2016奥巴马国情咨文英文版
奥巴马2016年就职演讲
奥巴马2013年就职演讲中英文对照北京时间1月22日凌晨，贝拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马宣誓就职第四十四任美利坚合众国总统并发表就职演说。
奥巴马在演讲中追溯美国民主传统和宪法精神，强调了民众的力量。
演讲中涉及了包括就业、医保、移民和同性恋等多项议题，以下为奥巴马就职演说全文：mr. obama: thank you. thank you so much. vice president biden, mr. chief justice,members of the united states congress, distinguished guests, and fellow citizens: 谢谢，非常感谢大家。
拜登副总统、首席大法官先生、国会议员们、尊敬的各位嘉宾、亲爱的公民们。
each time we gather to inaugurate a president, we bear witness to the enduringstrength of our constitution. we affirm the promise of our democracy. we recall thatwhat binds this nation together is not the colors of our skin or the tenets of ourfaith or the origins of our names. what makes us exceptional – what makes us american– is our allegiance to an idea, articulated in a declaration made more than twocenturies ago: 每一次我们集会庆祝总统就职都是在见证美国宪法的持久力量。
我们都是在肯定美国民主的承诺。
奥巴马 国情咨文演讲英文版
Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans:Tonight I want to begin by congratulating the men and women of the 112th Congress, as well as your new Speaker, John Boehner. And as we mark this occasion, we are also mindful of the empty chair in this Chamber, and pray for the health of our colleague –and our friend – Gabby Giffords.It’s no secret that those of us here tonight have had our differences over the last two years. The debates have been contentious; we have fought fiercely for our beliefs. And that’s a good thing. That’s what a robust democracy demands. That’s what helps set us apart as a nation.But there’s a reason the tragedy in Tucson gave us pause. Amid all the noise and passions and rancor of our public debate, Tucson reminded us that no matter who we are or where we come from, each of us is a part of something greater – something more consequential than party or political preference.We are part of the American family. We believe that in a country where every race and faith and point of view can be found, we are still bound together as one people; that we share common hopesand a common creed; that the dreams of a little girl in Tucson are not so different than those of our own children, and that they all deserve the chance to be fulfilled.That, too, is what sets us apart as a nation.Now, by itself, this simple recognition won’t usher in a new era of cooperation. What comes of this moment is up to us. What comes of this moment will be determined not by whether we can sit together tonight, but whether we can work together tomorrow.I believe we can. I believe we must. That’s what the people who sent us here expect of us. With their votes, they’ve determined that governing will now be a shared responsibility between parties. New laws will only pass with support from Democrats and Republicans. We will move forward together, or not at all – for the challenges we face are bigger than party, and bigger than politics.At stake right now is not who wins the next election – after all, we just had an election. At stake is whether new jobs and industries take root in this country, or somewhere else. It’s whether the hard work and industry of our people is rewarded. It’s whether we sustain the leadership that has made America not just a place on a map, but a light to the world.We are poised for progress. Two years after the worst recession most of us have ever known, the stock market has come roaring back. Corporate profits are up. The economy is growing again.But we have never measured progress by these yardsticks alone. We measure progress by the success of our people. By the jobs they can find and the quality of life those jobs offer. By the prospects of a small business owner who dreams of turning a good idea into a thriving enterprise. By the opportunities for a better life that we pass on to our children.That’s the project the American people want us to work on. Together.We did that in December. Thanks to the tax cuts we passed, Americans’ paychec ks are a little bigger today. Every business can write off the full cost of the new investments they make this year. These steps, taken by Democrats and Republicans, will grow the economy and add to the more than one million private sector jobs created last year.But we have more work to do. The steps we’ve taken over the last two years may have broken the back of this recession – but to winthe future, we’ll need to take on challenges that have been decades in the making.Many people watching tonight can probably remember a time when finding a good job meant showing up at a nearby factory or a business downtown. You didn’t always need a degree, and your competition was pretty much limited to your neighbors. If you worked hard, chances are you’d have a job f or life, with a decent paycheck, good benefits, and the occasional promotion. Maybe you’d even have the pride of seeing your kids work at the same company.That world has changed. And for many, the change has been painful. I’ve seen it in the shuttered win dows of once booming factories, and the vacant storefronts of once busy Main Streets. I’ve heard it in the frustrations of Americans who’ve seen their paychecks dwindle or their jobs disappear – proud men and women who feel like the rules have been changed in the middle of the game.They’re right. The rules have changed. In a single generation, revolutions in technology have transformed the way we live, work and do business. Steel mills that once needed 1,000 workers can now do the same work with 100. Today, just about any companycan set up shop, hire workers, and sell their products wherever there’s an internet connection.Meanwhile, nations like China and India realized that with some changes of their own, they could compete in this new world. And so they started educating their children earlier and longer, with greater emphasis on math and science. They’re investing in research and new technologies. Just recently, China became home to the world’s largest private solar research facility, and the world’s fastest computer.So yes, the world has changed. The competition for jobs is real. But this shouldn’t discourage us. It should challenge us. Remember –for all the hits we’ve taken these last few years, for all the naysayers predicting our decline, America still has the largest, most prosperous economy in the world. No workers are more productive than ours. No country has more successful companies, or grants more patents to inventors and entrepreneurs. We are home to the world’s best colleges and universities, where more students come to study than any other place on Earth.What’s more, we are the first nation to be founded for the sake of an idea – the idea that each of us deserves the chance to shape our own destiny. That is why centuries of pioneers and immigrantshave risked everything to come here. It’s why our students don’t just memorize equations, but answer questions like “What do you think of that idea? What would you change about the world? What do you want to be when you grow up?”The future is ours to win. But to get there, we can’t just stand still. As Robert Kennedy told us, “The future is not a gift. It is an achievement.” Sustaining the American Dream has never been about standing pat. It has required each generation to sacrifice, and struggle, and meet the demands of a new age.Now it’s our turn. We know what it takes to compete for the jobs and industries of our time. We need to out-innovate, out-educate, and out-build the rest of the world. We have to make America the best place on Earth to do business. We need to take responsibility for our deficit, and reform our government. That’s how our people will prosper. That’s how we’ll win the future. And tonight, I’d like to talk about how we get there.The first step in winning the future is encouraging American innovation.None of us can predict with certainty what the next big industry will be, or where the new jobs will come from. Thirty years ago, wecouldn’t know that something called the Internet would lead to an economic revolution. What we can do – what America does better than anyone – is spark the creativity and imagination of our people. We are the nation that put cars in driveways and computers in offices; the nation of Edison and the Wright brothers; of Google and Facebook. In America, in novation doesn’t just change our lives. It’s how we make a living.Our free enterprise system is what drives innovation. But because it’s not always profitable for companies to invest in basic research, throughout history our government has provided cutting-edge scientists and inventors with the support that they need. That’s what planted the seeds for the Internet. That’s what helped make possible things like computer chips and GPS.Just think of all the good jobs – from manufacturing to retail –that have come from those breakthroughs.Half a century ago, when the Soviets beat us into space with the launch of a satellite called Sputnik? we had no idea how we’d beat them to the moon. The science wasn’t there yet. NASA didn’t even exist. But after investing in better research and education, we didn’t just surpass the Soviets; we unleashed a wave of innovation that created new industries and millions of new jobs.This is our generation’s Sputnik moment. Two years ago, I said that we needed to reach a level of research and development we haven’t seen since the height of the Space Race. In a few weeks, I will be sending a budget to Congress that helps us meet that goal. We’ll invest in biomedical research, information technology, and especially clean energy technology – an investment that will strengthen our security, protect our planet, and create countless new jobs for our people.Already, we are seeing the promise of renewable energy. Robert and Gary Allen are brothers who run a small Michigan roofing company. After September 11th, they volunteered their best roofers to help repair the Pentagon. But half of their factory went unused, and the recession hit them hard.Today, with the help of a government loan, that empty space is being used to manufacture solar shingles that are being sold all across the country. In Robert’s words, “We reinvented ourselves.”That’s what Americans have done for over two hundred years: reinvented ourselves. And to spur on more success stories like the Allen Brothers, we’ve begun to reinvent our energy policy. We’re not just handing out money. We’re issuing a challenge. We’re telling America’s scientists and engineers that if they assembleteams of the best minds in their fields, and focus on the hardest problems in c lean energy, we’ll fund the Apollo Projects of our time.At the California Institute of Technology, they’re developing a way to turn sunlight and water into fuel for our cars. At Oak Ridge National Laboratory, they’re using supercomputers to get a lot more power out of our nuclear facilities. With more research and incentives, we can break our dependence on oil with biofuels, and become the first country to have 1 million electric vehicles on the road by 2015.We need to get behind this innovation. And to h elp pay for it, I’m asking Congress to eliminate the billions in taxpayer dollars we currently give to oil companies. I don’t know if you’ve noticed, but they’re doing just fine on their own. So instead of subsidizing yesterday’s energy, let’s invest in tomorrow’s.Now, clean energy breakthroughs will only translate into clean energy jobs if businesses know there will be a market for what they’re selling. So tonight, I challenge you to join me in setting a new goal: by 2035, 80% of America’s electricity wil l come from clean energy sources. Some folks want wind and solar. Others want nuclear, clean coal, and natural gas. To meet this goal, we will needthem all – and I urge Democrats and Republicans to work together to make it happen.Maintaining our leadership in research and technology is crucial to America’s success. But if we want to win the future – if we want innovation to produce jobs in America and not overseas – then we also have to win the race to educate our kids.Think about it. Over the next ten years, nearly half of all new jobs will require education that goes beyond a high school degree. And yet, as many as a quarter of our students aren’t even finishing high school. The quality of our math and science education lags behind many other nations. America has fallen to 9th in the proportion of young people with a college degree. And so the question is whether all of us – as citizens, and as parents –are willing to do what’s necessary to give every child a chance to succeed.That responsibility begins not in our classrooms, but in our homes and communities. It’s family that first instills the love of learning in a child. Only parents can make sure the TV is turned off and homework gets done. We need to teach our kids that it’s not just the winner of the Super Bowl who deserves to be celebrated, but the winner of the science fair; that success is not a function of fame or PR, but of hard work and discipline.Our schools share this responsibility. When a child walks into a classroom, it should be a place of high expectations and high performance. But too many schools don’t meet this test. That’s why instead of just pouring money into a system that’s not working, we launched a competition called Race to the Top. To all fifty states, we said, “If you show u s the most innovative plans to improve teacher quality and student achievement, we’ll show you the money.”Race to the Top is the most meaningful reform of our public schools in a generation. For less than one percent of what we spend on education each year, it has led over 40 states to raise their standards for teaching and learning. These standards were developed, not by Washington, but by Republican and Democratic governors throughout the country. And Race to the Top should be the approach we follow this year as we replace No Child Left Behind with a law that is more flexible and focused on what’s best for our kids.You see, we know what’s possible for our children when reform isn’t just a top-down mandate, but the work of local teachers and principals; school boards and communities.Take a school like Bruce Randolph in Denver. Three years ago, it was rated one of the worst schools in Colorado; located on turf between two rival gangs. But last May, 97% of the seniors received their diploma. Most will be the first in their family to go to college. And after the first year of the school’s transformation, the principal who made it possible wiped away tears when a student said “Thank you, Mrs. Waters, for showing… that we are smart and we can make it.”Let’s al so remember that after parents, the biggest impact on a child’s success comes from the man or woman at the front of the classroom. In South Korea, teachers are known as “nation builders.” Here in America, it’s time we treated the people who educate our children with the same level of respect. We want to reward good teachers and stop making excuses for bad ones. And over the next ten years, with so many Baby Boomers retiring from our classrooms, we want to prepare 100,000 new teachers in the fields of science, technology, engineering, and math.In fact, to every young person listening tonight who’s contemplating their career choice: If you want to make a difference in the life of our nation; if you want to make a difference in the life of a child – become a teacher. Your country needs you.Of course, the education race doesn’t end with a high school diploma. To compete, higher education must be within reach of every American. That’s why we’ve ended the unwarranted taxpayer subsidies that went to banks, and used the savings to make college affordable for millions of students. And this year, I ask Congress to go further, and make permanent our tuition tax credit – worth $10,000 for four years of college.Because people need to be able to train for new jobs and careers in today’s fast-changing economy, we are also revitalizing America’s community colleges. Last month, I saw the promise of these schools at Forsyth Tech in North Carolina. Many of the students there used to work in the surrounding factories that have since left town. One mother of two, a woman named Kathy Proctor, had worked in the furniture industry since she was 18 years old. And she told me she’s earning her degree in biotechnology now, at 55 years old, not just because the furniture jobs are gone, but because she wants to inspire her children to pursue their dreams too. As Kathy said, “I hope it tells them to never give up.”If we take these steps – if we raise expectations for every child, and give them the best possible chance at an education, from the day they’re born until the last job they take – we will reach the goal Iset two years ago: by the end of the decade, America will once again have the highest proportion of college graduates in the world.One last point about education. Today, there are hundreds of thousands of students excelling in our schools who are not American citizens. Some are the children of undocumented workers, who had nothing to do with the actions of their parents. They grew up as Americans and pledge allegiance to our flag, and yet live every day with the threat of deportation. Others come here from abroad to study in our colleges and universities. But as soon as they obtain advanced degrees, we send them back home to compete against us. It makes no sense.Now, I strongly believe that we should take on, once and for all, the issue of illegal immigration. I am prepared to work with Republicans and Democrats to protect our borders, enforce our laws and address the millions of undocumented workers who are now living in the shadows. I know that debate will be difficult and take time. But tonight, let’s agree to make that effort. And let’s stop expelling talented, responsible young people who can staff our research labs, start new businesses, and further enrich this nation.The third step in winning the future is rebuilding America. To attract new businesses to our shores, we need the fastest, most reliable ways to move people, goods, and information – fromhigh-speed rail to high-speed internet.Our infrastructure used to be the best – but our lead has slipped. South Korean homes now have greater internet access than we do. Countries in Europe and Russia invest more in their roads and railways than we do. China is building faster trains and newer airports. Meanwhile, when our o wn engineers graded our nation’s infrastructure, they gave us a “D.”We have to do better. America is the nation that built the transcontinental railroad, brought electricity to rural communities, and constructed the interstate highway system. The jobs created by these projects didn’t just come from laying down tracks or pavement. They came from businesses that opened near a town’s new train station or the new off-ramp.Over the last two years, we have begun rebuilding for the 21st century, a project that has meant thousands of good jobs for the hard-hit construction industry. Tonight, I’m proposing that we redouble these efforts.We will put more Americans to work repairing crumbling roads and bridges. We will make sure this is fully paid for, attract private investment, and pick projects based on what’s best for the economy, not politicians.Within 25 years, our goal is to give 80% of Americans access to high-speed rail, which could allow you go places in half the time it takes to travel by car. For some trips, it will be faster than flying –without the pat-down. As we speak, routes in California and the Midwest are already underway.Within the next five years, we will make it possible for business to deploy the next generation of high-speed wireless coverage to 98% of all Americans. This isn’t just about a faster internet and fewer dropped calls. It’s about connecting every part of America to the digital age. It’s about a rural community in Iowa or Alabama where farmers and small business owners will be able to sell their products all over the world. It’s about a firefighter who can download the design of a burning building onto a handheld device;a student who can take classes with a digital textbook; or a patient who can have face-to-face video chats with her doctor.All these investments – in innovation, education, and infrastructure – will make America a better place to do businessand create jobs. But to help our companies compete, we also have to knock down barriers that stand in the way of their success.Over the years, a parade of lobbyists has rigged the tax code to benefit particular companies and industries. Those with accountants or lawyers to work the system can end up paying no taxes at all. But all the rest are hit with one of the highest corporate tax rates in the world. It makes no sense, and it has to change.So tonight, I’m asking Democrats and Republicans to simplify the system. Get rid of the loopholes. Level the playing field. And use the savings to lower the corporate tax rate for the first time in 25 years – without adding to our deficit.To help businesses sell more products abroad, we set a goal of doubling our exports by 2014 – because the more we export, the more jobs we create at home. Already, our exports are up. Recently, we signed agreements with India and China that will support more than 250,000 jobs in the United States. And last month, we finalized a trade agreement with South Korea that will support at least 70,000 American jobs. This agreement has unprecedented support from business and labor; Democrats and Republicans, and I ask this Congress to pass it as soon as possible.Before I took office, I made it clear that we would enforce our trade agreements, and that I would only sign deals that keep faith with American worker s, and promote American jobs. That’s what we did with Korea, and that’s what I intend to do as we pursue agreements with Panama and Colombia, and continue our Asia Pacific and global trade talks.To reduce barriers to growth and investment, I’ve ordered a review of government regulations. When we find rules that put an unnecessary burden on businesses, we will fix them. But I will not hesitate to create or enforce commonsense safeguards to protect the American people. That’s what we’ve done in this country for more than a century. It’s why our food is safe to eat, our water is safe to drink, and our air is safe to breathe. It’s why we have speed limits and child labor laws. It’s why last year, we put in place consumer protections against hidden fees and penalties by credit card companies, and new rules to prevent another financial crisis. And it’s why we passed reform that finally prevents the health insurance industry from exploiting patients.Now, I’ve heard rumors that a few of you have some concerns about the new health care law. So let me be the first to say that anything can be improved. If you have ideas about how to improvethis law by making care better or more affordable, I am eager to work with you. We can start right now by correcting a flaw in the legislation that has placed an unnecessary bookkeeping burden on small businesses.What I’m not willing to do is go back to the days when insurance companies could deny someone coverage because of a pre-existing condition. I’m not willing to tell James Ho ward, a brain cancer patient from Texas, that his treatment might not be covered. I’m not willing to tell Jim Houser, a small business owner from Oregon, that he has to go back to paying $5,000 more to cover his employees. As we speak, this law is making prescription drugs cheaper for seniors and giving uninsured students a chance to stay on their parents’ coverage. So instead of re-fighting the battles of the last two years, let’s fix what needs fixing and move forward. Now, the final step – a critical step – in winning the future is to make sure we aren’t buried under a mountain of debt.We are living with a legacy of deficit-spending that began almost a decade ago. And in the wake of the financial crisis, some of that was necessary to keep credit flowing, save jobs, and put money in people’s pockets.But now that the worst of the recession is over, we have to confront the fact that our government spends more than it takes in. That is not sustainable. Every day, families sacrifice to live within their means. They deserve a government that does the same.So tonight, I am proposing that starting this year, we freeze annual domestic spending for the next five years. This would reduce the deficit by more than $400 billion over the next decade, and will bring discretionary spending to the lowest share of our economy since Dwight Eisenhower was president.This freeze will require painful cuts. Already, we have frozen the salaries of hardworking federal employees for the next two years. I’ve proposed cuts to things I care deeply about, like community action programs. The Secretary of Defense has also agreed to cut tens of billions of dollars in spending that he and his generals believe our military can do without.I recognize that some in this Chamber have already proposed deeper cuts, and I’m willing to eliminate whatever we can honestly afford to do without. But let’s make sure that we’re not doing it on the backs of our most vulnerable citizens. And let’s make sure what we’re cutting is really excess weight. Cuttin g the deficit by gutting our investments in innovation and education is like lightening anoverloaded airplane by removing its engine. It may feel like you’re flying high at first, but it won’t take long before you’ll feel the impact.Now, most of the cuts and savings I’ve proposed only address annual domestic spending, which represents a little more than 12% of our budget. To make further progress, we have to stop pretending that cutting this kind of spending alone will be enough. It won’t.The bipartisan Fiscal Commission I created last year made this crystal clear. I don’t agree with all their proposals, but they made important progress. And their conclusion is that the only way to tackle our deficit is to cut excessive spending wherever we find it –in domestic spending, defense spending, health care spending, and spending through tax breaks and loopholes.This means further reducing health care costs, including programs like Medicare and Medicaid, which are the single biggest contributor to our long-term deficit. Health insurance reform will slow these rising costs, which is part of why nonpartisan economists have said that repealing the health care law would add a quarter of a trillion dollars to our deficit. Still, I’m willing to look at other ideas to bring down costs, including one that Republicanssuggested last year: medical malpractice reform to rein in frivolous lawsuits.To put us on solid ground, we should also find a bipartisan solution to strengthen Social Security for future generations. And we must do it without putting at risk current retirees, the most vulnerable, or people with disabilities; without slashing benefits for future generations; and without subjecting Americans’ guaranteed retirement income to the whims of the stock market.And if we truly care about our deficit, we simply cannot afford a permanent extension of the tax cuts for the wealthiest 2% of Americans. Before we take money away from our schools, or scholarships away from our students, we should ask millionaires to give up their tax break.It’s not a matter of punishing their success. It’s about promoting America’s success.In fact, the best thing we could do on taxes for all Americans is to simplify the individual tax code. This will be a tough job, but members of both parties have expressed interest in doing this, and I am prepared to join them.So now is the time to act. Now is the time for both sides and both houses of Congress – Democrats and Republicans – to forge a principled compromise that gets the job done. If we make the hard choices now to rein in our deficits, we can make the investments we need to win the future.Let me take this one step further. We shouldn’t just give our people a government that’s more affordable. We should give them a government that’s more c ompetent and efficient. We cannot win the future with a government of the past.We live and do business in the information age, but the last major reorganization of the government happened in the age of black and white TV. There are twelve different agencies that deal with exports. There are at least five different entities that deal with housing policy. Then there’s my favorite example: the Interior Department is in charge of salmon while they’re in fresh water, but the Commerce Department handles them in when they’re in saltwater. And I hear it gets even more complicated once they’re smoked. Now, we have made great strides over the last two years in using technology and getting rid of waste. Veterans can now download their electronic medical records with a click of the mouse. We’re selling acres of federal office space that hasn’t been used in years,。
