共赢的关系。
我们将积极参与全球事务,推动共同解决重大问题,如气候变化和恐怖主义。
亲爱的美国公民,我相信我们可以振兴我们的国家,创造一个更加繁荣、公正和和谐的美国。
我们将共同努力,克服困难,迎接挑战。
让我们行动起来,重建我们的国家,为我们的孩子和孙子们创造一个更美好的未来。
谢谢大家!。
罗斯福就职演讲稿
罗斯福就职演讲稿篇一:罗斯福总统就职演说FirstinauguraladdressofFranklind.RooseveltSaTURdaY,maRcH4,1933 iamcertainthatmyfellowamericansexpectthatonmyinductionintothePreside ncyiwilladdressthemwithacandorandadecisionwhichthepresentsituationof ournationimpels.Thisispreeminentlythetimetospeakthetruth,thewholetruth ,franklyandboldly.norneedweshrinkfromhonestlyfacingconditionsinourco untrytoday.Thisgreatnationwillendureasithasendured,willreviveandwillpro sper.So,firstofall,letmeassertmyfirmbeliefthattheonlythingwehavetofearisf earitself--nameless,unreasoning,unjustifiedterrorwhichparalyzesneededeff ortstoconvertretreatintoadvance.ineverydarkhourofournationallifealeaders hipoffranknessandvigorhasmetwiththatunderstandingandsupportofthepeo plethemselveswhichisessentialtovictory.iamconvincedthatyouwillagaingiv ethatsupporttoleadershipinthesecriticaldays. insuchaspiritonmypartandonyourswefaceourcommondifficulties.Theycon cern,thankGod,onlymaterialthings.Valueshaveshrunkentofantasticlevels;ta xeshaverisen;ourabilitytopayhasfallen;governmentofallkindsisfacedbyseri ouscurtailmentofincome;themeansofexchangearefrozeninthecurrentsoftra de;thewitheredleavesofindustrialenterpriselieoneveryside;farmersfindnomarketsfortheirproduce;thesavingsofmanyyearsinthousandsoffamiliesarego ne.moreimportant,ahostofunemployedcitizensfacethegrimproblemofexistenc e,andanequallygreatnumbertoilwithlittlereturn.onlyafoolishoptimistcande nythedarkrealitiesofthemoment. Yetourdistresscomesfromnofailureofsubstance.wearestrickenbynoplagueo paredwiththeperilswhichourforefathersconqueredbecausethe ybelievedandwerenotafraid,wehavestillmuchtobethankfulfor.naturestilloff ersherbountyandhumaneffortshavemultipliedit.Plentyisatourdoorstep,buta generoususeofitlanguishesintheverysightofthesupply.Primarilythisisbecau setherulersoftheexchangeofmankind'sgoodshavefailed,throughtheirownstubbornnessandtheirow nincompetence,haveadmittedtheirfailure,andabdicated.Practicesoftheunsc rupulousmoneychangersstandindictedinthecourtofpublicopinion,rejectedb ytheheartsandmindsofmen.Truetheyhavetried,buttheireffortshavebeencastinthepatternofanoutworntra dition.Facedbyfailureofcredittheyhaveproposedonlythelendingofmoremon ey.Strippedofthelureofprofitbywhichtoinduceourpeopletofollowtheirfalsel eadership,theyhaveresortedtoexhortations,pleadingtearfullyforrestoredcon fidence.Theyknowonlytherulesofagenerationofself-seekers.Theyhavenovi sion,andwhenthereisnovisionthepeopleperish. Themoneychangershavefledfromtheirhighseatsinthetempleofourcivilization.wemaynowrestorethattempletotheancienttruths.Themeasureoftherestorationli esintheextenttowhichweapplysocialvaluesmorenoblethanmeremonetarypr ofit.Happinessliesnotinthemerepossessionofmoney;itliesinthejoyofachieveme nt,inthethrillofcreativeeffort.Thejoyandmoralstimulationofworknolonger mustbeforgotteninthemadchaseofevanescentprofits.Thesedarkdayswillbe worthalltheycostusiftheyteachusthatourtruedestinyisnottobeministeredunt obuttoministertoourselvesandtoourfellowmen. Recognitionofthefalsityofmaterialwealthasthestandardofsuccessgoeshandi nhandwiththeabandonmentofthefalsebeliefthatpublicofficeandhighpolitica lpositionaretobevaluedonlybythestandardsofprideofplaceandpersonalprofi t;andtheremustbeanendtoaconductinbankingandinbusinesswhichtoooftenh asgiventoasacredtrustthelikenessofcallousandselfishwrongdoing.Smallwo nderthatconfidencelanguishes,foritthrivesonlyonhonesty,onhonor,onthesa crednessofobligations,onfaithfulprotection,onunselfishperformance;witho utthemitcannotlive.Restorationcalls,however,notforchangesinethicsalone.Thisnationasksforac