优秀演讲链接
ted官网怎么下载演讲稿
ted官网怎么下载演讲稿TED 官网怎么下载演讲稿在当今信息丰富的时代，TED 演讲以其独特的视角、深刻的见解和精彩的表达，吸引了无数人的关注。
很多人在观看 TED 演讲后，希望能够下载演讲稿，以便更深入地学习和研究。
那么，TED 官网怎么下载演讲稿呢？下面就为您详细介绍。
首先，我们需要打开 TED 官网（）。
在网页的搜索栏中，输入您感兴趣的演讲主题或者演讲者的名字，以便快速找到您想要的演讲视频。
找到您心仪的演讲视频后，点击进入该视频的播放页面。
在播放页面中，您需要仔细寻找相关的下载选项。
通常情况下，TED 官网并不直接提供演讲稿的下载链接，但是您可以通过以下几种方式获取演讲稿的内容。
一种方法是，在演讲视频的播放页面中，查看视频下方的简介部分。
有些演讲者会在简介中提供演讲稿的文字版链接或者简要的文字概述。
您可以仔细阅读简介，看是否有相关的提示和链接。
如果简介中没有演讲稿的直接链接，您可以尝试查看演讲页面的评论区。
有时候，其他热心的观众会在评论中分享演讲稿的获取方式，或者提供自己整理的演讲稿内容。
另外，如果您的英语听力水平不错，您可以选择边听演讲边自己记录演讲稿的内容。
这虽然相对费时费力，但也是一种深入学习和理解演讲的好方法。
如果以上方法都无法满足您获取演讲稿的需求，您还可以考虑使用一些第三方工具或者网站。
但需要注意的是，使用第三方工具或网站时要谨慎，确保其合法性和安全性，以免造成不必要的麻烦。
有些工具可以通过抓取网页内容的方式，为您提取出演讲稿的文字。
但这种方式可能存在准确性的问题，并且可能违反 TED 官网的使用条款。
还有一些网站声称提供 TED 演讲稿的下载服务，但其中不乏存在欺诈、广告骚扰或者恶意软件等风险。
因此，在选择第三方工具或网站时，一定要多加甄别。
总的来说，从 TED 官网下载演讲稿可能没有想象中那么直接和简单，但通过耐心的寻找和合理的方法，还是有机会获取到您想要的内容的。
在获取演讲稿的过程中，我们也要尊重演讲者的知识产权和 TED官网的规定。
ted官网怎么下载演讲稿
ted官网怎么下载演讲稿TED官网：如何下载演讲稿？TED是一个享誉全球的非盈利组织，旨在传播更多更好的思想，通过各种形式的分享和交流来推动人类社会的进步。
TED的核心活动就是TED演讲。
无论是在TED conferences，还是在TEDx，TEDGlobal等各种场合，TED演讲都吸引着来自全球各地的思想家、文艺青年、科学家等各类领域的人士。
TED演讲的主题涉及范围广泛, 从人性哲学到科技创新，从漫画幽默到环境保护等等，都可以在TED上找到相关的内容。
TED演讲的艺术已经被越来越多的人所关注和欣赏，很多人会因为一些特定的演讲者或主题而想要下载TED演讲的演讲稿。
今天我们就来说说如何在TED官网上下载TED演讲稿。
首先，需要明确的是，TED官网提供两种演讲稿的下载方式。
第一种是subtitle，即字幕文件。
而第二种是transcript，即演讲稿正文。
两种方式可根据个人需求自由选择。
其次，需要知道的是TED演讲可以在TED官网中直接观看，也可以通过TED app、Youtube等网站来观看。
但是不同的网站，下载演讲稿的方式也会不同。
TED官网的下载方式与其他网站略有不同，今天我们只讨论在TED官网中如何下载字幕和演讲稿。
下载subtitle:步骤一：找到TED演讲目标和想要下载的语言。
在TED官网主页上搜索想要下载的TED演讲者或者主题, 根据需求选择一个有字幕的演讲进行播放, 字幕选项将会出现在屏幕底部。
如果想要下载的字幕不在这个页面，可以回到官网主页并搜索字幕想要的语言进行下载。