奥巴马总统发表任内最后一次国情咨文英语演讲稿_演讲稿
奥巴马总统发表任内最后一次国情咨文英语演讲稿Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, myfellow Americans:Tonight marks the eighth year I've come here to report onthe State of the Union. And for thisfinal one, I'm going to try to make it shorter. I know some of you are antsy to get backto Iowa.I also understand that because it's an election season,expectations for what we'll achievethis year are low. Still,Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the constructive approach you andtheother leaders took at the end of last year to pass a budgetand make tax cuts permanent forworking families. So I hope wecan work together this year on bipartisan priorities like criminaljustice reform, and helping people who are battlingprescription drug abuse. We just mightsurprise the cynics again. But tonight, I want to go easy on the traditional list ofproposals for the year ahead. Don'tworry, I've got plenty, from helping students learn to write computer code to personalizingmedical treatments for patients. And I'll keep1 / 26pushing for progress on the work that still needsdoing. Fixing a broken immigration system. Protecting our kids from gun violence. Equal payfor equal work, paid leave, raising theminimum wage. All these things still matter tohardworking families; they are still the right thing to do; and I will notlet up until they getdone.But for my final address to this chamber, I don't want totalk just about the next year. I wantto focus on the next fiveyears, ten years, and beyond.I want to focus on our future.We live in a time of extraordinary change –change that's reshaping the way we live, the waywe work, our planet and ourplace in the world. It's change that promises amazing medicalbreakthroughs, but also economic disruptions that strain working families. It promiseseducation for girls in the most remote villages, but also connects terrorists plotting an oceanaway. It's change that can broaden opportunity, or widen inequality. And whether we like itor not, the pace of thischange will only accelerate.America has been through big changes before – wars and depression, the influx ofimmigrants, workers fighting for a2 / 26fair deal, and movements to expand civil rights. Each time,there have been those who told us to fear the future; who claimed we could slam the brakes onchange, promising to restore past glory if we just got some g roup or idea that wasthreatening America under control. And each time, we overcame those fears. We did not, inthe words of Lincoln, adhere to the “dogmas of the quiet past.” Instead we thought anew, andacted anew. We made change work for us, always extending America's promise outward, to thenext frontier, to more and more people. Andbecause we did – because we saw opportunitywhere others sawonly peril – we emerged stronger and better than before.What was true then can be true now. Our unique strengthsas a nation –our optimism andwork ethic, our spirit of discovery and innovation, our diversity and commitment to theruleof law –these things give us everything we need to ensure prosperity and security forgenerations to come.In fact, it's that spirit that made the progress of thesepast seven years possible. It's how werecovered from the worst economic crisis in generations. It's how we reformed our health caresystem, and reinvented our energy sector; how we delivered more care and benefits to ourtroops and veterans, and how we3 / 26secured the freedom in every state to marry the person welove. But such progress is not inevitable. It is the result ofchoices we make together. And we facesuch choices right now.Will we respond to the changes of our time with fear, turninginward asa nation, and turning against each other as a people? Or will we face the future withconfidence in who we are, whatwe stand for, and the incredible things we can do together?So let's talk about the future, and four big questions that we as a country have to answer –regardless of who the next President is, or who controls the next Congress.First, how do we give everyone a fair shot at opportunityand security in this new economy?Second, how do we make technology work for us, and notagainst us –especially when it comesto solving urgent challenges like climate change?Third, how do we keep America safe and lead the world without becoming its policeman?And finally, how can we make our politics reflect what'sbest in us, and not what's worst?Let me s tart with the economy, and a basic fact: the United States of America, right now, hasthe strongest, most durable4 / 26economy in the world. We're in the middle of the longest streakof private-sector job creation in history. More than 14million new jobs; the strongest two yearsof job growth sincethe ‘90s; an unemployment rate cut in half. Our auto industry just had itsbest year ever. Manufacturing has created nearly900,000 new jobs in the past six years. Andwe've done all this while cutting our deficits by almost three-quarters.Anyone claiming that America's economy is in decline ispeddling fiction. What is true – andthe reason that a lot of Americans feel anxious –is that the economy h as been changing inprofound ways, changes that started long before the Great Recession hit and haven't let up.Today, technology doesn't just replace jobs on the assembly line, but any job where work canbe automated. Companies in a global economy can locate anywhere,and face toughercompetition. As a result, workers have lessleverage for a raise. Companies have less loyaltyto their communities. And more and more wealth and income is concentrated at the very top.All these trends have squeezed workers, even when t hey have jobs; even when the economy i sgrowing. It's made i t harder fora hardworking family to pull itself out of poverty, harder5 / 26foryoung people to start on their careers, and tougher forworkers to retire when they want to. Andalthough none of these trends are unique to America, they do offend our uniquely Americanbelief that everybody who works hard should get a fair shot.For the past seven years, our goal has been a growing economy that works better for everybody.We've made progress.But we need to make more. And despite all the political arguments we'vehad these past few years, there are some areas where Americans broadly agree.We agree that real opportunity requires every American toget the education and training theyneed to land a good-payingjob. The bipartisan reform of No Child Left Behind was animportant start, and together, we've increased early childhood education, lifted high schoolgraduation rates to new highs, and boosted graduates in fields like engineering. In the comingyears, we should build on that progress, by providingPre-K for all, offering every student thehands-on computerscience and math classes that make them job-ready on day one,and weshould recruit and support more great teachers for ourkids.6 / 26And we have to make c ollege affordable for every American. Because no hardworking studentshould be stuck in the red. We've already reduced student loan payments to ten percent of aborrower's income. Now, we've actually got to cut the cost of college. Providing two years ofcommunity college at no cost for every responsible student is one of the best ways to do that,and I'm going to keep fighting to get that started this year.Of course, a great education isn't all we need in this new economy. We also need benefits andprotections that provide abasic measure of security. After all, it's not much o f a stretch tosay that some of the only people in America who are going towork the same job, in the sameplace, with a health and retirement package, for 30 years, are sitting in this chamber. Foreveryone else, especially folks in their forties and fifties, saving for retirement or bouncing backfrom job loss has gotten a lot tougher. Americans understand that at some point in theircareers, they may have to retool and retrain. But theyshouldn't lose what they've alreadyworked so hard to build.That's why Social Security and Medicare are more important than ever; we shouldn't weakenthem, we should strengthen them. And for Americans short of retirement, basic benefitsshould be 7 / 26just as mobile as everything else is today. That's what theAffordable Care Act is allabout. It's about filling the gapsin employer-based care so that when w e lose a job, or go backto school, or start that new business, we'll still have coverage. Nearly eighteen million havegained coverage so far. Health care inflation has slowed. And our businesses have created jobsevery single month since it became law.Now, I'm guessing we w on't agree on health care anytime soon. But there should be other waysboth parties can improve economic security. Say a hardworking American loses his job –weshouldn't just make sure he can get unemployment insurance;we should make sure thatprogram encourages him to retrain fora business that's ready to hire him. If that new jobdoesn't pay as much, there should be a system of wage insurance in placeso that he can stillpay his bills. And even if he's going fromjob to job, he should still be able to save forretirement andtake his savings with him. That's the way w e make t he new e conomy workbetter for everyone.I also know Speaker Ryan has talked about his interest intackling poverty. America is aboutgiving everybody willing to work a hand up, and I'd welcome a serious discussion 8 / 26aboutstrategies we can all support, like expanding tax cuts for low-income workers without kids.But there are other areas where it's been more difficultto find agreement over the last sevenyears –namely what role the government should play in making sure the system's notrigged infavor of the wealthiest and biggest corporations. And here, the American people have a choiceto make.I believe a thriving private sector is the lifeblood of our economy. I think there are outdatedregulations that need to be changed, and there's red tape that needs to be cut. But afteryearsof record corporate profits, working families won't getmore opportunity or bigger paychecksby letting big banks or big oil or hedge funds make their own rules at the expense of everyoneelse; or by allowing attacks on collective bargainingto go unanswered. Food Stamp recipientsdidn't cause the financial crisis; recklessness on Wall Street did. Immigrants aren't the reasonwages haven't gone up enough; those decisions are made i n the boardrooms that too often putquarterly earnings over long-term returns. It's sure not the average family watching tonightthat avoids paying taxes through offshore accounts. In this new economy, workers and start-upsand small9 / 26businesses need more of a voice, not less. The rules should work for them. And thisyear I plan to lift up the many businesseswho've figured out that doing right by their workersends upbeing good for their shareholders, their customers, and their communities, so that wecan spread those best practices across America.In fact, many of our best corporate citizens are also ourmost creative. This brings me t o thesecond big question we have to answer as a country: how do we reignite that spirit ofinnovation to meet our biggest challenges?Sixty years ago, when the Russians beat us into space, wedidn't deny Sputnik was up there.We didn't argue about thescience, or shrink our research and development budget. Webuilt aspace program almost overnight, and twelve years later, we were walking on the moon.That spirit of discovery is in our DNA. We're Thomas E dison and the Wright Brothers andGeorge Washington Carver. We'reGrace Hopper and Katherine Johnson and Sally Ride. We'reevery immigrant and entrepreneur from Boston to Austin to SiliconValley racing to shape abetter world. And over the past sevenyears, we've nurtured that spirit.10 / 26We've protected an open internet, and taken bold new steps to get more students and low-income Americans online. We've launched next-generation manufacturing hubs, and online toolsthat give an entrepreneur everything he or she needs tostart a business in a single day.But we can do so much m ore. Last year, Vice President Biden said that with a new moonshot,America can cure cancer. Lastmonth, he worked with this Congress to give scientists at theNational Institutes of Health the strongest resources they've had in over a decade. Tonight, I'mannouncing a newnational effort to get it done. And because he's gone to themat for all of us,on so many issues over the past forty years,I'm putting Joe in charge of Mission Control. Forthe loved ones we've all lost, for the family we can still save, let's makeAmerica the countrythat cures cancer once and for all.Medical research is critical. We need the same level ofcommitment when it comes todeveloping clean energy sources.Look, if anybody still wants to dispute the science around climate change, have at it. You'll bepretty lonely, becauseyou'll be debating our military, most of America's businessleaders, themajority of the American people, almost the entire 11 / 26scientific community, and 200 nationsaround the world who a gree it's a problem and intend to solve it.But even if the planet wasn't at stake; even if 2019 wasn't the warmest year on record –until2019 turned out even hotter –why would we want to pass up the chance for Americanbusinesses to produce and sell the energy of the future? Seven years ago, we made the single biggest investment inclean energy in our history. Hereare the results. In fields from Iowa to Texas, wind power is now cheaper than dirtier,conventional power. On rooftops from Arizona to NewYork, solar is saving Americans tens ofmillions of dollars ayear on their energy bills, and employs more Americans than coal – in jobsthat pay better than average. We're taking steps togive homeowners the freedom to generateand store their ownenergy – something environmentalists and Tea Partiers have teamed up tosupport. Meanwhile, we've cut our imports of foreign oil by nearly sixty percent, and cut carbonpollutionmore than any other country on Earth.Gas under two bucks a gallon ain't bad, either.Now we've got to accelerate the transition away from dirty energy. Rather than subsidizethe past, we should invest in the 12 / 26future –especially in communities that rely on fossil fuels.That's why I'm going to push to change the way we manage our oil and coal resources, so thatthey better reflect the costs they impose on taxpayers and our planet. That way, we putmoney back into those communities and put tens of thousands of Americans to work building a21st century transportation system. None of this will happen overnight, and yes, there areplenty of entrenched interests whowant to protect the statusquo. But the jobs we'll create, the money we'll save, and theplanetwe'll preserve –that's the kind of future our kids and grandkids deserve.Climate change is just one of many i ssues where our securityis linked to the rest of the world.And that's why the third big question we have to answer is how t o keep America safe andstrong without either isolating ourselves or trying to nation-buildeverywhere there's a problem.I told you earlier all the talk of America's economic decline is political hot air. Well, so is all therhetoric youhear about our enemies getting stronger and America gettingweaker. The UnitedStates of America is the most powerful nation on Earth. Period. It's not even close. We spendmore on our13 / 26military than the next eight nations combined. Our troops arethe finest fightingforce in the history of the world. No nation dares to attack us or our allies because they knowthat's thepath to ruin. Surveys show our standing around the world ishigher than when I waselected to this office, and when it comes to every important international issue, people of theworld donot look to Beijing or Moscow to lead – they call us.As someone who begins every day with an intelligence briefing, I know t his is a dangeroustime. But that's not because of diminished American strength or some looming superpower.Intoday's world, we're threatened less by evil empires and more by failing states. The Middle Eastis going through a transformation that will play out for a generation, rooted inconflicts thatdate back millennia. Economic headwinds blowfrom a Chinese economy in transition. Even astheir economy contracts, Russia is pouring resources to prop up Ukraine andSyria –states theysee slipping away from their orbit. And the international system we built after World War II isnow struggling to keep pace with this new reality.It's up to us to help remake that system. And that meanswe have to set priorities.14 / 26Priority number one is protecting the American people andgoing after terrorist networks. Bothal Qaeda a nd now ISIL pose a direct threat to our people, because in today's world, evenahandful of terrorists who place no value on human life, including their own, can do a lot ofdamage. They use the Internet to poison the minds of individuals inside our country; theyundermine our allies.But as we focus on destroying ISIL, over-the-top claimsthat this is World War III just play intotheir hands. Massesof fighters on the back of pickup trucks and twisted soulsplotting inapartments or garages pose an enormous danger tocivilians and must be stopped. But theydo not threaten ournational existence. That's the story ISIL wants to tell; that's the kind ofpropaganda they use to recruit. We don't need tobuild them up to show that we're serious,nor do we need to push away vital allies in this fight by echoing the lie that ISIL isrepresentative of one of the world's largest religions. Wejust need to call them what they are–killers and fanatics who have to be rooted out, hunted down, and destroyed.That's exactly what we are doing. For more than a year,America has led a coalition of morethan 60 countries to cut off 15 / 26ISIL's financing, disrupt their plots, stop the flow of terroristfighters, and stamp out their vicious ideology. With nearly 10,000 air strikes, we are takingout their leadership,their oil, their training camps, and their weapons. We aretraining, arming,and supporting forces who are steadily reclaiming territory in Iraq and Syria.If this Congress is serious about winning this war, andwants to send a message to our troopsand the world, you should finally authorize the use of military force against ISIL. Take a vote.But the American people should know that with or without Congressional action, ISIL will learnthe same lessons as terrorists before them. If you doubt America's commitment –or mine –tosee that justice is done, ask Osama bin Laden. Ask the leader of al Qaeda in Yemen, who wastaken out last year,or the perpetrator of the Benghazi attacks, who s its in a prison cell. Whenyou come a fter Americans, we go after you. It may t ake time, but we have long memories, andour reach has no limit.Our foreign policy must be focused on the threat from ISIL and al Qaeda, but it can't stopthere. For even without ISIL,instability will continue for decades in many p arts of the world –in the Middle East, in Afghanistan and Pakistan, in parts of 16 / 26Central America, Africa and Asia.Some of these places may become s afe havens for new t errorist networks; others will fall victimto ethnic conflict, or famine, feeding the next wave ofrefugees. The world will look to us tohelp solve these problems, and our answer needs to be more than tough talk or calls to carpetbomb civilians. That may work as a TV sound bite, but it doesn't pass muster on the worldstage.We also can't try to take over and rebuild every countrythat falls into crisis. That's notleadership; that's a recipefor quagmire, spilling American blood and treasure that ultimatelyweakens us. It's the lesson of Vietnam, of Iraq –and we should have learned it by now.Fortunately, there's a smarter approach, a patient anddisciplined strategy that uses everyelement of our nationalpower. It says America will always act, alone if necessary, to protectour people and our allies; but on issues of global concern, we will mobilize the world to workwith us, and makesure other countries pull their own weight.That's our approach to conflicts like Syria, where we'repartnering with local forces and leadinginternational effortsto help that broken society pursue a lasting peace.17 / 26That's why we built a global coalition, with sanctions and principled diplomacy, to prevent anuclear-armed Iran. As wespeak, Iran has rolled back its nuclear program, shipped out itsuranium stockpile, and the world has avoided another war.That's how we stopped the spread of Ebola in West Africa.Our military, our doctors, and ourdevelopment workers set upthe platform that allowed other countries to join us in stampingout that epidemic.That's how we forged a Trans-Pacific Partnership to openmarkets, protect workers and theenvironment, and advance American leadership in Asia. It cuts 18,000 taxes on productsMadein America, and supports more good jobs. With TPP, China doesn't set the rules in that region,we do. You want to showour strength in this century? Approve this agreement. Give usthetools to enforce it.Fifty years of isolating Cuba had failed to promote democracy, setting us back in LatinAmerica. That's why we restored diplomatic relations, opened the door to travel andcommerce, and positioned ourselves to improve the lives ofthe Cuban people. You want toconsolidate our leadership and credibility in the hemisphere? Recognize that the Cold Waris18 / 26over. Lift the embargo.American leadership in the 21st century is not a choicebetween ignoring the rest of the world –except when we kill terrorists; or occupying and rebuilding whatever society is unraveling.Leadership means a wise application of militarypower, and rallying the world behind causesthat are right. Itmeans seeing our foreign assistance as part of our nationalsecurity, notcharity. When we lead nearly 200 nations to themost ambitious agreement in history to fightclimate change –that helps vulnerable countries, but it also protects our children. When wehelp Ukraine defend its democracy, or Colombia resolve a decades-long war, thatstrengthens the international order we depend upon. When we help African countries feed theirpeople and care for the sick, that prevents the next pandemic from reaching our shores. Rightnow, we are on trackto end the scourge of HIV/AIDS, and we have the capacity toaccomplish the same thing with malaria – something I'll be pushing this Congress to fund thisyear.That's strength. That's leadership. And that kind of leadership depends on the power of ourexample. That is why Iwill keep working to shut down the prison at Guantanamo: 19 / 26it'sexpensive, it's unnecessary, and it only serves as a recruitment brochure for our enemies.That's why we need to reject any politics that targetspeople because of race or religion. Thisisn't a matter of political correctness. It's a matter of understanding whatmakes us strong. Theworld respects us not just for our arsenal; it respects us for our diversity and our opennessand the waywe respect every faith. His Holiness, Pope Francis, told thisbody from the very spotI stand tonight that “to imitate the hatred and violence of tyrants and murderers is the bestway to take their place.” When politicians insult Muslims, when a mosque is vandalized, or a kidbullied, that doesn't make ussafer. That's not telling it like it is. It's just wrong. Itdiminishesus in the eyes of the world. It makes it harder toachieve our goals. And it betrays who we areas a country.