tion,andactionnow. ourgreatestprimarytaskistoputpeopletowork.Thisisnounsolvableproblemif wefaceitwiselyandcourageously.itcanbeaccomplishedinpartbydirectrecruit ingbytheGovernmentitself,treatingthetaskaswewouldtreattheemergencyofawar,butatthesametime,throughthisemployment,accomplishinggreatlynee dedprojectstostimulateandreorganizetheuseofournaturalresources. Handinhandwiththiswemustfranklyrecognizetheoverbalanceofpopulationi nourindustrialcentersand,byengagingonanationalscaleinaredistribution,en deavorto provideabetteruseofthelandforthosebestfittedfortheland.Thetaskcanbehelp edbydefiniteeffortstoraisethevaluesofagriculturalproductsandwiththisthep owertopurchasetheoutputofourcities.itcanbehelpedbypreventingrealisticall ythetragedyofthegrowinglossthroughforeclosureofoursmallhomesandourf arms.itcanbehelpedbyinsistencethattheFederal,State,andlocalgovernments actforthwithonthedemandthattheircostbedrasticallyreduced.itcanbehelped bytheunifyingofreliefactivitieswhichtodayareoftenscattered,uneconomical ,andunequal.itcanbehelpedbynationalplanningforand supervisionofallformsoftransportationandofcommunicationsandotherutilit ieswhichhaveadefinitelypubliccharacter.Therearemanywaysinwhichitcanb ehelped,butitcanneverbehelpedmerelybytalkingaboutit.wemustactandactq uickly.Finally,inourprogresstowardaresumptionofworkwerequiretwosafeguardsa gainstareturnoftheevilsoftheoldorder;theremustbeastrictsupervisionofallba nkingandcreditsandinvestments;theremustbeanendtospeculationwithother people'smoney,andtheremustbeprovisionforanadequatebutsoundcurr ency.Therearethelinesofattack.ishallpresentlyurgeuponanewcongressinspecial sessiondetailedmeasuresfortheirfulfillment,andishallseektheimmediateassi stanceoftheseveralStates. Throughthisprogramofactionweaddressourselvestoputtingourownnational houseinorderandmakingincomebalanceoutgo.ourinternationaltraderelation s,thoughvastlyimportant,areinpointoftimeandnecessitysecondarytotheesta blishmentofasoundnationaleconomy.ifavorasapracticalpolicytheputtingoff irstthingsfirst.ishallsparenoefforttorestoreworldtradebyinternationalecono micreadjustment,buttheemergencyathomecannotwaitonthataccomplishme nt. Thebasicthoughtthatguidesthesespecificmeansofnationalrecoveryisnotnarr owlynationalistic.itistheinsistence,asafirstconsideration,upontheinterdepe ndenceofthevariouselementsinallpartsoftheUnitedStates--arecognitionofth eoldandpermanentlyimportantmanifestationoftheamericanspiritofthepione er.itisthewaytorecovery.itistheimmediateway.itisthestrongestassurancethat therecoverywillendure. inthefieldofworldpolicyiwoulddedicatethisnationtothepolicyofthegood neighbor--theneighborwhoresolutelyrespectshimselfand,becausehedoesso, respectstherightsofothers--theneighborwhorespectshisobligationsandrespe ctsthesanctityofhisagreementsinandwithaworldofneighbors. ifireadthetemperofourpeoplecorrectly,wenowrealizeaswehaveneverrealize dbeforeourinterdependenceoneachother;thatwecannotmerelytakebutwemustgiveaswell;thatifwearetogoforward,wemustmoveasatrainedandloyalarm ywillingtosacrificeforthegoodofacommondiscipline,becausewithoutsuchdisciplineno progressismade,noleadershipbecomeseffective.weare,iknow,readyandwilli ngtosubmitourlivesandpropertytosuchdiscipline,becauseitmakespossibleal eadershipwhichaimsatalargergood.Thisiproposetooffer,pledgingthatthelar gerpurposeswillbinduponusallasasacredobligationwithaunityofdutyhithert oevokedonlyintimeofarmedstrife.withthispledgetaken,iassumeunhesitatinglytheleadershipofthisgreatarmyo fourpeoplededicatedtoadisciplinedattackuponourcommonproblems. actioninthisimageandtothisendisfeasibleundertheformofgovernmentwhich wehaveinheritedfromourancestors.ourconstitutionissosimpleandpracticalt hatitispossiblealwaystomeetextraordinaryneedsbychangesinemphasisanda