步骤二：下载字幕。
在演讲页面底部，有小屏幕的图标。
点击它可以自动打开字幕下载页面，选择想要下载的字幕，在页面上点击下载。
下载transcript:步骤一：找到TED演讲目标。
同样在TED官网上，搜索想要下载的TED演讲者或主题，选择一个有字幕的演讲进行播放。
步骤二：在演讲页面中找到演讲稿的URL。
演讲页面底部的“演讲稿”文本下面就有下载演讲稿的URL链接。
我在祖国心中演讲稿通用8篇
我在祖国心中演讲稿通用8篇有一份优秀的演讲稿，能让演讲者更准确地引用名人名言，通过撰写演讲稿，演讲者可以确保每个重要观点都被准确传达，本店铺今天就为您带来了我在祖国心中演讲稿通用8篇，相信一定会对你有所帮助。
我在祖国心中演讲稿篇1亲爱的老师、同学们：大家好！今天我演讲的题目是祖国在我心中。
翻开历史的篇章，回忆那国败人衰的时代。
那是，祖国被帝国主义踩在脚下，中华人民被称为东亚病夫。
虽然这样，但是也有不少爱国人士。
如：国家著名的火箭专家，科学家。
他1935年去美国留学，因为祖国的需要，1950年他开始争取回国。
回国途中他饱受美国的阻挠。
坚持回到了祖国的怀抱；清末爱国将领邓世昌。
1894年9月日军攻打中国舰队，邓世昌为了保护指挥战舰，坚持在自己的船上升起旗帜，吸引日军。
邓世昌的船禁不住日军的强烈攻打，最终被击沉了。
邓世昌坚持与自己的部下同生共死，拒绝了两次救援。
国在人在，国亡人亡。
在这新中国成立的62周年来，东方的巨龙正以飞一般的速度发展：原子弹，氧弹爆炸成功；东方红一号发射成功；奥运健儿一次次获得金牌；蛟龙号下水。
最近一段时间，发生了XX事件。
国家兴亡，匹夫有责。
同学们，让我们行动起来吧！让我们一起阻止rìhuò，打击日寇吧！中国不再是软柿子，中国人不再是东亚病夫。
中国这头沉睡的雄狮已经从噩梦中奋起，它吼叫一声大地也要抖三抖。
展望未来，同学们，让我们用稚嫩的肩膀扛起祖国发展的宏图；让我们用画笔描绘出祖国辉煌的明天；让我们用双手托起祖国未来的蓝天。
好好学习，天天向上，祖国的未来将由我们链接！我的演讲到此结束。
谢谢大家！我在祖国心中演讲稿篇2尊敬的老师，亲爱的同学：你们好。
我演讲的题目是《祖国在我心中》。
今天能站这里我非常，我首先想请问你们一个问题：在你们心中，什么最伟大？我想，答案一定是两个字——祖国。
我们都是炎黄子孙，都是龙的传人。
我们的幸福来自祖国，只有国家富裕强大，才能使我们幸福的生活之花永放光华。
“君子以自强不息为胜”演讲稿
“君子以自强不息为胜”演讲稿活动结束了，请你联系自己的生活和下面链接材料，写一篇演讲稿，谈谈你对自强不息的理解。
【链接材料】2021年10月16日，随着神舟十三号载人飞船顺利升空，中国首个进驻空间站的女航天员王亚平相关话题冲上热搜。
王亚平如何能成功进驻空间站呢？请看她的一些事迹：与刘洋竞选女航天员以微弱的差距落选，她微笑着祝福队友，丝毫不受落选影响；成为首批女航天员，训练一直没有突破超重训练二级，她急得不行，就一面讨教，一面加班加点训练，第二年就达到了一级；模拟失重水槽训练，每次水下训练都会持续四到六个小时，还要与四十千帕余压的服装对抗，体能消耗巨大，训练艰苦，她却累并快乐着；面对最害怕的一个项目——离心机，训练时，脸会变形，胸感到极度压迫，眼泪也不由自主往外流，但坚决不按左手边的暂停按钮……要求：①自拟题目，自定立意；①不得抄袭、套作；①用规范汉字书写，500字左右：①不得出现含有考生信息的人名、校名、地名等。
范文示例：君子以自强不息为胜尊敬的老师、同学们：大家好！我演讲的题目是《君子以自强不息为胜》。