“We t he People.” Our Constitution begins with those three simple words, words we've come t orecognize mean a ll the people, not just some; words that insist we rise and fall together.Thatbrings me t o the fourth, and maybe t he most important thing I want to say tonight.The future we want – opportunity and security for our20 / 26families; a rising standard of living anda sustainable, peaceful planet for our kids – all that is within our reach.But it will only happenif we work together. It will only happen if we can have rational, constructive debates.It will only happen if we fix our politics.A better politics doesn't mean we have to agree on everything. This is a big country, withdifferent regions andattitudes and interests. That's one of our strengths, too. Our Foundersdistributed power between states and branches of government, and expected us to argue, justas they did, over the size and shape of government, over commerce and foreign relations, overthe meaning of liberty and the imperatives ofsecurity.But democracy does require basic bonds of trust between its citizens. It doesn't work if wethink the people who disagreewith us are all motivated by malice, or that our politicalopponents are unpatriotic. Democracy g rinds to a halt without a willingness to compromise;or when even basic factsare contested, and we listen only to those who agree with us. Ourpublic life withers when only the most extreme voices get attention. Most of all, democracybreaks down when the average21 / 26person feels their voice doesn't matter; that the system isrigged in favor of the rich or the powerful or some narrowinterest.Too many A mericans feel that way right now. It's one of the few regrets of my presidency – thatthe rancor and suspicion between the parties has gotten worse instead of better. There's nodoubt a president with the gifts of Lincoln or Roosevelt might have better bridged the divide,and I guarantee I'll keep trying to be better so long as I hold this office.But, my fellow Americans, this cannot be my task –or any President's – alone. There are awhole lot of folks in thischamber who would like to see more cooperation, a more elevateddebate in Washington, but feel trapped by the demandsof getting elected. I know; you've toldme. And if we want abetter politics, it's not enough to just change a Congressmanor a Senatoror even a President; we have to change the systemto reflect our better selves.We have to end the practice of drawing our congressionaldistricts so that politicians can picktheir voters, and not the other way around. We have to reduce the influence of money in ourpolitics, so that a handful of families and hidden interests22 / 26can't bankroll our elections –and ifour existing approach to campaign finance can't pass muster in the courts, we need to worktogether to find a real solution. We've got to make voting easier, not harder, and modernizeit for the way we live now.And over the course of this year, I intend to travel the country topush for reforms that do.But I can't do these things on my own. Changes in ourpolitical process – in not just who getselected but how theyget elected – that will only happen when the American people demand it.It will depend on you. That's what's meant by agovernment of, by, and for the people.What I'm asking for is hard. It's easier to be cynical; to accept that change isn't possible, andpolitics is hopeless, and to believe that our voices and actions don't matter. But if we give upnow, then we forsake a better future. Those with moneyand power will gain greater controlover the decisions thatcould send a young soldier to war, or allow another economic disaster,or roll back the equal rights and voting rights thatgenerations of Americans have fought, evendied, to secure. As frustration grows, there will be voices urging us to fall back into tribes, toscapegoat fellow citizens who don't look like23 / 26。
美国总统奥巴马年度国情咨文(三)
美国总统奥巴马年度国情咨文（三）So we have a huge opportunity, at this moment, to bring manufacturing back. But we have to seize it. Tonight, my message to business leaders is simple: Ask yourselves what you can do to bring jobs back to your country, and your country will do everything we can to help you succeed. (Applause.)因此，我们面前有一个把制造业迁回来的大好机会，可是我们必须抓住机会。
今晚，我对企业领导人要说的话很简单：问一问你们自己怎样才能把工作机会带回美国，你们的国家就会尽一切努力助你们成功。
（掌声）We should start with our tax code. Right now, companies get tax breaks for moving jobs and profits overseas. Meanwhile, companies that choose to stay in America get hit with one of the highest tax rates in the world. It makes no sense, and everyone knows it. So let’s change it.我们应该从我国的税法入手。
目前，公司把工作和利润移到海外会获得税收优惠。
与此同时，选择留在美国的公司却要承受在全球最高之列的税率。
这样做没有道理，人人都知道这一点。
因此我们必须着手改革。
First, if you’re a business that wants to outsource jobs, you shouldn’t geta tax deduction for doing it. (Applause.) That money should be used to cover moving expenses for companies like Master Lock that decide to bring jobs home. (Applause.)首先，如果你是想要外包的企业，你就不应当因此获得减税。
奥巴马总统发表任内最后一次国情咨文英语演讲稿
奥巴马总统发表任内最后一次国情咨文英语演讲稿Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans:Tonight marks the eighth year I've come here to report on the State of the Union. And for thisfinal one, I'm going to try to make it shorter. I know some of you are antsy to get back to Iowa.I also understand that because it's an election season, expectations for what we'll achievethis year are low. Still, Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the constructive approach you and theother leaders took at the end of last year to pass a budget and make tax cuts permanent forworking families. So I hope we can work together this year on bipartisan priorities like criminaljustice reform, and helping people who are battling prescription drug abuse. We just mightsurprise the cynics again.But tonight, I want to go easy on the traditional list of proposals for the year ahead. Don'tworry, I've got plenty, from helping students learn to write computer code to personalizingmedical treatments for patients. And I'll keep pushing for progress on the work that still needsdoing. Fixing a broken immigration system. Protecting our kids from gunviolence. Equal payfor equal work, paid leave, raising the minimum wage. All these things still matter tohardworking families; they are still the right thing to do; and I will not let up until they getdone.But for my final address to this chamber, I don't want to talk just about the next year. I wantto focus on the next five years, ten years, and beyond.I want to focus on our future.We live in a time of extraordinary change – change that's reshaping the way we live, the waywe work, our planet and our place in the world. It's change that promises amazing medicalbreakthroughs, but also economic disruptions that strain working families. It promiseseducation for girls in the most remote villages, but also connects terrorists plotting an oceanaway. It's change that can broaden opportunity, or widen inequality. And whether we like itor not, the pace of this change will only accelerate.America has been through big changes before – wars and depression, the influx ofimmigrants, workers fighting for a fair deal, and movements to expand civil rights. Each time,there have been those who told us to fear the future; who claimed we could slam the brakes onchange, promising to restorepast glory if we just got some group or idea that wasthreatening America under control. And each time, we overcame those fears. We did not, inthe words of Lincoln, adhere to the “dogmas of the quiet past.” Instead we thought anew, andacted anew. We made change work for us, always extending America's promise outward, to thenext frontier, to more and more people. And because we did – because we saw opportunitywhere others saw only peril – we emerged stronger and better than before.What was true then can be true now. Our unique strengths as a nation – our optimism andwork ethic, our spirit of discovery and innovation, our diversity and commitment to the ruleof law – these things give us everything we need to ensure prosperity and security forgenerations to come.In fact, it's that spirit that made the progress of these past seven years possible. It's how werecovered from the worst economic crisis in generations. It's how we reformed our health caresystem, and reinvented our energy sector; how we delivered more care and benefits to ourtroops and veterans, and how we secured the freedom in every state to marry the person welove.But such progress is not inevitable. It is the result of choices we make together. And we facesuch choices right now. Will we respond to the changes of our time with fear, turninginward asa nation, and turning against each other as a people? Or will we face the future withconfidence in who we are, what we stand for, and the incredible things we can do together?So let's talk about the future, and four big questions that we as a country have to answer –regardless of who the next President is, or who controls the next Congress.First, how do we give everyone a fair shot at opportunity and security in this new economy?Second, how do we make technology work for us, and not against us – especially when it comesto solving urgent challenges like climate change?Third, how do we keep America safe and lead the world without becoming its policeman?And finally, how can we make our politics reflect what's best in us, and not what's worst?Let me start with the economy, and a basic fact: the United States of America, right now, hasthe strongest, most durable economy in the world. We're in the middle of the longest streakof private-sector job creation in history. More than 14 million new jobs; the strongest two yearsof job growth since the ‘90s; an unemployment rate cut in half. Our auto industry just had itsbest year ever. Manufacturing has created nearly900,000 new jobs in the past six years. Andwe've done all this while cutting our deficits by almost three-quarters.Anyone claiming that America's economy is in decline is peddling fiction. What is true – andthe reason that a lot of Americans feel anxious – is that the economy has been changing inprofound ways, changes that started long before the Great Recession hit and haven't let up.Today, technology doesn't just replace jobs on the assembly line, but any job where work canbe automated. Companies in a global economy can locate anywhere, and face toughercompetition. As a result, workers have less leverage for a raise. Companies have less loyaltyto their communities. And more and more wealth and income is concentrated at the very top.All these trends have squeezed workers, even when they have jobs; even when the economy isgrowing. It's made it harder for a hardworking family to pull itself out of poverty, harder foryoung people to start on their careers, and tougher for workers to retire when they want to. Andalthough none of these trends are unique to America, they do offend our uniquely Americanbelief that everybody who works hard should get a fair shot.For the past seven years, our goal has been a growingeconomy that works better for everybody.We've made progress. But we need to make more. And despite all the political arguments we'vehad these past few years, there are some areas where Americans broadly agree.We agree that real opportunity requires every American to get the education and training theyneed to land a good-paying job. The bipartisan reform of No Child Left Behind was animportant start, and together, we've increased early childhood education, lifted high schoolgraduation rates to new highs, and boosted graduates in fields like engineering. In the comingyears, we should build on that progress, by providing Pre-K for all, offering every student thehands-on computer science and math classes that make them job-ready on day one, and weshould recruit and support more great teachers for our kids.And we have to make college affordable for every American. Because no hardworking studentshould be stuck in the red. We've already reduced student loan payments to ten percent of aborrower's income. Now, we've actually got to cut the cost of college. Providing two years ofcommunity college at no cost for every responsible student is one of the best ways to do that,and I'm going to keep fighting to get that started this year.Of course, a great education isn't all we need in this new economy. We also need benefits andprotections that provide a basic measure of security. After all, it's not much of a stretch tosay that some of the only people in America who are going to work the same job, in the sameplace, with a health and retirement package, for 30 years, are sitting in this chamber. Foreveryone else, especially folks in their forties and fifties, saving for retirement or bouncing backfrom job loss has gotten a lot tougher. Americans understand that at some point in theircareers, they may have to retool and retrain. But they shouldn't lose what they've alreadyworked so hard to build.That's why Social Security and Medicare are more important than ever; we shouldn't weakenthem, we should strengthen them. And for Americans short of retirement, basic benefitsshould be just as mobile as everything else is today. That's what the Affordable Care Act is allabout. It's about filling the gaps in employer-based care so that when we lose a job, or go backto school, or start that new business, we'll still have coverage. Nearly eighteen million havegained coverage so far. Health care inflation has slowed. And our businesses have created jobsevery single month since it became law.Now, I'm guessing we won't agree on health care anytime soon.But there should be other waysboth parties can improve economic security. Say a hardworking American loses his job –weshouldn't just make sure he can get unemployment insurance; we should make sure thatprogram encourages him to retrain for a business that's ready to hire him. If that new jobdoesn't pay as much, there should be a system of wage insurance in place so that he can stillpay his bills. And even if he's going from job to job, he should still be able to save forretirement and take his savings with him. That's the way we make the new economy workbetter for everyone.I also know Speaker Ryan has talked about his interest in tackling poverty. America is aboutgiving everybody willing to work a hand up, and I'd welcome a serious discussion aboutstrategies we can all support, like expanding tax cuts for low-income workers without kids.But there are other areas where it's been more difficult to find agreement over the last sevenyears – namely what role the government should play in making sure the system's not rigged infavor of the wealthiest and biggest corporations. And here, the American people have a choiceto make.I believe a thriving private sector is the lifeblood of our economy. I think there are outdatedregulations that need to bechanged, and there's red tape that needs to be cut. But after yearsof record corporate profits, working families won't get more opportunity or bigger paychecksby letting big banks or big oil or hedge funds make their own rules at the expense of everyoneelse; or by allowing attacks on collective bargaining to go unanswered. Food Stamp recipientsdidn't cause the financial crisis; recklessness on Wall Street did. Immigrants aren't the reasonwages haven't gone up enough; those decisions are made in the boardrooms that too often putquarterly earnings over long-term returns. It's sure not the average family watching tonightthat avoids paying taxes through offshore accounts. In this new economy, workers and start-upsand small businesses need more of a voice, not less. The rules should work for them. And thisyear I plan to lift up the many businesses who've figured out that doing right by their workersends up being good for their shareholders, their customers, and their communities, so that wecan spread those best practices across America.In fact, many of our best corporate citizens are also our most creative. This brings me to thesecond big question we have to answer as a country: how do we reignite that spirit ofinnovation to meet our biggest challenges?Sixty years ago, when the Russians beat us into space, we didn't deny Sputnik was up there.We didn't argue about the science, or shrink our research and development budget. We built aspace program almost overnight, and twelve years later, we were walking on the moon.That spirit of discovery is in our DNA. We're Thomas Edison and the Wright Brothers andGeorge Washington Carver. We're Grace Hopper and Katherine Johnson and Sally Ride. We'reevery immigrant and entrepreneur from Boston to Austin to Silicon Valley racing to shape abetter world. And over the past seven years, we've nurtured that spirit.We've protected an open internet, and taken bold new steps to get more students and low-income Americans online. We've launched next-generation manufacturing hubs, and online toolsthat give an entrepreneur everything he or she needs to start a business in a single day.But we can do so much more. Last year, Vice President Biden said that with a new moonshot,America can cure cancer. Last month, he worked with this Congress to give scientists at theNational Institutes of Health the strongest resources they've had in over a decade. Tonight, I'mannouncing a new national effort to get it done. And because he's gone to themat for all of us,on so many issues over the past forty years, I'm putting Joe in charge of Mission Control. Forthe loved ones we've all lost, for the family we can still save, let's make America the countrythat cures cancer once and for all.Medical research is critical. We need the same level of commitment when it comes todeveloping clean energy sources.Look, if anybody still wants to dispute the science around climate change, have at it. You'll bepretty lonely, because you'll be debating our military, most of America's business leaders, themajority of the American people, almost the entire scientific community, and 200 nationsaround the world who agree it's a problem and intend to solve it.But even if the planet wasn't at stake; even if 2019 wasn't the warmest year on record – until2019 turned out even hotter – why would we want to pass up the chance for Americanbusinesses to produce and sell the energy of the future?Seven years ago, we made the single biggest investment in clean energy in our history. Hereare the results. In fields from Iowa to Texas, wind power is now cheaper thandirtier,conventional power. On rooftops from Arizona to New York, solar is saving Americans tens ofmillions of dollars a year on their energy bills, and employs more Americans than coal– in jobsthat pay better than average. We're taking steps to give homeowners the freedom to generateand store their own energy – something environmentalists and Tea Partiers have teamed up tosupport. Meanwhile, we've cut our imports of foreign oil by nearly sixty percent, and cut carbonpollution more than any other country on Earth.Gas under two bucks a gallon ain't bad, either.Now we've got to accelerate the transition away from dirty energy. Rather than subsidizethe past, we should invest in the future – especially in communities that rely on fossil fuels.That's why I'm going to push to change the way we manage our oil and coal resources, so thatthey better reflect the costs they impose on taxpayers and our planet. That way, we putmoney back into those communities and put tens of thousands of Americans to work building a21st century transportation system.None of this will happen overnight, and yes, there are plenty of entrenched interests whowant to protect the status quo. But the jobs we'll create, the money we'll save, and the planetwe'll preserve – that's the kind of future our kids and grandkids deserve.Climate change is just one of many issues where our security is linked to the rest of the world.And that's why the third bigquestion we have to answer is how to keep America safe andstrong without either isolating ourselves or trying to nation-build everywhere there's a problem.I told you earlier all the talk of America's economic decline is political hot air. Well, so is all therhetoric you hear about our enemies getting stronger and America getting weaker. The UnitedStates of America is the most powerful nation on Earth. Period. It's not even close. We spendmore on our military than the next eight nations combined. Our troops are the finest fightingforce in the history of the world. No nation dares to attack us or our allies because they knowthat's the path to ruin. Surveys show our standing around the world is higher than when I waselected to this office, and when it comes to every important international issue, people of theworld do not look to Beijing or Moscow to lead – they call us.As someone who begins every day with an intelligence briefing, I know this is a dangeroustime. But that's not because of diminished American strength or some looming superpower. Intoday's world, we're threatened less by evil empires and more by failing states. The Middle Eastis going through a transformation that will play out for a generation, rooted in conflicts thatdate back millennia. Economic headwinds blowfrom a Chinese economy in transition. Even astheir economy contracts, Russia is pouring resources to prop up Ukraine and Syria – states theysee slipping away from their orbit. And the international system we built after World War II isnow struggling to keep pace with this new reality.It's up to us to help remake that system. And that means we have to set priorities.Priority number one is protecting the American people and going after terrorist networks. Bothal Qaeda and now ISIL pose a direct threat to our people, because in today's world, even ahandful of terrorists who place no value on human life, including their own, can do a lot ofdamage. They use the Internet to poison the minds of individuals inside our country; theyundermine our allies.But as we focus on destroying ISIL, over-the-top claims that this is World War III just play intotheir hands. Masses of fighters on the back of pickup trucks and twisted souls plotting inapartments or garages pose an enormous danger to civilians and must be stopped. But theydo not threaten our national existence. That's the story ISIL wants to tell; that's the kind ofpropaganda they use to recruit. We don't need to build them up to show that we're serious,nor do we need to pushaway vital allies in this fight by echoing the lie that ISIL isrepresentative of one of the world's largest religions. We just need to call them what they are– killers and fanatics who have to be rooted out, hunted down, and destroyed.That's exactly what we are doing. For more than a year, America has led a coalition of morethan 60 countries to cut off ISIL's financing, disrupt their plots, stop the flow of terroristfighters, and stamp out their vicious ideology. With nearly 10,000 air strikes, we are takingout their leadership, their oil, their training camps, and their weapons. We are training, arming,and supporting forces who are steadily reclaiming territory in Iraq and Syria.If this Congress is serious about winning this war, and wants to send a message to our troopsand the world, you should finally authorize the use of military force against ISIL. Take a vote.But the American people should know that with or without Congressional action, ISIL will learnthe same lessons as terrorists before them. If you