rrangementwithoutlossofessentialform.Thatiswhyourconstitutionalsystem hasproveditselfthemostsuperblyenduringpoliticalmechanismthemodernwo rldhasproduced.ithasmeteverystressofvastexpansionofterritory,offoreignw ars,ofbitterinternalstrife,ofworldrelations. itistobehopedthatthenormalbalanceofexecutiveandlegislativeauthoritymay bewhollyadequatetomeettheunprecedentedtaskbeforeus.Butitmaybethatan unprecedenteddemandandneedforundelayedactionmaycallfortemporaryde parturefromthatnormalbalanceofpublicprocedure. iampreparedundermyconstitutionaldutytorecommendthemeasuresthatastrickennationinthemidstofastrickenworldmayrequire.Thesemeasures,orsuch othermeasuresasthecongressmaybuildoutofitsexperienceandwisdom,ishall seek,withinmyconstitutionalauthority,tobringtospeedyadoption. Butintheeventthatthecongressshallfailtotakeoneofthesetwocourses,andinth eeventthatthenationalemergencyisstillcritical,ishallnotevadetheclearcourse ofdutythatwillthenconfrontme.ishallaskthecongressfortheoneremainingins trumenttomeetthecrisis--broadExecutivepowertowageawaragainsttheemer gency,asgreatasthepowerthatwouldbegiventomeifwewereinfactinvadedby aforeignfoe. Forthetrustreposedinmeiwillreturnthecourageandthedevotionthatbefittheti me.icandonoless. wefacethearduousdaysthatliebeforeusinthewarmcourageofthenationalunit y;withtheclearconsciousnessofseekingoldandpreciousmoralvalues;withthe clean satisfactionthatcomesfromthestemperformanceofdutybyoldandyoungalike .weaimattheassuranceofaroundedandpermanentnationallife. wedonotdistrustthefutureofessentialdemocracy.ThepeopleoftheUnitedStat eshavenotfailed.intheirneedtheyhaveregisteredamandatethattheywantdirec t,vigorousaction.Theyhaveaskedfordisciplineanddirectionunderleadership. Theyhavemademethepresentinstrumentoftheirwishes.inthespiritofthegiftit akeit. inthisdedicationofanationwehumblyasktheblessingofGod.mayHeprotecteachandeveryoneofus.mayHeguidemeinthedaystocome.译文:富兰克林-罗斯福第一次就职演讲星期六,1933年3月4日我肯定,同胞们都期待我在就任总统时,会像我国目前形势所要求的那样,坦率而果断地向他们讲话。
罗斯福总统就职演讲稿:解析美国人民的责任与未来方向
罗斯福总统就职演讲稿:解析美国人民的责任与未来方向。
在1932年的大选中,美国遭遇了严重的经济危机,失业率达到了25%,在这个时刻,罗斯福当选为总统。
就职演讲中,他非常清楚的意识到了这个时代的艰辛,他说:“我们几乎没有富翁了,我们几乎没有任何东西可以失去。
但我们还有一个国家。
”在这段话中,罗斯福总统间接表达了一种无论困境有多严重,我们都不能放弃希望的信念。
他给美国人民注入了信心。
虽然经济不景气,人们失去了工作,但美国一直是美国人民的家。
他的话语,极大地鼓舞了美国人民,让他们更加坚定地站在一起,共同面对经济和社会的困境。
在演讲中,罗斯福总统提出了“新政”的理念,认为政府有责任采取积极的措施来帮助贫困的人们。
他说:“以上所有战役的目标,是恢复我们的经济,重新建设我们的制度,提高我们的生活水平,并以自由和正义的方式维持我们赖以生存的人权。
”在这句话中,我们可以看到罗斯福总统的新政理念,他认为政府应该在社会中起到更加积极的作用,特别是当人们面临经济困难时。
他提出了一个新的“新政”想法,希望政府通过新政,改造制度,提高国家的生活水平,维持公民的人权。
在当时,这个想法是非常前卫的,受到了广泛的赞誉和支持。
此外,罗斯福总统还提到了他对国家未来的展望:“我所希望的,未来的方向是躬身与智慧与正义结为一体,以便我们在任务艰巨的时刻毫不退缩。
我所希望的,是我们的国家将显示出更多的同情心,并将财富广泛地分配到所有阶层。
我所希望的,是我们的许多不同的国家仍然作为一个民族站在一起,以便维护我们最高尚的实现。
”在这段话中,罗斯福总统谈到了他对未来的希望和期望。
他希望整个国家能够在艰难的时刻,坚强勇敢地前行,他希望所有人能够分享财富,遵循正义,并保护最高尚的理想。
总体来看,罗斯福总统的就职演讲在宣传新政思想的同时,深入分析了时局,用冷静而坚定的态度,鼓舞了美国人民的信心,展望了美国的未来方向。
他在演讲中的人性化的语言,贴近民生,对于当时的美国人民来说具有非常重要的意义。
罗斯福就职演讲稿中文
罗斯福就职演讲稿中文胡佛总统,首席法官先生,朋友们:今天,对我们国家来说,是一具神圣的生活。
我确信,同胞们都期待我在就任总统时,会像我国目前形势所要求的那样,坦率而果断地向他们说话。
如今正是坦白、勇敢地说出实话,说出全部实话的最好时间。
我们别必畏首畏尾,别老老实实面对我国今天的事情。
那个伟大的国家会一如既往地坚持下去,它会复兴和繁荣起来。
所以,让我首先表明我的坚决信念:我们唯一别得别胆怯的算是胆怯本身--一种莫名其妙、丧失理智的、毫无依照的恐怖,它把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。
凡在我国日子阴云密布的时间,坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持,从而为胜利预备了必别可少的条件。
我相信,在目前危急时间,大伙儿会再次赋予同样的支持。
我和你们都要以这种精神,来面对我们共同的困难。
谢谢上帝,这些困难不过物质方面的。
价值难以想象地贬缩了;课税增加了;我们的支付能力下落了;各级政府面临着严峻的收入短缺;交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结;工业企业枯萎的降叶到处可见;农场主的产品寻别到销路;千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。
更重要的是,大批失业公民正面临严重的生存咨询题,还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的酬劳。
惟独愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。
但是,我们的苦恼决别是因为缺乏货物。
我们没有遭到什么蝗虫的灾难。
我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安,比起他们记忆过的险阻,我们仍大可感到欣慰。