众所周知，我们的身边不缺乏自强不息的人，他们或许来自世界各地，或许来自各个时代，他们自强不息的精神让我们震撼，令我们感动。
自强不息者——胜。
中国的刘伟，因为一次事故而失去双臂，却不气不燥，选择参加残疾人游泳比赛获得国家冠军。
上天似乎并不满意，又让他遭遇了一次巨大的挫折，他因身体原因不能游泳了。
然而这些挫折和苦难并没有使他屈服。
他更加顽强乐观，该练钢琴，又获得了钢琴比赛的冠军！史铁生是一名中国作家，他在残疾、冷眼与嘲笑中完成巨作《我与地坛》。
北宋政治家、文学家范仲淹，大家肯定都知道他的作品，但鲜为人知的是他在求学过程中的艰难和贫困。
在他求学道路中，曾和刘某一同在长白山寺院学习，每天只吃两顿饭，用山上的野菜撒些盐做咸菜来吃，就这样度过了三年求学时光。
他取得的成就与他的三年求学过程成正比，就如李白的《行路难》：“长风破浪会有时，直挂云帆济沧海”。
B站资源合集：斯坦福公开课及演讲视频
155********138649325 51031422611 173942085 123634356 316792300614 0326299811 316329957 23642962311322929103209531893100109137710521047639510341 05410251 18889861 0829752 08497211 21569443 0829391 51299122 11698861 3378852 1818790 01138780 02098652 0468483 11048482 04183610100813004859620385760 0725750 0495622 0215580 0235450 2965455 0125371 0205220 1445203 0535182 0215180 2485082 025498301449000284140013323131023200417900171350 011440 041300 0151080 0110400010000562003430 04390 02330013200132103290 02280 03240 01190 01180 00140011200020Learning）- 吴恩达（Andrew Ng）要加入吗？<每天十分钟，听力真轻松>30天大幅提高计划看《哈利波特》练听力第1期：百岁老人撸社会主义羊毛，竟拿路灯当打火机燃料<每天10分钟，听力真轻松>Day 25分钟看斯坦福大学心理学课程教材《自控力》自控差的人如何自救斯坦福大学公开课：编程方法学28集全【公开课】经济学 【斯坦福大学】【中英双语字幕 】看《疯狂动物城》练听力：词汇量对听不懂做了多大贡献？<每天10分钟，听力真轻松>Day 4【斯坦福大学】吴恩达机器学习 CS229 Machine Learning by Andrew Ng【搬运】 深度学习TensorFlow 教程(中文全集)最新！苹果公司CEO库克在斯坦福大学2019届毕业典礼的演讲【夹生|完结】Swift 语言 iOS 11 开发 斯坦福（Stanford）CS193p 公开课 Paul Hegarty 主讲史蒂夫·乔布斯 斯坦福大学毕业典礼的演讲(中英双语)斯坦福大学公开课——机器人学弦理论和M理论斯坦福大学公开课：经济学【斯坦福公开课】如何像心理学家一样思考（中英字幕）【英文字幕】2019最新版斯坦福大学 CS224n 深度学习自然语言处理斯坦福大学公开课《经济学》广义相对论-General Theory of Relativity 【公开课】从0到1：树莓派和物联网（2018）【生肉】量子力学（主讲：斯坦福大学教授Leonard Susskind）【演讲】你将为何而奋斗？这个问题将伴随我们终生 | 世界名校毕业演讲精华【机器学习】 斯坦福大学公开课苹果CEO斯坦福演讲：想得到善的名，就要担起恶的责！【中英字幕_全集】斯坦福大学公开课cs229_机器学习_吴恩达【一刻talks】从中国差生到美国学霸，传统教育为何穷途末路？斯坦福大学JAVA教程，编程方法学。