doubt America's commitment –or mine – tosee that justice is done, ask Osama bin Laden. Ask the leader of al Qaeda in Yemen, who wastaken out last year, or the perpetrator of the Benghazi attacks, who sits in a prison cell. Whenyou come after Americans, we go after you. It may taketime, but we have long memories, andour reach has no limit.Our foreign policy must be focused on the threat from ISIL and al Qaeda, but it can't stopthere. For even without ISIL, instability will continue for decades in many parts of the world –in the Middle East, in Afghanistan and Pakistan, in parts of Central America, Africa and Asia.Some of these places may become safe havens for new terrorist networks; others will fall victimto ethnic conflict, or famine, feeding the next wave of refugees. The world will look to us tohelp solve these problems, and our answer needs to be more than tough talk or calls to carpetbomb civilians. That may work as a TV sound bite, but it doesn't pass muster on the worldstage.We also can't try to take over and rebuild every country that falls into crisis. That's notleadership; that's a recipe for quagmire, spilling American blood and treasure that ultimatelyweakens us. It's the lesson of Vietnam, of Iraq –and we should have learned it by now.Fortunately, there's a smarter approach, a patient and disciplined strategy that uses everyelement of our national power. It says America will always act, alone if necessary, to protectour people and our allies; but on issues of global concern, we will mobilize the world to workwith us, and makesure other countries pull their own weight.That's our approach to conflicts like Syria, where we're partnering with local forces and leadinginternational efforts to help that broken society pursue a lasting peace.That's why we built a global coalition, with sanctions and principled diplomacy, to prevent anuclear-armed Iran. As we speak, Iran has rolled back its nuclear program, shipped out itsuranium stockpile, and the world has avoided another war.That's how we stopped the spread of Ebola in West Africa. Our military, our doctors, and ourdevelopment workers set up the platform that allowed other countries to join us in stampingout that epidemic.That's how we forged a Trans-Pacific Partnership to open markets, protect workers and theenvironment, and advance American leadership in Asia. It cuts 18,000 taxes on products Madein America, and supports more good jobs. With TPP, China doesn't set the rules in that region,we do. You want to show our strength in this century? Approve this agreement. Give us thetools to enforce it.Fifty years of isolating Cuba had failed to promote democracy, setting us back in LatinAmerica. That's why we restored diplomatic relations, opened the door to travelandcommerce, and positioned ourselves to improve the lives of the Cuban people. You want toconsolidate our leadership and credibility in the hemisphere? Recognize that the Cold Waris over. Lift the embargo.American leadership in the 21st century is not a choice between ignoring the rest of the world –except when we kill terrorists; or occupying and rebuilding whatever society is unraveling.Leadership means a wise application of military power, and rallying the world behind causesthat are right. It means seeing our foreign assistance as part of our national security, notcharity. When we lead nearly 200 nations to the most ambitious agreement in history to fightclimate change –that helps vulnerable countries, but it also protects our children. When wehelp Ukraine defend its democracy, or Colombia resolve a decades-long war, thatstrengthens the international order we depend upon. When we help African countries feed theirpeople and care for the sick, that prevents the next pandemic from reaching our shores. Rightnow, we are on track to end the scourge of HIV/AIDS, and we have the capacity toaccomplish the same thing with malaria – something I'll be pushing this Congress to fund thisyear.That's strength. That's leadership. And that kind ofleadership depends on the power of ourexample. That is why I will keep working to shut down the prison at Guantanamo:it'sexpensive, it's unnecessary, and it only serves as a recruitment brochure for our enemies.That's why we need to reject any politics that targets people because of race or religion. Thisisn't a matter of political correctness. It's a matter of understanding what makes us strong. Theworld respects us not just for our arsenal; it respects us for our diversity and our opennessand the way we respect every faith. His Holiness, Pope Francis, told this body from the very spotI stand tonight that “to imitate the hatred and violence of tyrants and murderers is the bestway to take their place.” When politicians insult Muslims, when a mosque is vandalized, or a kidbullied, that doesn't make us safer. That's not telling it like it is. It's just wrong. It diminishesus in the eyes of the world. It makes it harder to achieve our goals. And it betrays who we areas a country.“We the People.” Our Constitution begins with those three simple words, words we've come torecognize mean all the people, not just some; words that insist we rise and fall together. Thatbrings me to the fourth, and maybe the most important thing I want to say tonight.The future we want – opportunity and security for our families; a rising standard of living anda sustainable, peaceful planet for our kids – all that is within our reach. But it will only happenif we work together. It will only happen if we can have rational, constructive debates.It will only happen if we fix our politics.A better politics doesn't mean we have to agree on everything. This is a big country, withdifferent regions and attitudes and interests. That's one of our strengths, too. Our Foundersdistributed power between states and branches of government, and expected us to argue, justas they did, over the size and shape of government, over commerce and foreign relations, overthe meaning of liberty and the imperatives of security.But democracy does require basic bonds of trust between its citizens. It doesn't work if wethink the people who disagree with us are all motivated by malice, or that our politicalopponents are unpatriotic. Democracy grinds to a halt without a willingness to compromise;or when even basic facts are contested, and we listen only to those who agree with us. Ourpublic life withers when only the most extreme voices get attention. Most of all, democracybreaks down when the averageperson feels their voice doesn't matter; that the system isrigged in favor of the rich or the powerful or some narrow interest.Too many Americans feel that way right now. It's one of the few regrets of my presidency – thatthe rancor and suspicion between the parties has gotten worse instead of better. There's nodoubt a president with the gifts of Lincoln or Roosevelt might have better bridged the divide,and I guarantee I'll keep trying to be better so long as I hold this office.But, my fellow Americans, this cannot be my task – or any President's – alone. There are awhole lot of folks in this chamber who would like to see more cooperation, a more elevateddebate in Washington, but feel trapped by the demands of getting elected. I know; you've toldme. And if we want a better politics, it's not enough to just change a Congressman or a Senatoror even a President; we have to change the system to reflect our better selves.We have to end the practice of drawing our congressional districts so that politicians can picktheir voters, and not the other way around. We have to reduce the influence of money in ourpolitics, so that a handful of families and hidden interests can't bankroll our elections – and ifour existing approach tocampaign finance can't pass muster in the courts, we need to worktogether to find a real solution. We've got to make voting easier, not harder, and modernizeit for the way we live now. And over the course of this year, I intend to travel the country topush for reforms that do.But I can't do these things on my own. Changes in our political process – in not just who getselected but how they get elected – that will only happen when the American people demand it.It will depend on you. That's what's meant by a government of, by, and for the people.What I'm asking for is hard. It's easier to be cynical; to accept that change isn't possible, andpolitics is hopeless, and to believe that our voices and actions don't matter. But if we give upnow, then we forsake a better future. Those with money and power will gain greater controlover the decisions that could send a young soldier to war, or allow another economic disaster,or roll back the equal rights and voting rights that generations of Americans have fought, evendied, to secure. As frustration grows, there will be voices urging us to fall back into tribes, toscapegoat fellow citizens who don't look like us, or pray like us, or vote like we do, or share thesame background.。
奥巴马国情咨文
奥巴马国情咨文奥巴马国情咨文（State of the Union Address）是美国总统每年向国会发表的一篇演讲，旨在概述国家的现状和面临的挑战，并提出他的政策和议程。
以下是奥巴马总统于2016年发表的国情咨文的主要内容：1. 经济：奥巴马总统宣称美国经济已经从金融危机中恢复，并取得了相当大的进展。
他提到了就业人数增加、失业率下降、收入增长等一系列经济指标的改善。
他谈到了提高工资和缩小贫富差距的重要性，并呼吁提高最低工资标准。
2. 教育：奥巴马总统强调了提高教育质量的重要性，特别是在科学、技术、工程和数学领域。
他呼吁为每个孩子提供高质量的学前教育，并扩大大学入学机会。
3. 环境：奥巴马总统谈到了应对气候变化的全球挑战，并强调了减少温室气体排放的重要性。
他提到了美国在能源发展和可再生能源方面取得的进展，并呼吁继续支持清洁能源和环保措施。
4. 健康保险：奥巴马总统回顾了他的签署的医疗改革法案，即奥巴马医改法案（Affordable Care Act），并宣称该法案在提供保险覆盖和改善医疗质量方面取得了显著成果。
他呼吁继续保护医疗保险制度，并寻求进一步改进。
5. 移民：奥巴马总统谈到了移民改革的重要性，并呼吁通过立法来解决移民问题。
他提出了一项计划，即为非法移民提供合法身份，并强调了移民对经济和社会的贡献。
这些仅仅是国情咨文的一部分内容，奥巴马总统还提到了其他许多议题，包括国家安全、反恐斗争、外交政策等。
国情咨文是总统向国会和全国人民传达他们的政策目标和愿景的重要机会，也是合作和讨论的起点。
美国总统奥巴马的演讲稿集中英文对照
美国总统奥巴马的演讲稿集中英文对照尊敬的美国人民：今晚，我站在这里，向全国发表我的最后一次国情咨文。
这是我在总统职位上的第八次国情咨文，它让我有机会回顾我们共同努力的进展，展望我们未来的挑战和机遇。
八年前，我在这个讲台上，我诚恳地请求你们对我和我们共同的目标而言，我们可以否定分歧，结束政治的互相对抗；我们可以开放我们的心，努力团结一致。
我们并不一定要达成完全共识，但我们应该尽力尊重不同的思想，互相听取，互相学习，而不是把意见分歧作为不可逾越的障碍。
我可以告诉大家现在我们的国家比2009年8年前，更团结，更有信心和希望。
今晚我要回顾这些进展与成功。
第一个进步是，经济复苏。
2009年，我们的经济陷入严重萧条，失业率达到10%，企业倒闭、银行倒闭、房价下跌。
现在，就业率已经恢复到了最高水平，经济增长持续增加，创造了数百万个就业岗位，企业的倒闭和银行倒闭得到了控制，房价也已经恢复到了危机前的水平。
我们必须感谢美国的企业家、工人和家庭，这些家庭涵盖了白人、黑人、亚洲人、拉丁美洲人，这些人的拼搏与努力，是经济复苏的基石。
他们相信美国的经济力量，相信未来将会更好，他们在劳动市场上就业，购买商品和服务，与此同时，美国政府提供了有效的措施，通过减税、增加支出和改革医疗保健，来促进经济增长。
我们还推出了一系列的贸易协定，协助我们的企业更好地参与世界贸易。
第二个进展是，世界在共同抗击恐怖主义方面取得了进展。
去年11月，我们与我们的盟友击败了伊斯兰国在伊拉克和叙利亚的主要堡垒，摧毁了他们最后的抵抗力量并夺回了他们的领土。
在这场战役中，我们看到了我们战士的勇气和决心，他们是我们国家为之骄傲的英雄。
我们还召集了一系列国际会议，来协调我们的全球反恐战略。
我们与全球领袖团结一致，共同打击恐怖主义，并为数百万遭受战争和恐怖分子攻击的人民提供援助。
第三个进步是，我们的社会越来越加包容和多元。
我们通过平等法案支持同性婚姻，赋予LGBTQ社区平等的权利，在这个问题上，我们的社会发生了巨大的转变。
奥巴马任期内最后一次国情咨文演讲介绍
奥巴马任期内最后一次国情咨文演讲（中英双语）Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans: Tonight marks the eighth year I've come here to report on the State of the Union. And for this final one, I'm going to try to make it shorter. I know some of you are antsy to get back to Iowa.议长先生、副总统先生、各位国会议员和美国同胞们：今晚是我在这里做国情咨文演讲的第八个年头，也是最后一次。
我将尽量简而言之。
我知道你们中有些人急着回爱荷华州（两党党内预选进行地）。
I also understand that because it's an election season, expectations for what we'll achieve this year are low. Still, Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the constructive approach you and the other leaders took at the end of last year to pass a budget and make tax cuts permanent for working families.我也理解此时正当大选之季，因此公众对我们今年成就的期望并不高。
但是，议长先生，您以及其他领导人去年年末通过了建设性的预算决议，使得工薪家庭减税计划能够长久实施下去，我对此深表感激。
So I hope we can work together this year on bipartisan priorities like criminal justice reform, and helping people who are battling prescription drug abuse. We just might surprise the cynics again. 因此我衷心希望今年两党能够在一些重要事务上同心协作，比如，推行刑事司法改革，帮助那些与处方药滥用行为抗争的人们。
奥巴马总统发表任内最后一次国情咨文英语演讲稿
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I know some of you are antsy to get back to Iowa.I also understand that because it's an election season, expectations for what we'll achievethis year are low. Still, Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the constructive approach you and theother leaders took at the end of last year to pass a budget and make tax cuts permanent forworking families. So I hope we can work together this year on bipartisan priorities like criminaljustice reform, and helping people who are battling prescription drug abuse. We just mightsurprise the cynics again.But tonight, I want to go easy on the traditional list of proposals for the year ahead. Don'tworry, I've got plenty, from helping students learn to write computer code to personalizingmedical treatments for patients. And I'll keep pushing for progress on the work that still needsdoing. Fixing a broken immigration system. Protecting our kids from gunviolence. Equal payfor equal work, paid leave, raising the minimum wage. All these things still matter tohardworking families; they are still the right thing to do; and I will not let up until they getdone.But for my final address to this chamber, I don't want to talk just about the next year. I wantto focus on the next five years, ten years, and beyond.I want to focus on our future.We live in a time of extraordinary change - change that's reshaping the way we live, the waywe work, our planet and our place in the world. It's change that promises amazing medicalbreakthroughs, but also economic disruptions that strain working families. It promiseseducation for girls in the most remote villages, but also connects terrorists plotting an oceanaway. It's change that can broaden opportunity, or widen inequality. And whether we like itor not, the pace of this change will only accelerate.America has been through big changes before - wars and depression, the influx ofimmigrants, workers fighting for a fair deal, and movements to expand civil rights. Each time,there have been those who told us to fear the future; who claimed we could slam the brakes onchange, promising to restorepast glory if we just got some group or idea that wasthreatening America under control. And each time, we overcame those fears. We did not, inthe words of Lincoln, adhere to the “dogmas of the quiet past.” Instead we thought anew, andacted anew. We made change work for us, always extending America's promise outward, to thenext frontier, to more and more people. And because we did - because we saw opportunitywhere others saw only peril - we emerged stronger and better than before.What was true then can be true now. Our unique strengths as a nation - our optimism andwork ethic, our spirit of discovery and innovation, our diversity and commitment to the ruleof law - these things give us everything we need to ensure prosperity and security forgenerations to come.In fact, it's that spirit that made the progress of these past seven years possible. It's how werecovered from the worst economic crisis in generations. It's how we reformed our health caresystem, and reinvented our energy sector; how we delivered more care and benefits to ourtroops and veterans, and how we secured the freedom in every state to marry the person welove.But such progress is not inevitable. It is the result of choices we make together. And we facesuch choices right now. Will we respond to the changes of our time with fear, turninginward asa nation, and turning against each other as a people? Or will we face the future withconfidence in who we are, what we stand for, and the incredible things we can do together?So let's talk about the future, and four big questions that we as a country have to answer -regardless of who the next President is, or who controls the next Congress.First, how do we give everyone a fair shot at opportunity and security in this new economy?Second, how do we make technology work for us, and not against us - especially when it comesto solving urgent challenges like climate change?Third, how do we keep America safe and lead the world without becoming its policeman?And finally, how can we make our politics reflect what's best in us, and not what's worst?Let me start with the economy, and a basic fact: the United States of America, right now, hasthe strongest, most durable economy in the world. We're in the middle of the longest streakof private-sector job creation in history. More than 14 million new jobs; the strongest two yearsof job growth since the ‘90s; an unemployment rate cut in half. Our auto industry just had itsbest year ever. Manufacturing has created nearly900,000 new jobs in the past six years. Andwe've done all this while cutting our deficits by almost three-quarters.Anyone claiming that America's economy is in decline is peddling fiction. What is true - andthe reason that a lot of Americans feel anxious - is that the economy has been changing inprofound ways, changes that started long before the Great Recession hit and haven't let up.Today, technology doesn't just replace jobs on the assembly line, but any job where work canbe automated. Companies in a global economy can locate anywhere, and face toughercompetition. As a result, workers have less leverage for a raise. Companies have less loyaltyto their communities. And more and more wealth and income is concentrated at the very top.All these trends have squeezed workers, even when they have jobs; even when the economy isgrowing. It's made it harder for a hardworking family to pull itself out of poverty, harder foryoung people to start on their careers, and tougher for workers to retire when they want to. Andalthough none of these trends are unique to America, they do offend our uniquely Americanbelief that everybody who works hard should get a fair shot.For the past seven years, our goal has been a growingeconomy that works better for everybody.We've made progress. But we need to make more. And despite all the political arguments we'vehad these past few years, there are some areas where Americans broadly agree.We agree that real opportunity requires every American to get the education and training theyneed to land a good-paying job. The bipartisan reform of No Child Left Behind was animportant start, and together, we've increased early childhood education, lifted high schoolgraduation rates to new highs, and boosted graduates in fields like engineering. In the comingyears, we should build on that progress, by providing Pre-K for all, offering every student thehands-on computer science and math classes that make them job-ready on day one, and weshould recruit and support more great teachers for our kids.And we have to make college affordable for every American. Because no hardworking studentshould be stuck in the red. We've already reduced student loan payments to ten percent of aborrower's income. Now, we've actually got to cut the cost of college. Providing two years ofcommunity college at no cost for every responsible student is one of the best ways to do that,and I'm going to keep fighting to get that started this year.Of course, a great education isn't all we need in this new economy. We also need benefits andprotections that provide a basic measure of security. After all, it's not much of a stretch tosay that some of the only people in America who are going to work the same job, in the sameplace, with a health and retirement package, for 30 years, are sitting in this chamber. Foreveryone else, especially folks in their forties and fifties, saving for retirement or bouncing backfrom job loss has gotten a lot tougher. Americans understand that at some point in theircareers, they may have to retool and retrain. But they shouldn't lose what they've alreadyworked so hard to build.That's why Social Security and Medicare are more important than ever; we shouldn't weakenthem, we should strengthen them. And for Americans short of retirement, basic benefitsshould be just as mobile as everything else is today. That's what the Affordable Care Act is allabout. It's about filling the gaps in employer-based care so that when we lose a job, or go backto school, or start that new business, we'll still have coverage. Nearly eighteen million havegained coverage so far. Health care inflation has slowed. And our businesses have created jobsevery single month since it became law.Now, I'm guessing we won't agree on health care anytime soon.But there should be other waysboth parties can improve economic security. Say a hardworking American loses his job - weshouldn't just make sure he can get unemployment insurance; we should make sure thatprogram encourages him to retrain for a business that's ready to hire him. If that new jobdoesn't pay as much, there should be a system of wage insurance in place so that he can stillpay his bills. And even if he's going from job to job, he should still be able to save forretirement and take his savings with him. That's the way we make the new economy workbetter for everyone.I also know Speaker Ryan has talked about his interest in tackling poverty. America is aboutgiving everybody willing to work a hand up, and I'd welcome a serious discussion aboutstrategies we can all support, like expanding tax cuts for low-income workers without kids.But there are other areas where it's been more difficult to find agreement over the last sevenyears - namely what role the government should play in making sure the system's not rigged infavor of the wealthiest and biggest corporations. And here, the American people have a choiceto make.I believe a thriving private sector is the lifeblood of our economy. I think there are outdatedregulations that need to bechanged, and there's red tape that needs to be cut. But after yearsof record corporate profits, working families won't get more opportunity or bigger paychecksby letting big banks or big oil or hedge funds make their own rules at the expense of everyoneelse; or by allowing attacks on collective bargaining to go unanswered. Food Stamp recipientsdidn't cause the financial crisis; recklessness on Wall Street did. Immigrants aren't the reasonwages haven't gone up enough; those decisions are made in the boardrooms that too often putquarterly earnings over long-term returns. It's sure not the average family watching tonightthat avoids paying taxes through offshore accounts. In this new economy, workers and start-upsand small businesses need more of a voice, not less. The rules should work for them. And thisyear I plan to lift up the many businesses who've figured out that doing right by their workersends up being good for their shareholders, their customers, and their communities, so that wecan spread those best practices across America.In fact, many of our best corporate citizens are also our most creative. This brings me to thesecond big question we have to answer as a country: how do we reignite that spirit ofinnovation to meet our biggest challenges?Sixty years ago, when the Russians beat us into space, we didn't deny Sputnik was up there.We didn't argue about the science, or shrink our research and development budget. We built aspace program almost overnight, and twelve years later, we were walking on the moon.That spirit of discovery is in our DNA. We're Thomas Edison and the Wright Brothers andGeorge Washington Carver. We're Grace Hopper and Katherine Johnson and Sally Ride. We'reevery immigrant and entrepreneur from Boston to Austin to Silicon Valley racing to shape abetter world. And over the past seven years, we've nurtured that spirit.We've protected an open internet, and taken bold new steps to get more students and low-income Americans online. We've launched next-generation manufacturing hubs, and online toolsthat give an entrepreneur everything he or she needs to start a business in a single day.But we can do so much more. Last year, Vice President Biden said that with a new moonshot,America can cure cancer. Last month, he worked with this Congress to give scientists at theNational Institutes of Health the strongest resources they've had in over a decade. Tonight, I'mannouncing a new national effort to get it done. And because he's gone to themat for all of us,on so many issues over the past forty years, I'm putting Joe in charge of Mission Control. Forthe loved ones we've all lost, for the family we can still save, let's make America the countrythat cures cancer once and for all.Medical research is critical. We need the same level of commitment when it comes todeveloping clean energy sources.Look, if anybody still wants to dispute the science around climate change, have at it. You'll bepretty lonely, because you'll be debating our military, most of America's business leaders, themajority of the American people, almost the entire scientific community, and 200 nationsaround the world who agree it's a problem and intend to solve it.But even if the planet wasn't at stake; even if 20XX wasn't the warmest year on record - until20XX turned out even hotter - why would we want to pass up the chance for Americanbusinesses to produce and sell the energy of the future?Seven years ago, we made the single biggest investment in clean energy in our history. Hereare the results. In fields from Iowa to Texas, wind power is now cheaper than dirtier,conventional power. On rooftops from Arizona to New York, solar is saving Americans tens ofmillions of dollars a year on their energy bills, and employs more Americans than coal- in jobsthat pay better than average. We're taking steps to give homeowners the freedom to generateand store their own energy - something environmentalists and Tea Partiers have teamed up tosupport. Meanwhile, we've cut our imports of foreign