大自然仍在赋予我们恩惠,人类的努力已使之倍增。
富脚的情景近在咫尺,但就在我们见到这种情景的时候,宽裕的日子却悄然离去。
这要紧是因为主宰人类货物交换的统治者们失败了,他们固执己见而又无能为力,因而差不多认定失败了,并撒手别管了。
贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径。
将受到舆论法庭的起诉,将受到人类心灵理智的唾弃。
是的,他们是努力过,但是他们用的是一种彻底过时的办法。
面对信贷的失败,他们不过提议借出更多的钞票。
没有了当诱饵引诱人民追随他们的错误领导的金钞票,他们只得求助于说道,含泪祈求人民重新赋予他们信心。
罗斯福演讲稿3篇
罗斯福演讲稿3篇*目录罗斯福演讲稿罗斯福就职演讲稿中文罗斯福就职演讲稿英文president hoover mister chief justice, my friends: this is a day of national consecration, and i am certain that on this day my fellow americans expect that on my induction in the presidency i will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impeis. this is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today this great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper so first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself - nameless, unreasoning, un justified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. in every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory and i am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.in such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties. they concern, thank god, only material things. values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen, government of all kinds is faced by serious curta您正在查看《罗斯福就职演讲稿英文》iiment of income, the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side, farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.more important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.and yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague of locusts. compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed andwere not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for nature surrounds us with her bounty and human, efforts havemultiplied it. plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated. practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.true, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten您正在查看《罗斯福就职演讲稿英文》of an outworn tradition. faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. they only know the rules of a generation of self seekers. they have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civiiization. we may now restore thattemp1e to the ancient truths. a measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.happiness lies not in the mere possession of money it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. these dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be val您正在查看《罗斯福就职演讲稿英文》ued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct in banking and in business, which too of ten has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing. small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only onhonesty on honon on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance. without them it cannot live.restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. this nation is asking for action, and action now.our greatest primary task is to put people to work. this is no unsolvable problem if we take it wise1y and courageously it can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value您正在查看《罗斯福就职演讲稿英文》of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. it can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. it can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce. it can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are of ten scattered, uneconomical, unequal. it can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. there are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by mere1y talking about it. we must act, we must act quickly.and finally in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people-s money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.these, my friends, are