oil by nearly sixty percent, and cut carbonpollution more than any other country on Earth.Gas under two bucks a gallon ain't bad, either.Now we've got to accelerate the transition away from dirty energy. Rather than subsidizethe past, we should invest in the future - especially in communities that rely on fossil fuels.That's why I'm going to push to change the way we manage our oil and coal resources, so thatthey better reflect the costs they impose on taxpayers and our planet. That way, we putmoney back into those communities and put tens of thousands of Americans to work building a21st century transportation system.None of this will happen overnight, and yes, there are plenty of entrenched interests whowant to protect the status quo. But the jobs we'll create, the money we'll save, and the planetwe'll preserve - that's the kind of future our kids and grandkids deserve.Climate change is just one of many issues where our security is linked to the rest of the world.And that's why the third bigquestion we have to answer is how to keep America safe andstrong without either isolating ourselves or trying to nation-build everywhere there's a problem.I told you earlier all the talk of America's economic decline is political hot air. Well, so is all therhetoric you hear about our enemies getting stronger and America getting weaker. The UnitedStates of America is the most powerful nation on Earth. Period. It's not even close. We spendmore on our military than the next eight nations combined. Our troops are the finest fightingforce in the history of the world. No nation dares to attack us or our allies because they knowthat's the path to ruin. Surveys show our standing around the world is higher than when I waselected to this office, and when it comes to every important international issue, people of theworld do not look to Beijing or Moscow to lead - they call us.As someone who begins every day with an intelligence briefing, I know this is a dangeroustime. But that's not because of diminished American strength or some looming superpower. Intoday's world, we're threatened less by evil empires and more by failing states. The Middle Eastis going through a transformation that will play out for a generation, rooted in conflicts thatdate back millennia. Economic headwinds blowfrom a Chinese economy in transition. Even astheir economy contracts, Russia is pouring resources to prop up Ukraine and Syria - states theysee slipping away from their orbit. And the international system we built after World War II isnow struggling to keep pace with this new reality.It's up to us to help remake that system. And that means we have to set priorities.Priority number one is protecting the American people and going after terrorist networks. Bothal Qaeda and now ISIL pose a direct threat to our people, because in today's world, even ahandful of terrorists who place no value on human life, including their own, can do a lot ofdamage. They use the Internet to poison the minds of individuals inside our country; theyundermine our allies.But as we focus on destroying ISIL, over-the-top claims that this is World War III just play intotheir hands. Masses of fighters on the back of pickup trucks and twisted souls plotting inapartments or garages pose an enormous danger to civilians and must be stopped. But theydo not threaten our national existence. That's the story ISIL wants to tell; that's the kind ofpropaganda they use to recruit. We don't need to build them up to show that we're serious,nor do we need to pushaway vital allies in this fight by echoing the lie that ISIL isrepresentative of one of the world's largest religions. We just need to call them what they are- killers and fanatics who have to be rooted out, hunted down, and destroyed.That's exactly what we are doing. For more than a year, America has led a coalition of morethan 60 countries to cut off ISIL's financing, disrupt their plots, stop the flow of terroristfighters, and stamp out their vicious ideology. With nearly 10,000 air strikes, we are takingout their leadership, their oil, their training camps, and their weapons. We are training, arming,and supporting forces who are steadily reclaiming territory in Iraq and Syria.If this Congress is serious about winning this war, and wants to send a message to our troopsand the world, you should finally authorize the use of military force against ISIL. Take a vote.But the American people should know that with or without Congressional action, ISIL will learnthe same lessons as terrorists before them. If you doubt America's commitment - or mine - tosee that justice is done, ask Osama bin Laden. Ask the leader of al Qaeda in Yemen, who wastaken out last year, or the perpetrator of the Benghazi attacks, who sits in a prison cell. Whenyou come after Americans, we go after you. It may take time,but we have long memories, andour reach has no limit.Our foreign policy must be focused on the threat from ISIL and al Qaeda, but it can't stopthere. For even without ISIL, instability will continue for decades in many parts of the world -in the Middle East, in Afghanistan and Pakistan, in parts of Central America, Africa and Asia.Some of these places may become safe havens for new terrorist networks; others will fall victimto ethnic conflict, or famine, feeding the next wave of refugees. The world will look to us tohelp solve these problems, and our answer needs to be more than tough talk or calls to carpetbomb civilians. That may work as a TV sound bite, but it doesn't pass muster on the worldstage.We also can't try to take over and rebuild every country that falls into crisis. That's notleadership; that's a recipe for quagmire, spilling American blood and treasure that ultimatelyweakens us. It's the lesson of Vietnam, of Iraq - and we should have learned it by now.Fortunately, there's a smarter approach, a patient and disciplined strategy that uses everyelement of our national power. It says America will always act, alone if necessary, to protectour people and our allies; but on issues of global concern, we will mobilize the world to workwith us, and makesure other countries pull their own weight.That's our approach to conflicts like Syria, where we're partnering with local forces and leadinginternational efforts to help that broken society pursue a lasting peace.That's why we built a global coalition, with sanctions and principled diplomacy, to prevent anuclear-armed Iran. As we speak, Iran has rolled back its nuclear program, shipped out itsuranium stockpile, and the world has avoided another war.That's how we stopped the spread of Ebola in West Africa. Our military, our doctors, and ourdevelopment workers set up the platform that allowed other countries to join us in stampingout that epidemic.That's how we forged a Trans-Pacific Partnership to open markets, protect workers and theenvironment, and advance American leadership in Asia. It cuts 18,000 taxes on products Madein America, and supports more good jobs. With TPP, China doesn't set the rules in that region,we do. You want to show our strength in this century? Approve this agreement. Give us thetools to enforce it.Fifty years of isolating Cuba had failed to promote democracy, setting us back in LatinAmerica. That's why we restored diplomatic relations, opened the door to travelandcommerce, and positioned ourselves to improve the lives of the Cuban people. You want toconsolidate our leadership and credibility in the hemisphere? Recognize that the Cold Waris over. Lift the embargo.American leadership in the 21st century is not a choice between ignoring the rest of the world -except when we kill terrorists; or occupying and rebuilding whatever society is unraveling.Leadership means a wise application of military power, and rallying the world behind causesthat are right. It means seeing our foreign assistance as part of our national security, notcharity. When we lead nearly 200 nations to the most ambitious agreement in history to fightclimate change - that helps vulnerable countries, but it also protects our children. When wehelp Ukraine defend its democracy, or Colombia resolve a decades-long war, thatstrengthens the international order we depend upon. When we help African countries feed theirpeople and care for the sick, that prevents the next pandemic from reaching our shores. Rightnow, we are on track to end the scourge of HIV/AIDS, and we have the capacity toaccomplish the same thing with malaria - something I'll be pushing this Congress to fund thisyear.That's strength. That's leadership. And that kind ofleadership depends on the power of ourexample. That is why I will keep working to shut down the prison at Guantanamo: it'sexpensive, it's unnecessary, and it only serves as a recruitment brochure for our enemies.That's why we need to reject any politics that targets people because of race or religion. Thisisn't a matter of political correctness. It's a matter of understanding what makes us strong. Theworld respects us not just for our arsenal; it respects us for our diversity and our opennessand the way we respect every faith. His Holiness, Pope Francis, told this body from the very spotI stand tonight that “to imitate the hatred and violence of tyrants and murderers is the bestway to take their place.” When politicians insult Muslims, when a mosque is vandalized, or a kidbullied, that doesn't make us safer. That's not telling it like it is. It's just wrong. It diminishesus in the eyes of the world. It makes it harder to achieve our goals. And it betrays who we areas a country.“We the People.” Our Constitution begins with those three simple words, words we've come torecognize mean all the people, not just some; words that insist we rise and fall together. Thatbrings me to the fourth, and maybe the most important thing I want to say tonight.The future we want - opportunity and security for our families; a rising standard of living anda sustainable, peaceful planet for our kids - all that is within our reach. But it will only happenif we work together. It will only happen if we can have rational, constructive debates.It will only happen if we fix our politics.A better politics doesn't mean we have to agree on everything. This is a big country, withdifferent regions and attitudes and interests. That's one of our strengths, too. Our Foundersdistributed power between states and branches of government, and expected us to argue, justas they did, over the size and shape of government, over commerce and foreign relations, overthe meaning of liberty and the imperatives of security.But democracy does require basic bonds of trust between its citizens. It doesn't work if wethink the people who disagree with us are all motivated by malice, or that our politicalopponents are unpatriotic. Democracy grinds to a halt without a willingness to compromise;or when even basic facts are contested, and we listen only to those who agree with us. Ourpublic life withers when only the most extreme voices get attention. Most of all, democracybreaks down when the averageperson feels their voice doesn't matter; that the system isrigged in favor of the rich or the powerful or some narrow interest.Too many Americans feel that way right now. It's one of the few regrets of my presidency - thatthe rancor and suspicion between the parties has gotten worse instead of better. There's nodoubt a president with the gifts of Lincoln or Roosevelt might have better bridged the divide,and I guarantee I'll keep trying to be better so long as I hold this office.But, my fellow Americans, this cannot be my task - or any President's - alone. There are awhole lot of folks in this chamber who would like to see more cooperation, a more elevateddebate in Washington, but feel trapped by the demands of getting elected. I know; you've toldme. And if we want a better politics, it's not enough to just change a Congressman or a Senatoror even a President; we have to change the system to reflect our better selves.We have to end the practice of drawing our congressional districts so that politicians can picktheir voters, and not the other way around. We have to reduce the influence of money in ourpolitics, so that a handful of families and hidden interests can't bankroll our elections - and ifour existing approach to。
英语演讲稿-美国总统奥巴马国情咨文演讲(+中英双语)
英语演讲稿美国总统奥巴马国情咨文演讲(+中英双语)THE PRESIDENT: Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans: 议长先生，副总统先生，国会议员，同胞们：We are 15 years into this new century. Fifteen years that dawned with terror touching our shores; that unfolded with a new generation fighting two long and costly wars; that saw a vicious recession spread across our nation and the world. It has been, and still is, a hard time for many.我们跨入新世纪已经15年了。
新世纪一开始，我们就遭受了恐怖袭击，新一代人就投入了两场旷日持久而又代价昂贵的战争，后来又发生了席卷全国乃至全球的恶性衰退。
对很多人来说，那是一段，而且仍然是一段艰难的时期。
But tonight, we turn the page. Tonight, after a breakthrough year for America, our economy is growing and creating jobs at the fastest pace since 1999. (Applause.) Our unemployment rate is now lower than it was before the financial crisis. More of our kids are graduating than ever before. Moreof our people are insured than ever before. (Applause.) And we are as free from the grip of foreign oil as we’ve been in almost 30 years. (Applause.)但是今天晚上，我们将翻开新的一页。
奥巴马2016国情咨文演讲(双语全文)(权威翻译)
奥巴马2016国情咨文演讲（双语全文）当地时间2016年1月12日晚间，美国总统奥巴马在华盛顿发表了任上最后一次国情咨文，这也是他第八次进行国情咨文演讲。
Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans:议长先生、副总统先生、各位国会议员和美国同胞们：Tonight marks the eighth year I've come here to report on the State of the Union. And for this final one, I'm going to try to make it shorter. I know some of you are antsy to get back to Iowa.今晚是我在这里做国情咨文的第八个年头，也是最后一次。
我将尽量简而言之。
我知道你们中有些人急着回爱荷华州（译者注：两党党内预选进行地）。
I also understand that because it's an election season, expectations for what we'll achieve this year are low. Still, Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the constructive approach you and the other leaders took at the end of last year to pass a budget and make tax cuts permanent for working families. So I hope we can work together this year on bipartisan priorities like criminal justice reform, and helping people who are battling prescription drug abuse. We just might surprise the cynics again.我也理解此时正当大选之季，因此公众对我们今年成就的期望并不高。
美国总统奥巴马年度国情咨文(二)
美国总统奥巴马年度国情咨文（二）Let’s remember how we got here. Long before the recession, jobs and manufacturing began leaving our shores. Technology made businesses more efficient, but also made some jobs obsolete. Folks at the top saw their incomes rise like never before, but most hardworking Americans struggled with costs that were growing, paychecks that weren’t, and personal debt that kept piling up.让我们谨记我们是如何走到这一步的。
在经济衰退爆发前，就业岗位和制造业早已开始离开我们的海岸。
技术使各行各业更有效率，但一些工作岗位也因此陈旧过时。
位于最高层的同胞们看到他们的收入前所未有地增长，但大多数勤奋工作的美国人开支上升，工资水平停滞，债务不断增加，为此生活十分艰难。
In 2008, the house of cards collapsed. We learned that mortgages had been sold to people who couldn’t afford or understand them. Banks had made huge bets and bonuses with other people’s money. Regulators had looked the other way, or didn’t have the authority to stop the bad behavior.2008年，纸牌搭建的房子坍塌了。
奥巴马发表国情咨文：Full Text of Obama’s State of the Union Speech
奥巴马发表国情咨文：Full Text of Obama’s State of the Union Speech 2010-01-28 21:43200 浏览|0 评论| 编辑| 收藏Although directed mainly to domestic matters, U.S. President Bar ack Obama’s first State of the Union address is significant to a gl obal audience for the little that he did say, and that which he di dn’t.What he didn’t sayFor all the hoopla about how Pakistan is critical to America’s military a nd diplomatic initiatives abroad, the country isn’t mentio ned even once i n the speech.What he did sayOn Afghanistan:―And in Afghanistan, we’re increasing our troops and training Afghan se curity forces so they can begin to take the lead in July of 2011, and ou r troops can begin to come home. (Applause.) We will reward good go vernance, work to reduce corruption, and support the rights of all Afgha ns —men and women alike. (Applause.) We’re joined by allies and par tners who have increased their own commitments, and who will come t ogether tomorrow in London to reaffirm our common purpose. There w ill be difficult days ahead. But I am absolutely confident we will succee d.‖On Iraq:―As we take the fight to al Qaeda, we are responsibly leaving Iraq to its people. As a candidate, I promised that I would end this war, and tha t is what I am doing as President. We will have all of our combat troo ps out of Iraq by the end of this August. (Applause.) We will support the Iraqi government —we will support the Iraqi government as they h old elections, and we will continue to partner with the Iraqi people to p romote regional peace and prosperity. But make no mistake: This war i s ending, and all of our troops are coming home. (Applause.)‖On North Korea and Iran, following the announcement of diplomatic ini tiatives for a U.S.-Rusia arms control treaty, and the 44-nation Nuclear Security Summit in April 2010 in Washington, D.C. aimed at ―securing all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world in four years‖:―Now, these diplomatic efforts have also strengthened our ha nd in deali ng with those nations that insist on violating international agreements i n pursuit of nuclear weapons. That’s why North Korea now faces increa sed isolation, and stronger sanctions –- sanctions that are being vigorou sly enforced. That’s why the international community is more united, an d the Islamic Republic of Iran is more isolated. And as Iran’s leaders c ontinue to ignore their obligations, there should be no doubt: They, too, will face growing consequences. That is a promise. (Applause.)‖That, more or less, was it on foreign “engagements”—the new-sp eak for what in an earlier age, with some allowance for details, was called colonization.The White HouseOffice of the Press SecretaryFor Immediate ReleaseJanuary 27, 2010Remarks by the President in Sta te of the Union Address9:11 P.M. ESTTHE PRESIDENT: Madam Speaker, Vice President Biden, members of Con gress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans:Our Constitution declares that from time to time, the President shall give to Congress information about the state of our union. For 220 years, o ur leaders have fulfilled this duty. They've done so during periods of pros perity and tranquility. And they've done so in the midst of war and depr ession; at moments of great strife and great struggle.It's tempting to look back on these moments and assume that our progr ess was inevitable -–that America was always destined to succeed. But when the Union was turned back at Bull Run, and the Allies first landed at Omaha Beach, victory was very much in doubt. When the market cra shed on Black Tuesday, and civil rights marchers were beaten on Bloody Sunday, the future was anything but certain. These were the times that tested the courage of our convictions, and the strength of our union. An d despite all our divisions and disagreements, our hesitations and our fea rs, America prevailed because we chose to move forward as one nation, as one people.Again, we are tested. And again, we must answer history's call.One year ago, I took office amid two wars, an economy rocked by a sev ere recession, a financial system on the verge of collapse, and a govern ment deeply in debt. Experts from across the political spectrum warned t hat if we did not act, we might face a second depression. So we acted-–immediately and aggressively. And one year later, the worst of the st orm has passed.But the devastation remains. One in 10 Americans still cannot find wor k. Many businesses have shuttered. Home values have declined. Small t owns and rural communities have been hit especially hard. And for those who'd already known poverty, life has become that much harder.This recession has also compounded the burdens that America's families have been dealing with for decades –- the burden of working harder and longer for less; of being unable to save enough to retire or help kids wi th college.So I know the anxieties that are out there right now. They're not ne w. These struggles are the reason I ran for President. These struggles are what I've witnessed for years in places like Elkhart, Indiana; Galesbur g, Illinois. I hear about them in the letters that I read each night. The toughest to read are those written by children -–asking why they have t o move from their home, asking when their mom or dad will be able to go back to work.For these Americans and so many others, change has not come fast eno ugh. Some are frustrated; some are angry. They don't understand why i t seems like bad behavior on Wall Street is rewarded, but hard work on Main Street isn't; or why Washington has been unable or unwilling to sol ve any of our problems. They're tired of the partisanship and the shouti ng and the pettiness. They know we can't afford it. Not now.So we face big and difficult challenges. And what the American people h ope -–what they deserve -–is for all of us, Democrats and Republicans, to work through our differences; to overcome the numbing weight of ou r politics. For while the people who sent us here have different backgro unds, different stories, different beliefs, the anxieties they face are the sa me. The aspirations they hold are shared: a job that pays the bills; a ch ance to get ahead; most of all, the ability to give their children a better life.You know what else they share? They share a stubborn resilience in the face of adversity. After one of the most difficult years in our history, th ey remain busy building cars and teaching kids, starting businesses and g oing back to school. They're coaching Little League and helping their neig hbors. One woman wrote to me and said, "We are strained but hopeful, struggling but encouraged."It's because of this spirit -–this great decency and great strength -–tha t I have never been more hopeful about America's future than I am toni ght. (Applause.) Despite our hardships, our union is strong. We do not give up. We do not quit. We do not allow fear or division to break ou r spirit. In this new decade, it's time the American people get a govern ment that matches their decency; that embodies their strength. (Applaus e.)And tonight, tonight I'd like to talk about how together we can deliver o n that promise.It begins with our economy.Our most urgent task upon taking office was to shore up the same bank s that helped cause this crisis. It was not easy to do. And if there's one thing that has unified Democrats and Republicans, and everybody in bet ween, it's that we all hated the bank bailout. I hated it -- (applause.) I hated it. You hated it. It was about as popular as a root canal. (Laug hter.)But when I ran for President, I promised I wouldn't just do what was po pular -–I would do what was necessary. And if we had allowed the mel tdown of the financial system, unemployment might be double what it is today. More businesses would certainly have closed. More homes would have surely been lost.So I supported the last administration's efforts to create the financial resc ue program. And when we took that program over, we made it more tr ansparent and more accountable. And as a result, the markets are now stabilized, and we've recovered most of the money we spent on the ban ks. (Applause.) Most but not all.To recover the rest, I've proposed a fee on the biggest banks. (Applaus e.) Now, I know Wall Street isn't keen on this idea. But if these firms c an afford to hand out big bonuses again, they can afford a modest fee t o pay back the taxpayers who rescued them in their time of need. (Appl ause.)Now, as we stabilized the financial system, we also took steps to get our economy growing again, save as many jobs as possible, and help Ameri cans who had become unemployed.That's why we extended or increased unemployment benefits for more th an 18 million Americans; made health insurance 65 percent cheaper for f amilies who get their coverage through COBRA; and passed 25 different t ax cuts.Now, let me repeat: We cut taxes. We cut taxes for 95 percent of wor king families. (Applause.) We cut taxes for small businesses. We cut ta xes for first-time homebuyers. We cut taxes for parents trying to care fo r their children. We cut taxes for 8 million Americans paying for colleg e. (Applause.)I thought I'd get some applause on that one. (Laughter and applause.)As a result, millions of Americans had more to spend on gas and food a nd other necessities, all of which helped businesses keep more workers. And we haven't raised income taxes by a single dime on a single perso n. Not a single dime. (Applause.)Because of the steps we took, there are about two million Americans wor king right now who would otherwise be unemployed. (Applause.) Two h undred thousand work in construction and clean energy; 300,000 are tea chers and other education workers. Tens of thousands are cops, firefight ers, correctional officers, first responders. (Applause.) And we're on trac k to add another one and a half million jobs to this total by the end of the year.The plan that has made all of this possible, from the tax cuts to the job s, is the Recovery Act. (Applause.) That's right -–the Recovery Act, also known as the stimulus bill. (Applause.) Economists on the left and th e right say this bill has helped save jobs and avert disaster. But you do n't have to take their word for it. Talk to the small business in Phoenix that will triple its workforce because of the Recovery Act. Talk to the wi ndow manufacturer in Philadelphia who said he used to be skeptical abou t the Recovery Act, until he had to add two more work shifts just becau se of the business it created. Talk to the single teacher raising two kids who was told by her principal in the last week of school that because o f the Recovery Act, she wouldn't be laid off after all.There are stories like this all across America. And after two years of rec ession, the economy is growing again. Retirement funds have started to gain back some of their value. Businesses are beginning to invest again, and slowly some are starting to hire again.But I realize that for every success story, there are other stories, of men and women who wake up with the anguish of not knowing where their next paycheck will come from; who send out resumes week after week a nd hear nothing in response. That is why jobs must be our number-one focus in 2010, and that's why I'm calling for a new jobs bill tonight. (A pplause.)Now, the true engine of job creation in this country will always be Ameri ca's businesses. (Applause.) But government can create the conditions n ecessary for businesses to expand and hire more workers.We should start where most new jobs do –- in small businesses, compan ies that begin when -- (applause) -- companies that begin when an entrepreneur -- when an entrepreneur takes a chance on a dream, or a work er decides it's time she became her own boss. Through sheer grit and d etermination, these companies have weathered the recession and they're ready to grow. But when you talk to small businessowners in places like Allentown, Pennsylvania, or Elyria, Ohio, you find out that even though banks on Wall Street are lending again, they're mostly lending to bigger companies. Financing remains difficult for small businessowners across th e country, even those that are making a profit.So tonight, I'm proposing that we take $30 billion of the money Wall Str eet banks have repaid and use it to help community banks give small bu sinesses the credit they need to stay afloat. (Applause.) I'm also proposi ng a new small business tax credit-–one that will go to over one million small businesses who hire new w orkers or raise wages. (Applause.) While we're at it, let's also eliminate all capital gains taxes on small business investment, and provide a tax in centive for all large businesses and all small businesses to invest in new plants and equipment. (Applause.)Next, we can put Americans to work today building the infrastructure of t omorrow. (Applause.) From the first railroads to the Interstate Highway System, our nation has always been built to compete. There's no reason Europe or China should have the fastest trains, or the new factories tha t manufacture clean energy products.Tomorrow, I'll visit Tampa, Florida, where workers will soon break ground on a new high-speed railroad funded by the Recovery Act. (Applause.)There are projects like that all across this country that will create jobs a nd help move our nation's goods, services, and information. (Applause.)We should put more Americans to work building clean energy facilities --(applause) -- and give rebates to Americans who make their homes mor e energy-efficient, which supports clean energy jobs. (Applause.) And to encourage these and other businesses to stay within our borders, it is ti me to finally slash the tax breaks for companies that ship our jobs overs eas, and give those tax breaks to companies that create jobs right here i n the United States of America. (Applause.)Now, the House has passed a jobs bill that includes some of these step s. (Applause.) As the first order of business this year, I urge the Senat e to do the same, and I know they will. (Applause.) They will. (Applau se.) People are out of work. They're hurting. They need our help. And I want a jobs bill on my desk without delay. (Applause.)But the truth is, these steps won't make up for the seven million jobs th at we've lost over the last two years. The only way to move to full emp loyment is to lay a new foundation for long-term economic growth, and f inally address the problems that America's families have confronted for ye ars.We can't afford another so-called economic "expansion" like the one from the last decade –- what some call the "lost decade" -–where jobs grew more slowly than during any prior expansion; where the income of the average American household declined while the cost of health care and tuition reached record highs; where prosperity was built on a housing bub ble and financial speculation.From the day I took office, I've been told that addressing our larger chal lenges is too ambitious; such an effort would be too contentious. I've be en told that our political system is too gridlocked, and that we should jus t put things on hold for a while.For those who make these claims, I have one simple question: How long should we wait? How long should America put its future on hold? (App lause.)You see, Washington has been telling us to wait for decades, even as th e problems have grown worse. Meanwhile, China is not waiting to revam p its economy. Germany is not waiting. India is not waiting. These nati ons -- they're not standing still. These nations aren't playing for second place. They're putting more emphasis on math and science. They're reb uilding their infrastructure. They're making serious investments in clean e nergy because they want those jobs. Well, I do not accept second place for the United States of America. (Applause.)As hard as it may be, as uncomfortable and contentious as the debates may become, it's time to get serious about fixing the problems that are hampering our growth.Now, one place to start is serious financial reform. Look, I am not inter ested in punishing banks. I'm interested in protecting our economy. A st rong, healthy financial market makes it possible for businesses to accesscredit and create new jobs. It channels the savings of families into invest ments that raise incomes. But that can only happen if we guard against the same recklessness that nearly brought down our entire economy.We need to make sure consumers and middle-class families have the info rmation they need to make financial decisions. (Applause.) We can't allo w financial institutions, including those that take your deposits, to take ri sks that threaten the whole economy.Now, the House has already passed financial reform with many of these changes. (Applause.) And the lobbyists are trying to kill it. But we cann ot let them win this fight. (Applause.) And if the bill that ends up on m y desk does not meet the test of real reform, I will send it back until w e get it right. We've got to get it right. (Applause.)Next, we need to encourage American innovation. Last year, we made t he largest investment in basic research funding in history -–(applause) --an investment that could lead to the world's cheapest solar cells or trea tment that kills cancer cells but leaves healthy ones untouched. And no area is more ripe for such innovation than energy. You can see the resu lts of last year's investments in clean energy -–in the North Carolina co mpany that will create 1,200 jobs nationwide helping to make advanced batteries; or in the California business that will put a thousand people to work making solar panels.But to create more of these clean energy jobs, we need more production, more efficiency, more incentives. And that means building a new gener ation of safe, clean nuclear power plants in this country. (Applause.) Itmeans making tough decisions about opening new offshore areas for oil and gas development. (Applause.) It means continued investment in adv anced biofuels and clean coal technologies. (Applause.) And, yes, it mea ns passing a comprehensive energy and climate bill with incentives that will finally make clean energy the profitable kind of energy in America. (Applause.)I am grateful to the House for passing such a bill last year. (Applaus e.) And this year I'm eager to help advance the bipartisan effort in the Senate. (Applause.)I know there have been questions about whether we can afford such cha nges in a tough economy. I know that there are those who disagree wit h the overwhelming scientific evidence on climate change. But here's the thing -- even if you doubt the evidence, providing incentives for energy-efficiency and clean energy are the right thing to do for our future -–be cause the nation that leads the clean energy economy will be the nation that leads the global economy. And America must be that nation. (Appl ause.)Third, we need to export more of our goods. (Applause.) Because the more products we make and sell to other countries, the more jobs we su pport right here in America. (Applause.) So tonight, we set a new goa l: We will double our exports over the next five years, an increase that will support two million jobs in America. (Applause.) To help meet this goal, we're launching a National Export Initiative that will help farmers and small businesses increase their exports, and reform export controls con sistent with national security. (Applause.)We have to seek new markets aggressively, just as our competitors ar e. If America sits on the sidelines while other nations sign trade deals, we will lose the chance to create jobs on our shores. (Applause.) But r ealizing those benefits also means enforcing those agreements so our tra ding partners play by the rules. (Applause.) And that's why we'll continu e to shape a Doha trade agreement that opens global markets, and why we will strengthen our trade relations in Asia and with key partners like South Korea and Panama and Colombia. (Applause.)Fourth, we need to invest in the skills and education of our people. (Ap plause.)Now, this year, we've broken through the stalemate between left and rig ht by launching a national competition to improve our schools. And the i dea here is simple: Instead of rewarding failure, we only reward succes s. Instead of funding the status quo, we only invest in reform -- reform that raises student achievement; inspires students to excel in math and science; and turns around failing schools that steal the future of too man y young Americans, from rural communities to the inner city. In the 21st century, the best anti-poverty program around is a world-class educatio n. (Applause.) And in this country, the success of our children cannot d epend more on where they live than on their potential.When we renew the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, we will w ork with Congress to expand these reforms to all 50 states. Still, in thiseconomy, a high school diploma no longer guarantees a good job. That's why I urge the Senate to follow the House and pass a bill that will revi talize our community colleges, which are a career pathway to the childre n of so many working families. (Applause.)To make college more affordable, this bill will finally end the unwarranted taxpayer subsidies that go to banks for student loans. (Applause.) Inst ead, let's take that money and give families a $10,000 tax credit for four years of college and increase Pell Grants. (Applause.) And let's tell ano ther one million students that when they graduate, they will be required to pay only 10 percent of their income on student loans, and all of their debt will be forgiven after 20 years –- and forgiven after 10 years if th ey choose a career in public service, because in the United States of Am erica, no one should go broke because they chose to go to college. (Ap plause.)And by the way, it's time for colleges and universities to get serious abo ut cutting their own costs -–(applause) -- because they, too, have a res ponsibility to help solve this problem.Now, the price of college tuition is just one of the burdens facing the mi ddle class. That's why last year I asked Vice President Biden to chair a task force on middle-class families. That's why we're nearly doubling the child care tax credit, and making it easier to save for retirement by givi ng access to every worker a retirement account and expanding the tax c redit for those who start a nest egg. That's why we're working to lift th e value of a family's single largest investment –- their home. The stepswe took last year to shore up the housing market have allowed millions of Americans to take out new loans and save an average of $1,500 on mortgage payments.This year, we will step up refinancing so that homeowners can move into more affordable mortgages. (Applause.) And it is precisely to relieve th e burden on middle-class families that we still need health insurance refo rm. (Applause.) Yes, we do. (Applause.)Now, let's clear a few things up. (Laughter.) I didn't choose to tackle t his issue to get some legislative victory under my belt. And by now it s hould be fairly obvious that I didn't take on health care because it was good politics. (Laughter.) I took on health care because of the stories I' ve heard from Americans with preexisting conditions whose lives depend on getting coverage; patients who've been denied coverage; families –- e ven those with insurance -–who are just one illness away from financial ruin.After nearly a century of trying -- Democratic administrations, Republican administrations -- we are closer than ever to bringing more security to th e lives of so many Americans. The approach we've taken would protect every American from the worst practices of the insurance industry. It wo uld give small businesses and uninsured Americans a chance to choose a n affordable health care plan in a competitive market. It would require e very insurance plan to cover preventive care.And by the way, I want to acknowledge our First Lady, Michelle Obama, who this year is creating a national movement to tackle the epidemic ofchildhood obesity and make kids healthier. (Applause.) Thank you. She gets embarrassed. (Laughter.)Our approach would preserve the right of Americans who have insurance to keep their doctor and their plan. It would reduce costs and premium s for millions of families and businesses. And according to the Congressi onal Budget Office -–the independent organization that both parties have cited as the official scorekeeper for Congress –- our approach would bri ng down the deficit by as much as $1 trillion over the next two decade s. (Applause.)Still, this is a complex issue, and the longer it was debated, the more sk eptical people became. I take my share of the blame for not explaining it more clearly to the American people. And I know that with all the lob bying and horse-trading, the process left most Americans wondering, "Wh at's in it for me?"But I also know this problem is not going away. By the time I'm finished speaking tonight, more Americans will have lost their health insurance. Millions will lose it this year. Our deficit will grow. Premiums will go up. Patients will be denied the care they need. Small business owners will continue to drop coverage altogether. I will not walk away from the se Americans, and neither should the people in this chamber. (Applaus e.)So, as temperatures cool, I want everyone to take another look at the pl an we've proposed. There's a reason why many doctors, nurses, and he alth care experts who know our system best consider this approach a vast improvement over the status quo. But if anyone from either party has a better approach that will bring down premiums, bring down the deficit, cover the uninsured, strengthen Medicare for seniors, and stop insurance company abuses, let me know. (Applause.) Let me know. Let me kno w. (Applause.) I'm eager to see it.Here's what I ask Congress, though: Don't walk away from reform. Not now. Not when we are so close. Let us find a way to come together and finish the job for the American people. (Applause.) Let's get it don e. Let's get it done. (Applause.)Now, even as health care reform would reduce our deficit, it's not enoug h to dig us out of a massive fiscal hole in which we find ourselves. It's a challenge that makes all others that much harder to solve, and one th at's been subject to a lot of political posturing. So let me start the discu ssion of government spending by setting the record straight.At the beginning of the last decade, the year 2000, America had a budg et surplus of over $200 billion. (Applause.) By the time I took office, w e had a one-year deficit of over $1 trillion and projected deficits of $8 tri llion over the next decade. Most of this was the result of not paying for two wars, two tax cuts, and an expensive prescription drug program. O n top of that, the effects of the recession put a $3 trillion hole in our b udget. All this was before I walked in the door. (Laughter and applaus e.)Now -- just stating the facts. Now, if we had taken office in ordinary ti mes, I would have liked nothing more than to start bringing down the d。
奥巴马国情咨文(中英)
Madam Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, the First Lady of the United States—she's around here somewhere:总统，议长女士，副总统先生，各位国会议员，美国第一夫人――她就在附近。
I have come here tonight not only to address the distinguished men and women in this great Chamber, but to speak frankly and directly to the men and women who sent us here.今晚我来到这里，不仅向这个宏伟大厅中在做的各位杰出人士发表讲话，而且向推选我们来到这里的男女民众们进行坦率和直接的交谈。
I know that for many Americans watching right now, the state of our economy is a concern that rises above all others, and rightly so. If you haven't been personally affected by this recession, you probably know someone who has: a friend, a neighbor, a member of your family. You don't need to hear another list of statistics to know that our economy is in crisis, because you live it every day. It's the worry you wake up with and the source of sleepless nights. It's the job you thought you'd retire from but now have lost, the business you built your dreams upon that's now hanging by a thread, the college acceptance letter your child had to put back in the envelope. The impact of this recession is real, and it is everywhere.我知道，对于现在正在收看转播的许多美国人来说，我国的经济现状令人担忧，压倒了所有其它的问题。
奥巴马2016国情咨文中英翻译对照版
President Obama's 2016 State of the Union Address 奥巴马总统2016年的国情咨文Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans: Tonight marks the eighth year I've come here to report on the State of the Union. And for this final one, I'm going to try to make it shorter. I know some of you are antsy to get back to Iowa. 议长先生，副总统先生，国会议员，我的美国同胞们：今晚的第八个年头，我来这里的国情咨文报告痕。
而对于这最后一节，我会尽量把它缩短。
我知道你们有些坐立不安，回到爱荷华州。
I also understand that because it's an election season, expectations for what we'll achieve this year are low. Still, Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the constructive approach you and the other leaders took at the end of last year to pass a budget and make tax cuts permanent for working families. So I hope we can work together this year on bipartisan priorities like criminal justice reform, and helping people who are battling prescription drug abuse. We just might surprise the cynics again. 我也明白，因为它是一个选举季节，为我们将实现今年的预期较低。
美国总统奥巴马国情咨文原文
美国总统奥巴马国情咨文原文Obama’s State of Union speechMadame Speaker, Vice President Biden, Members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans:Our Constitution declares that from time to time, the President shall give to Congress information about the state of our union. For two hundred and twenty years, our leaders [have] fulfilled this duty. They've done so during periods of prosperity and tranquility. And they've done so in the midst of war and depression -- at moments of great strife and great struggle.It's tempting to look back on these moments and assume that our progress was inevitable -- that America was always destined to succeed. But when the Union was turned back at Bull Run and the Allies first landed at Omaha Beach, victory was very much in doubt. When the market crashed on Black Tuesday and civil rights marchers were beaten on Bloody Sunday, the future was anything but certain. These were the times that tested the courage of our convictions, and the strength of our union. And despite all our divisions and disagreements, our hesitations and our fears, America prevailed because we chose to move forward as one nation, and one people.Again, we are tested. And again, we must answer history's call.One year ago, I took office amid two wars, an economy rocked by a severe recession, a financial system on the verge of collapse, and a government deeply in debt. Experts from across the political spectrum warned that if we did not act, we might face a second depression. So we acted -- immediately and aggressively. And one year later, the worst of the storm has passed.But the devastation remains. One in ten Americans still cannot find work. Many businesses have shuttered. Home values have declined. Small towns and rural communities have been hit especially hard. And for those who had already known poverty, life's become that much harder.And this recession has also compounded the burdens that America's families have been dealing with for decades: the burden of working harder and longer for less, of being unable to save enough to retire, or help kids with college.So I know the anxieties that are out there right now. They're not new. These struggles are the reason I ran for President. These struggles are what I've witnessed for years in places like Elkhart, Indiana; Galesburg, Illinois. I hear about them in the letters that I read each night. The toughest to read are those written by children, asking why they have to move from their home, asking or when their mom or dad will be able to go back to work.For these Americans and so many others, change has not come fast enough. Some are frustrated; some are angry. They don't understand why itseems like bad behavior on Wall Street is rewarded but hard work on Main Street isn't; or why Washington has been unable or unwilling to solve any of our problems. They're tired of the partisanship and the shouting and the pettiness. They know we can't afford it. Not now.So we face big and difficult challenges. And what the American people hope -- what they deserve -- is for all of us, Democrats and Republicans, to work through our differences; to overcome the numbing weight of our politics. For while the people who sent us here have different backgrounds, different stories, different beliefs, the anxieties they face are the same. The aspirations they hold are shared: a job that pays the bills; a chance to get ahead. Most of all, the ability to give their children a better life.And you know what else they share? They share a stubborn resilience in the face of adversity. After one of the most difficult years in our history, they remain busy building cars and teaching kids, starting businesses, and going back to school. They're coaching little league and helping their neighbors. One woman wrote to me and said, "We are strained but hopeful, struggling but encouraged."It's because of this spirit -- this great decency and great strength -- that I have never been more hopeful about America's future than I am tonight.Despite -- Despite our hardships, our union is strong. We do not give up. We do not quit. We do not allow fear or division to break our spirit. In this new decade, it's time the American people get a government that matches their decency, that embodies their strength. And tonight -- tonight I'd like to talk about how, together, we can deliver on that promise.It begins with our economy. Our most urgent -- Our most urgent task upon taking office was to shore up the same banks that helped cause this crisis. It was not easy to do. And if there's one thing that has unified Democrats and Republicans -- and everybody in between -- it's that we all hated the bank bailout. I hated it -- I hated it -- I hated it. You hated it. It was about as popular as a root canal.But when I ran for President, I promised I wouldn't just do what was popular -- I would do what was necessary. And if we had allowed the meltdown of the financial system, unemployment might be double what it is today. More businesses would certainly have closed. More homes would have surely been lost.So I supported the last Administration's efforts to create the financial rescue program. And when we took the program over, we made it more transparent and more accountable. And as a result, the markets are now stabilized, and we've recovered most of the money we spent on the banks.Most, but not all. To recover the rest, I've proposed a fee on the biggest banks.Now -- Now, I know Wall Street isn't keen on this idea, but if these firms can afford to hand out big bonuses again, they can afford a modest fee to pay back the taxpayers who rescued them in their time of need.Now, as we stabilized the financial system, we also took steps to get our economy growing again, save as many jobs as possible, and help Americans who had become unemployed. That's why we extended or increased unemployment benefits for more than 18 million Americans, made health insurance 65% cheaper for families who get their coverage through COBRA, and passed 25 different tax cuts.Now, let me repeat: We cut taxes.We cut taxes for 95% of working families.We cut taxes for small businesses.We cut taxes for first-time homebuyers.We cut taxes for parents trying to care for their children.We cut taxes for eight million Americans paying for college.