the lines of attack. i shall presently urge upon a new congress in special session,detailed measures for their ful您正在查看《罗斯福就职演讲稿英文》of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. it can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. it can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce. it can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are of ten scattered, uneconomical, unequal. it can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. there are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by mere1y talking about it. we must act, we must act quickly.and finally in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people-s money; and there mustbe provisions for an adequate but sound currency.these, my friends, are the lines of attack. i shall presently urge upon a new congress in special session, detailed measures for their ful您正在查看《罗斯福就职演讲稿英文》gation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.if i read the temper of our people correctly we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well. that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discip1ine, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. we are all ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a 1eadership which aims at the larger good. this, i propose to offet we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.with this pledge taken, i assume unhesitatingly, theleadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems. action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors. our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a cen您正在查看《罗斯福就职演讲稿英文》tral form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen. it has met every stress of vast expansion of territory of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.and it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority wi1l be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. but it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for underlay action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.we face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity in the clearest consciousness ofseeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.we do not distrust the future of essential democracy the people of the united states have not failed. in their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. they have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. in the spirit of the gift, i take it.in this ded您正在查看《罗斯福就职演讲稿英文》ication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the b1essings of god, may he protect each and every one of us, may he guide me in the days to come.罗斯福就职演讲稿中文]罗斯福演讲稿(2) | 胡佛总统,首席法官先生,朋友们:今天,对我们国家来说,是一个神圣的日子。
就职演讲稿-罗斯福就职演讲稿中文
就职演讲稿-罗斯福就职演讲稿中文亲爱的美国人民:从这一刻起,我将履行我当选总统后的首要职责。
我向国家、各位公民以及世界表示我将全力以赴,以最大努力履行我的职责。
我想首先向我的前任致以最高的赞扬。
他为国家带来了巨大的付出和贡献,他将继续保持我的支持和尊重。
我也想向我的继任者致以我最诚挚的祝福和成功的祝愿。
我们国家面临着许多挑战和困难,现在正是时候我们团结一致,共同努力,克服这些问题并建设一个更加强大、繁荣和公正的国家。
在我即将履行总统职务的这一天,我要向大家强调我的信念和承诺。
我相信我们的国家是一个伟大的国家,我们的民主价值触动了世界各地,我们的创新推动了科技进步,我们的勇气塑造了我们国家的历史。
我承诺,我将坚持人民至上的原则。
无论种族、宗教、性别或国籍,每一个公民都应该被平等对待,拥有机会和尊严。
我将努力减少贫困和不平等,建立一个包容和公正的社会,使每个人都能够充分发展自己的潜能。
我承诺,我将保护我们的国家免受任何形式的威胁,并确保我们的安全和繁荣。
我将与国际社会合作,解决全球挑战,维护和促进世界和平。
我承诺,我将推动创新和发展,确保我们的经济增长和就业机会。
我将倡导科学、教育和技能培训的重要性,使我们的人民能够适应不断变化的世界。
最后,我要呼吁每一个美国公民,每个人都可以成为国家发展的一部分。
每个人都可以为我们的国家作出贡献,为我们的社会带来积极的变化。
我们的国家需要每个人的参与和努力。
让我们共同努力,实现我们的梦想,建设一个更加美好的未来。
我坚信,只要我们团结一致,我们将能够克服任何困难,实现我们的目标。
谢谢大家!愿上帝保佑美国!。
罗斯福就职演讲稿中文 (2)
罗斯福就职演讲稿中文
尊敬的各位国会议员、亲爱的美国人民:
我今天站在这里,为了接受美国总统的职位,而向全国通报我的为人和政府的原则。
在美国历史上,我们面临着一场严重的经济危机。
无数美国人民正在面临贫困、失业
和希望的丧失。
作为一位领导者,我的首要任务是帮助我们的国家度过这个困难时刻。
我深信,我们的首要任务是采取果断的行动来改变我们当前的状况。
我们必须改革我
们的金融体系,解决失业和贫困问题,并确保每个美国人都有机会实现自己的梦想。
作为总统,我将采取以下措施来实现这些目标:
首先,我将推动通过一项新的经济恢复计划,以刺激就业和经济增长。
我们将投资于
基础设施建设、能源发展和教育,以创造更多就业机会,并将经济拉出衰退。
其次,我将改革我们的金融体系。
我们必须确保金融机构的稳定,并防止类似的危机
再次发生。
我将与国会合作,制定更严格的金融监管法规,以保护我们的国家免受金
融风险的威胁。
第三,我将采取措施来解决失业和贫困问题。
我将推动通过就业培训计划和创业机会,帮助那些失去工作的人重新融入经济。
我还将增加福利和社会保障的支持,以帮助那
些受困于贫困的人们。
最后,作为总统,我将致力于建立一个公正和包容的社会。
我将反对任何形式的歧视
和不公正待遇,并确保每个美国人都能享受到平等的机会和权利。
在新的任期里,我将全力以赴为美国人民服务。
我相信我们可以克服当前的困难,并建设一个更加繁荣和公正的国家。
谢谢大家。
愿上帝保佑美国!。
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First Inaugural AddressFranklin D. Roosevelt 富兰克林·罗斯福1933.3.4.演讲者简介:罗斯福在1933年成为总统当时美国正陷于世界性的经济危机之中。
罗斯福以他的能力为人民创造就业机会并带去援助。
罗斯福的许多施政观点至今仍是美国治国方针的一部分。
President Hoover, Mister Chief Justice, my friends:This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day, my fellow Americans expect that on my induction in the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing the conditions facing our country today. This great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So first of all, let me express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself-nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves, which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families are gone.More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for. Nature surrounds us with her bounty, and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admittedtheir failure and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition. Faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision, the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. A measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits. Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct in banking and in business, which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance. Without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we take it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically, the tragedyof the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it. We must act, we must act quickly.And finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people’s money; and there must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states. Through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order, and making income balance outflow. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first.I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States of America – a recognition of the old and the permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery, it is the immediate way, it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor. The neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does so, respects the rights of others. The neighbor who respects his obligation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world of neighbor.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize what we have never realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well. That if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army, willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline, no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. We are allready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty, hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from my ancestors. Our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central form, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen. It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority will be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelay action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity, in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift, I take it.In this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the blessings of God, may He protect each and every one of us, may He guide me in the days to come.。