(I thought I'd get some applause on that one.)As a result -- As a result, millions of Americans had more to spend on gas, and food, and other necessities -- all of which helped businesses keep more workers. And we haven't raised income taxes by a single dime on a single person. Not a single dime.Now, because of the steps we took, there are about two million Americans working right now who would otherwise be unemployed. 200,000 work in construction and clean energy. 300,000 are teachers and other education workers. Tens of thousands are cops, firefighters, correctional officers, first responders. And we're on track to add another one and a half million jobs to this total by the end of the year.The plan that has made all of this possible, from the tax cuts to the jobs, is the Recovery Act. That's right: the Recovery Act, also known as the Stimulus Bill. Economists on the left and the right say this bill has helped saved jobs and avert disaster. But you don't have to take their word for it: Talk to the small business in Phoenix that will triple its workforce because of the Recovery Act. Talk to the window manufacturer in Philadelphia who said he used to be skeptical about the Recovery Act, until he had to add two more work shifts just because of the business it created. Talk to the single teacher raising two kids who was told by her principal in the last week of school that because of the Recovery Act, she wouldn't be laid off after all.There are stories like this all across America. And after two years of recession, the economy is growing again. Retirement funds have started togain back some of their value. Businesses are beginning to invest again, and slowly [some] are starting to hire again.But I realize that for every success story, there are other stories -- of men and women who wake up with the anguish of not knowing where their next paycheck will come from; who send out resumes week after week and hear nothing in response. That is why jobs must be our number one focus in 2010. And that's why I'm calling for a new jobs bill tonight!Now, the true engine of job creation in this country will always be America's businesses. (I agree. Absolutely). But government can create the conditions necessary for businesses to expand and hire more workers. We should start where most new jobs do -- in small businesses, companies that begin when -- companies that begin when an entrepreneur -- when an entrepreneur takes a chance on a dream, or a worker decides its time she became her own boss.Through sheer grit and determination, these companies have weathered the recession and they're ready to grow. But when you talk to small business owners in places like Allentown, Pennsylvania or Elyria, Ohio, you find out that even though banks on Wall Street are lending again, they're mostly lending to bigger companies. Financing remains difficult for small business owners across the country -- even those that are making a profit.So tonight, I'm proposing that we take 30 billion dollars of the money Wall Street banks have repaid and use it to help community banks give small businesses the credit they need to stay afloat. I'm also proposing a new small business tax credit -- one that will go to over one million small businesses who hire new workers or raise wages. While we're at it, let's also eliminate all capital gains taxes on small business investment, and provide a tax incentive for all large businesses and all small businesses to invest in new plants and equipment.Next, we can put Americans to work today building the infrastructure of tomorrow. From -- From the first railroads to the interstate highway system, our nation has always been built to compete. There's no reason Europe or China should have the fastest trains, or the new factories that manufacture clean energy products.Tomorrow, I'll visit Tampa, Florida, where workers will soon break ground on a new high-speed railroad funded by the Recovery Act. There are projects like that all across this country that will create jobs and help our move our nation's goods, services, and information. We should put more Americans to work building clean energy facilities, and give -- and give rebates to Americans who make their homes more energy efficient, which supports clean energy jobs. And to encourage these and other businesses to stay within our borders, it is time to finally slash the tax breaks for companies that ship our jobs overseas and give those tax breaks to companies that create jobs right here in the United States of America.Now, the House has passed a jobs bill that includes some of these steps. As the first order of business this year, I urge the Senate to do the same -- and I know they will. They will. People are out of work. They're hurting. And they need our help. And I want a jobs bill on my desk without delay.But -- But the truth is, these steps still won't make up for the seven million jobs that we've lost over the last two years. The only way to move to full employment is to lay a new foundation for long-term economic growth, and finally address the problems that America's families have confronted for years.We can't afford another so-called economic "expansion" like the one from the last decade -- what some call the "lost decade" -- where jobs grew more slowly than during any prior expansion; where the income of the average American household declined while the cost of health care and tuition reached record highs; where prosperity was built on a housing bubble and financial speculation.From the day I took office, I've been told that addressing our larger challenges is too ambitious. Such an effort would be too contentious. I've been told that our political system is too gridlocked, and that we should just put things on hold for awhile. For those who make these claims, I have one simple question: How long should we wait? How long should America put its future on hold?You see -- You see, Washington has been telling us to wait for decades, even as the problems have grown worse. Meanwhile, China's not waiting to revamp its economy. Germany's not waiting. India's not waiting. These nations are -- they're not standing still. These nations aren't playing for second place. They're putting more emphasis on math and science. They're rebuilding their infrastructure. They're making serious investments in clean energy because they want those jobs.Well, I do not accept second-place for the United States of America.As hard as it may be, as uncomfortable and contentious as the debates may become, it's time to get serious about fixing the problems that are hampering our growth. Now, one place to start is serious financial reform. Look, I am not interested in punishing banks. I'm interested in protecting our economy. A strong, healthy financial market makes it possible for businesses to access credit and create new jobs. It channels the savings of families into investments that raise incomes. But that can only happen if we guard against the same recklessness that nearly brought down our entire economy.We need to make sure consumers and middle-class families have the information they need to make financial decisions. We can't allow financial institutions, including those that take your deposits, to take risks that threaten the whole economy. Now, the House has already passed financial reform with many of these changes. And -- And the lobbyists are trying to kill it. Well, we cannot let them win this fight. And if the bill that ends up on mydesk does not meet the test of real reform, I will send it back until we get it right. We've got to get it right.Next, we need to encourage American innovation. Last year, we made the largest investment in basic research funding in history, an investment -- an investment that could lead to the world's cheapest solar cells or treatment that kills cancer cells but leaves healthy ones untouched. And no area is more ripe for such innovation than energy. You can see the results of last year's investment in clean energy in the North Carolina company that will create 1200 jobs nationwide helping to make advanced batteries, or, in the California business that will put a thousand people to work making solar panels.But to create more of these clean energy jobs, we need more production, more efficiency, more incentives. And that means building a new generation of safe, clean nuclear power plants in this country. It means making tough decisions about opening new offshore areas for oil and gas development. It means continued investment in advanced biofuels and clean coal technologies. And yes, it means passing a comprehensive energy and climate bill with incentives that will finally make clean energy the profitable kind of energy in America.I am grateful to the House for passing such a bill last year. And this year -- this year, I am eager to help advance the bipartisan effort in the Senate. I know there have been questions about whether we can afford such changes in a tough economy. I know that there are those who disagree with the overwhelming scientific evidence on climate change. But -- But -- Here -- Here's the thing: Even if you doubt the evidence, providing incentives for energy efficiency and clean energy are the right thing to do for our future because the nation that leads the clean energy economy will be the nation that leads the global economy. And America must be that nation.[audio-to-text transcription accuracy verified to here: 27:02]Third, we need to export more of our goods. Because the more products we make and sell to other countries, the more jobs we support right here in America. So tonight, we set a new goal: We will double our exports over the next five years, an increase that will support two million jobs in America. To help meet this goal, we're launching a National Export Initiative that will help farmers and small businesses increase their exports, and reform export controls consistent with national security.We have to seek new markets aggressively, just as our competitors are. If America sits on the sidelines while other nations sign trade deals, we will lose the chance to create jobs on our shores. But realizing those benefits also means enforcing those agreements so our trading partners play by the rules. And that's why we will continue to shape a Doha trade agreement that opens global markets, and why we will strengthen our trade relations in Asia and with key partners like South Korea, Panama, and Colombia.Fourth, we need to invest in the skills and education of our people.This year, we have broken through the stalemate between left and right by launching a national competition to improve our schools. The idea here is simple: instead of rewarding failure, we only reward success. Instead of funding the status quo, we only invest in reform -- reform that raises student achievement, inspires students to excel in math and science, and turns around failing schools that steal the future of too many young Americans, from rural communities to inner-cities. In the 21st century, one of the best anti-poverty programs is a world-class education. In this country, the success of our children cannot depend more on where they live than their potential.When we renew the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, we will work with Congress to expand these reforms to all fifty states. Still, in this economy, a high school diploma no longer guarantees a good job. I urge the Senate to follow the House and pass a bill that will revitalize our community colleges, which are a career pathway to the children of so many working families. To make college more affordable, this bill will finally end the unwarranted taxpayer-subsidies that go to banks for student loans. Instead, let's take that money and give families a 10,000 dollar tax credit for four years of college and increase Pell Grants. And let's tell another one million students that when they graduate, they will be required to pay only ten percent of their income on student loans, and all of their debt will be forgiven after twenty years -- and forgiven after ten years if they choose a career in public service. Because in the United States of America, no one should go broke because they chose to go to college. And it's time for colleges and universities to get serious about cutting their own costs -- because they too have a responsibility to help solve this problem.Now, the price of college tuition is just one of the burdens facing the middle-class. That's why last year I asked Vice President Biden to chair a task force on Middle-Class Families. That's why we're nearly doubling the child care tax credit, and making it easier to save for retirement by giving every worker access to a retirement account and expanding the tax credit for those who start a nest egg. That's why we're working to lift the value of a family's single largest investment -- their home. The steps we took last year to shore up the housing market have allowed millions of Americans to take out new loans and save an average of 1,500 dollars on mortgage payments. This year, we will step up re-financing so that homeowners can move into more affordable mortgages. And it is precisely to relieve the burden on middle-class families that we still need health insurance reform.Now let's be clear -- I did not choose to tackle this issue to get some legislative victory under my belt. And by now it should be fairly obvious that I didn't take on health care because it was good politics.I took on health care because of the stories I've heard from Americans with pre-existing conditions whose lives depend on getting coverage; patients who've been denied coverage; and families -- even those with insurance -- who are just one illness away from financial ruin.After nearly a century of trying, we are closer than ever to bringing more security to the lives of so many Americans. The approach we've taken would protect every American from the worst practices of the insurance industry. It would give small businesses and uninsured Americans a chance to choose an affordable health care plan in a competitive market. It would require every insurance plan to cover preventive care. And by the way, I want to acknowledge our First Lady, Michelle Obama, who this year is creating a national movement to tackle the epidemic of childhood obesity and make our kids healthier.Our approach would preserve the right of Americans who have insurance to keep their doctor and their plan. It would reduce costs and premiums for millions of families and businesses. And according to the Congressional Budget Office -- the independent organization that both parties have cited as the official scorekeeper for Congress -- our approach would bring down the deficit by as much as 1 trillion dollars over the next two decades.Still, this is a complex issue, and the longer it was debated, the more skeptical people became. I take my share of the blame for not explaining it more clearly to the American people. And I know that with all the lobbying and horse-trading, this process left most Americans wondering what's in it for them.But I also know this problem is not going away. By the time I'm finished speaking tonight, more Americans will have lost their health insurance. Millions will lose it this year. Our deficit will grow. Premiums will go up. Patients will be denied the care they need. Small business owners will continue to drop coverage altogether. I will not walk away from these Americans, and neither should the people in this chamber.As temperatures cool, I want everyone to take another look at the plan we've proposed. There's a reason why many doctors, nurses, and health care experts who know our system best consider this approach a vast improvement over the status quo. But if anyone from either party has a better approach that will bring down premiums, bring down the deficit, cover the uninsured, strengthen Medicare for seniors, and stop insurance company abuses, let me know. Let's get it done. Let's get it done. Here's what I ask of Congress, though: Do not walk away from reform. Not now. Not when we are so close. Let us find a way to come together and finish the job for the American people.Now, even as health care reform would reduce our deficit, it's not enough to dig us out of a massive fiscal hole in which we find ourselves. It's a challenge that makes all others that much harder to solve, and one that's been subject to a lot of political posturing.So let me start the discussion of government spending by setting the record straight. At the beginning of the last decade, America had a budget surplus of over 200 billion dollars. By the time I took office, we had a one year deficit of over 1 trillion dollars and projected deficits of 8 trillion dollars overthe next decade. Most of this was the result of not paying for two wars, two tax cuts, and an expensive prescription drug program. On top of that, the effects of the recession put a 3 trillion dollar hole in our budget. That was before I walked in the door. I'm just stating the facts.Now if we had taken office in ordinary times, I would have liked nothing more than to start bringing down the deficit. But we took office amid a crisis, and our efforts to prevent a second Depression have added another 1 trillion dollars to our national debt. That, too, is a fact.I am absolutely convinced that was the right thing to do. But families across the country are tightening their belts and making tough decisions. The federal government should do the same. So tonight, I'm proposing specific steps to pay for the 1 trillion that it took to rescue the economy last year.Starting in 2011, we are prepared to freeze government spending for three years. Spending related to our national security, Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will not be affected. But all other discretionary government programs will. Like any cash-strapped family, we will work within a budget to invest in what we need and sacrifice what we don't. And if I have to enforce this discipline by veto, I will.We will continue to go through the budget line by line, page by page, to eliminate programs that we can't afford and don't work. We've already identified 20 billion dollars in savings for next year. To help working families, we will extend our middle-class tax cuts. But at a time of record deficits, we will not continue tax cuts for oil companies, for investment fund managers, and for those making over 250,000 dollars a year. We just can't afford it.Now, even after paying for what we spent on my watch, we will still face the massive deficit we had when I took office. More importantly, the cost of Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will continue to skyrocket. That's why I've called for a bipartisan, Fiscal Commission, modeled on a proposal by Republican Judd Gregg and Democrat Kent Conrad. This can't be one of those Washington gimmicks that lets us pretend we solved a problem. The Commission will have to provide a specific set of solutions by a certain deadline. Now, yesterday, the Senate blocked a bill that would have created this commission. So I will issue an executive order that will allow us to go forward, because I refuse to pass this problem on to another generation of Americans. And when the vote comes tomorrow, the Senate should restore the pay-as-you-go law that was a big reason why we had record surpluses in the 1990s.Now, I know that some in my own party will argue that we cannot address the deficit or freeze government spending when so many are still hurting. And I agree, which is why this freeze will not take effect until next year, when the economy is stronger. That's how budgeting works. But understand -- understand, if we do not take meaningful steps to rein in our debt, it could damage our markets, increase the cost of borrowing, andjeopardize our recovery -- all of which could have an even worse effect on our job growth and family incomes.From some on the right, I expect we'll hear a different argument: If we just make fewer investments in our people, extend tax cuts for wealthier Americans, eliminate more regulations, and maintain the status quo on health care, our deficits will go away. The problem is, that's what we did for eight years. That's what helped lead us into this crisis. It's what helped lead to these deficits. We can't do it again.Rather than fight the same tired battles that have dominated Washington for decades, it's time to try something new. Let's invest in our people without leaving them a mountain of debt. Let's meet our responsibility to the citizens who sent us here. Let's try common sense -- a novel concept.To do that, we have to recognize that we face more than a deficit of dollars right now. We face a deficit of trust -- deep and corrosive doubts about how Washington works that have been growing for years. To close that credibility gap we must take action on both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue to end the outsized influence of lobbyists; to do our work openly; to give our people the government they deserve.Now, that's what I came to Washington to do. That's why -- for the first time in history -- my Administration posts our White House visitors online. That's why we've excluded lobbyists from policy-making jobs or seats on federal boards and commissions.But we can't stop there. It's time to require lobbyists to disclose each contact they make on behalf of a client with my Administration or Congress. And it's time to put strict limits on the contributions that lobbyists give to candidates for federal office. With all due deference, last week the Supreme Court reversed a century of law to open the floodgates for special interests -- including foreign corporations -- to spend without limit in our elections. Well I don't think American elections should be bankrolled by America's most powerful interests, or worse, by foreign entities. They should be decided by the American people, and I'd urge Democrats and Republicans to pass a bill that helps to right this wrong.I'm also calling on Congress to continue down the path of earmark reform -- Democrats and Republicans, Democrats and Republicans. Look, you have trimmed some of this spending and embraced some meaningful change. But restoring the public trust demands more. For example, some members of Congress post some earmark requests online. Tonight, I'm calling on Congress to publish all earmark requests on a single website before there's a vote so that the American people can see how their money is being spent.Of course, none of these reforms will even happen if we don't also reform how we work with one another.。
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As prepared for deliveryPresident Obama's 2016 State of the Union AddressMr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans:Tonight marks the eighth year I've come here to report on the State of the Union. And for this final one, I'm going to try to make it shorter. I know some of you are antsy to get back to Iowa.I also understand that because it's an election season, expectations for what we'll achieve this year are low. Still, Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the constructive approach you and the other leaders took at the end of last year to pass a budget and make tax cuts permanent for working families. So I hope we can work together this year on bipartisan priorities like criminal justice reform, and helping people who are battling prescription drug abuse. We just might surprise the cynics again.But tonight, I want to go easy on the traditional list of proposals for the year ahead. Don't worry, I've got plenty, from helping students learn to write computer code to personalizing medical treatments for patients. And I'll keep pushing for progress on the work that still needs doing. Fixing a broken immigration system. Protecting our kids from gun violence. Equal pay for equal work, paid leave, raising the minimum wage. All these things still matter to hardworking families; they are still the right thing to do; and I will not let up until they get done.But for my final address to this chamber, I don't want to talk just about the next year. I want to focus on the next five years, ten years, and beyond.I want to focus on our future.We live in a time of extraordinary change — c hange that's reshaping the way we live, the way we work, our planet and our place in the world. It's change that promises amazing medical breakthroughs, but also economic disruptions that strain working families. It promises education for girls in the most remote villages, but also connects terrorists plotting an ocean away. It's change that can broaden opportunity, or widen inequality. And whether we like it or not, the pace of this change will only accelerate.America has been through big changes before — w ars and depression, the influx of immigrants, workers fighting for a fair deal, and movements to expand civil rights. Each time, there have been those who told us to fear the future; who claimed we could slam the brakes on change, promising to restore past glory if we just got some group or idea that was threatening America under control. And each time, we overcame those fears. We did not, in the words of Lincoln, adhere to the "dogmas of the quiet past." Instead we thought anew,and acted anew. We made change work for us, always extending America's promise outward, to the next frontier, to more and more people. And because we did — b ecause we saw opportunity where others saw only peril — w e emerged stronger and better than before.What was true then can be true now. Our unique strengths as a nation — o ur optimism and work ethic, our spirit of discovery and innovation, our diversity and commitment to the rule of law — t hese things give us everything we need to ensure prosperity and security for generations to come.In fact, it's that spirit that made the progress of these past seven years possible. It's how we recovered from the worst economic crisis in generations. It's how we reformed our health care system, and reinvented our energy sector; how we delivered more care and benefits to our troops and veterans, and how we secured the freedom in every state to marry the person we love.But such progress is not inevitable. It is the result of choices we make together. And we face such choices right now. Will we respond to the changes of our time with fear, turning inward as a nation, and turning against each other as a people? Or will we face the future with confidence in who we are, what we stand for, and the incredible things we can do together?So let's talk about the future, and four big questions that we as a country have to answer — r egardless of who the next President is, or who controls the next Congress.First, how do we give everyone a fair shot at opportunity and security in this new economy?Second, how do we make technology work for us, and not againstus — e specially when it comes to solving urgent challenges like climate change?Third, how do we keep America safe and lead the world without becoming its policeman?And finally, how can we make our politics reflect what's best in us, and not what's worst?Let me start with the economy, and a basic fact: the United States of America, right now, has the strongest, most durable economy in the world. We're in the middle of the longest streak of private-sector job creation in history. More than 14 million new jobs; the strongest two years of job growth since the '90s; an unemployment rate cut in half. Our auto industry just had its best year ever. Manufacturing has created nearly 900,000 new jobs in the past six years. And we've done all this while cutting our deficits by almost three-quarters.Anyone claiming that America's economy is in decline is peddling fiction. What is true — a nd the reason that a lot of Americans feel anxious — i s that the economy has been changing in profound ways, changes that started long before the Great Recession hit and haven't let up. Today, technology doesn't just replace jobs on the assembly line, but any job where work can be automated. Companies in a global economy can locate anywhere, and face tougher competition. As a result, workers have less leverage for a raise. Companies have less loyalty to their communities. And more and more wealth and income is concentrated at the very top.All these trends have squeezed workers, even when they have jobs; even when the economy is growing. It's made it harder for a hardworking family to pull itself out of poverty, harder for young people to start on their careers, and tougher for workers to retire when they want to. And although none of these trends are unique to America, they do offend our uniquely American belief that everybody who works hard should get a fair shot.For the past seven years, our goal has been a growing economy that works better for everybody. We've made progress. But we need to make more. And despite all the political arguments we've had these past few years, there are some areas where Americans broadly agree.We agree that real opportunity requires every American to get the education and training they need to land a good-paying job. The bipartisan reform of No Child Left Behind was an important start, and together, we've increased early childhood education, lifted high school graduation rates to new highs, and boosted graduates in fields like engineering. In the coming years, we should build on that progress, by providing Pre-K for all, offering every student the hands-on computer science and math classes that make them job-ready on day one, and we should recruit and support more great teachers for our kids. And we have to make college affordable for every American. Because no hardworking student should be stuck in the red. We've already reduced student loan payments to ten percent of a borrower's income. Now, we've actually got to cut the cost of college. Providing two years of community college at no cost for every responsible student is one of the best ways to do that, and I'm going to keep fighting to get that started this year.Of course, a great education isn't all we need in this new economy. We also need benefits and protections that provide a basic measure of security. After all, it's not much of a stretch to say that some of the only people in America who are going to work the same job, in the same place, with a health and retirement package, for 30 years, are sitting in this chamber. For everyone else, especially folks in their forties and fifties, saving for retirement or bouncing back from job loss has gotten a lot tougher. Americans understand that atsome point in their careers, they may have to retool and retrain. But they shouldn't lose what they've already worked so hard to build.That's why Social Security and Medicare are more important than ever; we shouldn't weaken them, we should strengthen them. And for Americans short of retirement, basic benefits should be just as mobile as everything else is today. That's what the Affordable Care Act is all about. It's about filling the gaps in employer-based care so that when we lose a job, or go back to school, or start that new business, we'll still have coverage. Nearly eighteen million have gained coverage so far. Health care inflation has slowed. And our businesses have created jobs every single month since it became law.Now, I'm guessing we won't agree on health care anytime soon. But there should be other ways both parties can improve economic security. Say a hardworking American loses his job — w e shouldn't just make sure he can get unemployment insurance; we should make sure that program encourages him to retrain for a business that's ready to hire him. If that new job doesn't pay as much, there should be a system of wage insurance in place so that he can still pay his bills. And even if he's going from job to job, he should still be able to save for retirement and take his savings with him. That's the way we make the new economy work better for everyone.I also know Speaker Ryan has talked about his interest in tackling poverty. America is about giving everybody willing to work a hand up, and I'd welcome a serious discussion about strategies we can all support, like expanding tax cuts for low-income workers without kids.But there are other areas where it's been more difficult to find agreement over the last seven years — n amely what role the government should play in making sure the system's not rigged in favor of the wealthiest and biggest corporations. And here, the American people have a choice to make.I believe a thriving private sector is the lifeblood of our economy. I think there are outdated regulations that need to be changed, and there's red tape that needs to be cut. But after years of record corporate profits, working families won't get more opportunity or bigger paychecks by letting big banks or big oil or hedge funds make their own rules at the expense of everyone else; or by allowing attacks on collective bargaining to go unanswered. Food Stamp recipients didn't cause the financial crisis; recklessness on Wall Street did. Immigrants aren't the reason wages haven't gone up enough; those decisions are made in the boardrooms that too often put quarterly earnings overlong-term returns. It's sure not the average family watching tonight that avoids paying taxes through offshore accounts. In this new economy, workers and start-ups and small businesses need more of a voice, not less. The rules should work for them. And this year I plan to lift up the many businesseswho've figured out that doing right by their workers ends up being good fortheir shareholders, their customers, and their communities, so that we can spread those best practices across America.In fact, many of our best corporate citizens are also our most creative. This brings me to the second big question we have to answer as a country: how do we reignite that spirit of innovation to meet our biggest challenges?Sixty years ago, when the Russians beat us into space, we didn't deny Sputnik was up there. We didn't argue about the science, or shrink our research and development budget. We built a space program almost overnight, and twelve years later, we were walking on the moon.That spirit of discovery is in our DNA. We're Thomas Edison and the Wright Brothers and George Washington Carver. We're Grace Hopper and Katherine Johnson and Sally Ride. We're every immigrant and entrepreneur from Boston to Austin to Silicon Valley racing to shape a better world. And over the past seven years, we've nurtured that spirit.We've protected an open internet, and taken bold new steps to get more students and low-income Americans online. We've launched next-generation manufacturing hubs, and online tools that give an entrepreneur everything he or she needs to start a business in a single day.But we can do so much more. Last year, Vice President Biden said that with a new moonshot, America can cure cancer. Last month, he worked with this Congress to give scientists at the National Institutes of Health the strongest resources they've had in over a decade. Tonight, I'm announcing a new national effort to get it done. And because he's gone to the mat for all of us, on so many issues over the past forty years, I'm putting Joe in charge of Mission Control. For the loved ones we've all lost, for the family we can still save, let's make America the country that cures cancer once and for all.Medical research is critical. We need the same level of commitment when it comes to developing clean energy sources.Look, if anybody still wants to dispute the science around climate change, have at it. You'll be pretty lonely, because you'll be debating our military, most of America's business leaders, the majority of the American people, almost the entire scientific community, and 200 nations around the world who agree it's a problem and intend to solve it.But even if the planet wasn't at stake; even if 2014 wasn't the warmest year on record — u ntil 2015 turned out even hotter — w hy would we want to pass up the chance for American businesses to produce and sell the energy of the future? Seven years ago, we made the single biggest investment in clean energy in our history. Here are the results. In fields from Iowa to Texas, wind power isnow cheaper than dirtier, conventional power. On rooftops from Arizona to New York, solar is saving Americans tens of millions of dollars a year on their energy bills, and employs more Americans than coal — i n jobs that pay better than average. We're taking steps to give homeowners the freedom to generate and store their own energy — s omething environmentalists and Tea Partiers have teamed up to support. Meanwhile, we've cut our imports of foreign oil by nearly sixty percent, and cut carbon pollution more than any other country on Earth.Gas under two bucks a gallon ain't bad, either.Now we've got to accelerate the transition away from dirty energy. Rather than subsidize the past, we should invest in the future — e specially in communities that rely on fossil fuels. That's why I'm going to push to change the way we manage our oil and coal resources, so that they better reflect the costs they impose on taxpayers and our planet. That way, we put money back into those communities and put tens of thousands of Americans to work building a 21st century transportation system.None of this will happen overnight, and yes, there are plenty of entrenched interests who want to protect the status quo. But the jobs we'll create, the money we'll save, and the planet we'll preserve — t hat's the kind of future our kids and grandkids deserve.Climate change is just one of many issues where our security is linked to the rest of the world. And that's why the third big question we have to answer is how to keep America safe and strong without either isolating ourselves or trying to nation-build everywhere there's a problem.I told you earlier all the talk of America's economic decline is political hot air. Well, so is all the rhetoric you hear about our enemies getting stronger and America getting weaker. The United States of America is the most powerful nation on Earth. Period. It's not even close. We spend more on our military than the next eight nations combined. Our troops are the finest fighting force in the history of the world. No nation dares to attack us or our allies because they know that's the path to ruin. Surveys show our standing around the world is higher than when I was elected to this office, and when it comes to every important international issue, people of the world do not look to Beijing or Moscow to lead — t hey call us.As someone who begins every day with an intelligence briefing, I know this is a dangerous time. But that's not because of diminished American strength or some looming superpower. In today's world, we're threatened less by evil empires and more by failing states. The Middle East is going through a transformation that will play out for a generation, rooted in conflicts that date back millennia. Economic headwinds blow from a Chinese economy intransition. Even as their economy contracts, Russia is pouring resources to prop up Ukraine and Syria — s tates they see slipping away from their orbi t. And the international system we built after World War II is now struggling to keep pace with this new reality.It's up to us to help remake that system. And that means we have to set priorities.Priority number one is protecting the American people and going after terrorist networks. Both al Qaeda and now ISIL pose a direct threat to our people, because in today's world, even a handful of terrorists who place no value on human life, including their own, can do a lot of damage. They use the Internet to poison the minds of individuals inside our country; they undermine our allies. But as we focus on destroying ISIL, over-the-top claims that this is World War III just play into their hands. Masses of fighters on the back of pickup trucks and twisted souls plotting in apartments or garages pose an enormous danger to civilians and must be stopped. But they do not threaten our national existence. That's the story ISIL wants to tell; that's the kind of propaganda they use to recruit. We don't need to build them up to show that we're serious, nor do we need to push away vital allies in this fight by echoing the lie that ISIL is representative of one of the world's largest religions. We just need to call them what they are — k illers and fanatics who have to be roote d out, hunted down, and destroyed.That's exactly what we are doing. For more than a year, America has led a coalition of more than 60 countries to cut off ISIL's financing, disrupt their plots, stop the flow of terrorist fighters, and stamp out their vicious ideology. With nearly 10,000 air strikes, we are taking out their leadership, their oil, their training camps, and their weapons. We are training, arming, and supporting forces who are steadily reclaiming territory in Iraq and Syria.If this Congress is serious about winning this war, and wants to send a message to our troops and the world, you should finally authorize the use of military force against ISIL. Take a vote. But the American people should know that with or without Congressional action, ISIL will learn the same lessons as terrorists before them. If you doubt America's commitment — o r mine — t o see that justice is done, ask Osama bin Laden. Ask the leader of al Qaeda in Yemen, who was taken out last year, or the perpetrator of the Benghazi attacks, who sits in a prison cell. When you come after Americans, we go after you. It may take time, but we have long memories, and our reach has no limit. Our foreign policy must be focused on the threat from ISIL and al Qaeda, but it can't stop there. For even without ISIL, instability will continue for decades in many parts of the world — i n the Middle East, in Afghanistan and Pakistan, in parts of Central America, Africa and Asia. Some of these places may becomesafe havens for new terrorist networks; others will fall victim to ethnic conflict, or famine, feeding the next wave of refugees. The world will look to us to help solve these problems, and our answer needs to be more than tough talk or calls to carpet bomb civilians. That may work as a TV sound bite, but it doesn't pass muster on the world stage.We also can't try to take over and rebuild every country that falls into crisis. That's not leadership; that's a recipe for quagmire, spilling American blood and treasure that ultimately weakens us. It's t he lesson of Vietnam, of Iraq — a nd we should have learned it by now.Fortunately, there's a smarter approach, a patient and disciplined strategy that uses every element of our national power. It says America will always act, alone if necessary, to protect our people and our allies; but on issues of global concern, we will mobilize the world to work with us, and make sure other countries pull their own weight.That's our approach to conflicts like Syria, where we're partnering with local forces and leading international efforts to help that broken society pursue a lasting peace.That's why we built a global coalition, with sanctions and principled diplomacy, to prevent a nuclear-armed Iran. As we speak, Iran has rolled back its nuclear program, shipped out its uranium stockpile, and the world has avoided another war.That's how we stopped the spread of Ebola in West Africa. Our military, our doctors, and our development workers set up the platform that allowed other countries to join us in stamping out that epidemic.That's how we forged a Trans-Pacific Partnership to open markets, protect workers and the environment, and advance American leadership in Asia. It cuts 18,000 taxes on products Made in America, and supports more good jobs. With TPP, China doesn't set the rules in that region, we do. You want to show our strength in this century? Approve this agreement. Give us the tools to enforce it.Fifty years of isolating Cuba had failed to promote democracy, setting us back in Latin America. That's why we restored diplomatic relations, opened the door to travel and commerce, and positioned ourselves to improve the lives of the Cuban people. You want to consolidate our leadership and credibility in the hemisphere? Recognize that the Cold War is over. Lift the embargo. American leadership in the 21st century is not a choice between ignoring the rest of the world — e xcept when we kill terrorists; or occupying and rebuilding whatever society is unraveling. Leadership means a wise application of military power, and rallying the world behind causes that are right. It means seeing ourforeign assistance as part of our national security, not charity. When we lead nearly 200 nations to the most ambitious agreement in history to fight climate change — t hat helps vulnerable countries, but it also protects our children. When we help Ukraine defend its democracy, or Colombia resolve a decades-long war, that strengthens the international order we depend upon. When we help African countries feed their people and care for the sick, that prevents the next pandemic from reaching our shores. Right now, we are on track to end the scourge of HIV/AIDS, and we have the capacity to accomplish the same thing with malaria — s omething I'll be pushing this Congress to fund this year.That's strength. That's leadership. And that kind of leadership depends on the power of our example. That is why I will keep working to shut down the prison at Guantanamo: it's expensive, it's unnecessary, and it only serves as a recruitment brochure for our enemies.That's why we need to reject any politics that targets people because of race or religion. This isn't a matter of political correctness. It's a matter of understanding what makes us strong. The world respects us not just for our arsenal; it respects us for our diversity and our openness and the way we respect every faith. His Holiness, Pope Francis, told this body from the very spot I stand tonight that "to imitate the hatred and violence of tyrants and murderers is the best way to take their place." When politicians insult Muslims, when a mosque is vandalized, or a kid bullied, that doesn't make us safer. That's not telling it like it is. It's just wrong. It diminishes us in the eyes of the world. It makes it harder to achieve our goals. And it betrays who we are as a country."We the People."Our Constitution begins with those three simple words, words we've come to recognize mean all the people, not just some; words that insist we rise and fall together. That brings me to the fourth, and maybe the most important thing I want to say tonight.The future we want — o pportunity and security for our families; a rising standard of living and a sustainable, peaceful planet for our kids — a ll that is within our reach. But it will only happen if we work together. It will only happen if we can have rational, constructive debates.It will only happen if we fix our politics.A better politics doesn't mean we have to agree on everything. This is a big country, with different regions and attitudes and interests. That's one of our strengths, too. Our Founders distributed power between states and branches of government, and expected us to argue, just as they did, over the size andshape of government, over commerce and foreign relations, over the meaning of liberty and the imperatives of security.But democracy does require basic bonds of trust between its citizens. It doesn't work if we think the people who disagree with us are all motivated by malice, or that our political opponents are unpatriotic. Democracy grinds to a halt without a willingness to compromise; or when even basic facts are contested, and we listen only to those who agree with us. Our public life withers when only the most extreme voices get attention. Most of all, democracy breaks down when the average person feels their voice doesn't matter; that the system is rigged in favor of the rich or the powerful or some narrow interest.Too many Americans feel that way right now. It's one of the few regrets of my presidency — t hat the rancor and suspicion between the parties has gotten worse instead of better. There's no doubt a president with the gifts of Lincoln or Roosevelt might have better bridged the divide, and I guarantee I'll keep trying to be better so long as I hold this office.But, my fellow Americans, this cannot be my task — o r any President's — a lone. There are a whole lot of folks in this chamber who would like to see more cooperation, a more elevated debate in Washington, but feel trapped by the demands of getting elected. I know; you've told me. And if we want a better politics, it's not enough to just change a Congressman or a Senator or even a President; we have to change the system to reflect our better selves.We have to end the practice of drawing our congressional districts so that politicians can pick their voters, and not the other way around. We have to reduce the influence of money in our politics, so that a handful of families and hidden interests can't bankroll our elections — a nd if our existing approach to campaign finance can't pass muster in the courts, we need to work together to find a real solution. We've got to make voting easier, not harder, and modernize it for the way we live now. And over the course of this year, I intend to travel the country to push for reforms that do.But I can't do these things on my own. Changes in our political process — i n not just who gets elected but how they get elected — t hat will only happen when the American people demand it. It will depend on you. That's what's meant by a government of, by, and for the people.What I'm asking for is hard. It's easier to be cynical; to accept that change isn't possible, and politics is hopeless, and to believe that our voices and actions don't matter. But if we give up now, then we forsake a better future. Those with money and power will gain greater control over the decisions that could send a young soldier to war, or allow another economic disaster, or roll back the equal rights and voting rights that generations of Americans have fought, even died,。