国内外知名PPT网站收集
• 扑奔– • / • 国内最活跃的社区网站，有大量优秀的原创PPT作品,PPT教程，数千个 PPT模板免费可下载。 • Nordridesign – • / • 国内最专业的设计公司，提供的素材都很高端，有大量的PPT模板下载， 还有专业的设计文章可学习。 • 锐普– /forum.php • 专业的PPT设计公司，有丰富的PPT素材和专业的PPT教程。
出处：般若黑洞博客
演讲大师的网站
点击下方超链接
• 终极演讲之TEDTalks 以下TED的Wikipedia条目：“TED大会诞生于1984年，其发起 人是里查德· 沃曼。 TED是一个缩写，它代表技术 （technology），娱乐（entertainment） 与设计（design）。 2002年起，Chris Anderson接 管TED大会。他创立了 种子基金会 （The Sapling Foundation），TED大会的运行就是由这一非盈 利机构做的，每一年的三月在美 国汇集众多科学家、设计师、 文学家、音乐 家等领域的杰出人物，在TED大会上分享他们关 于技术、社会、人的思考和探索。” 所以你可以想见，TED大会上的演讲几乎是世界上最高水平的 演讲，因为台下倾听的都是起初对演讲者的专业领域一无所知 的人。对于这种情况演讲者需要什么功 力呢？真的需要一个 PPT来辅助吗？ • 上帝的声音：Jobs的演说视频 你一定已经听过很多人赞叹Jobs的演说，你也一定非常想亲自 到场感受一下这位传奇人物的风采，呵呵，这当然不太可能。 不过你有一个更现实的选择：到苹果的网站上观看乔布斯的演 说视频。当然，苹果的网站不仅仅有这些视频值得我们学习， 他们的网页简洁、华丽、干净、震撼，是我们学习PPT的楷模 和典范。苹果的繁荣，确实是有道理的。 • 三分钟足矣：Common Craft 三分钟你能说些什么呢？在Common Craft看来，解释一个深奥 的命题，3分钟足矣！这里的视频能为我们的PPT制作提供很多 灵感，简单的线条，黑白的画面，只要运用得当，一样可以出 彩。说到这，视频短片的确是学习PPT的优良教材，能给我们 带来太多启发，譬如说这个，这个，还有这个。 哦。。不得不说以上的视频大多都是英文的，不过很多优秀的 视频在国内视频网站都可以找到中文字幕的版本，不信你可以 点击这个链接看看，不仅有中文，更有速度！
网络安全主题优秀演讲稿
网络安全主题优秀演讲稿网络安全主题优秀演讲稿范文（精选5篇）演讲稿的内容要根据具体情境、具体场合来确定，要求情感真实，尊重观众。
在我们平凡的日常里，我们可以使用演讲稿的机会越来越多，相信写演讲稿是一个让许多人都头痛的问题，以下是小编为大家收集的网络安全主题优秀演讲稿范文（精选5篇），欢迎阅读，希望大家能够喜欢。
网络安全主题优秀演讲稿1尊敬的教师，亲爱的同学们：大家好！今天我国旗下讲话的主题是“网络安全你我共同守护”。
网络为我们提供了丰富的信息资源，已逐渐成为我们获取知识、开阔视野、互动交流、增加阅历的重要方式。
比如有的同学在网上查询一些与学习有关的资料，或者浏览新闻时事，或者看一些科技前沿信息。
对于这些方面，我们并不应排斥，甚至应该持鼓励的态度，但是，网络犹如一把双刃剑，在给我们的生活、学习和娱乐带来极大便利的同时，也给我们带来许多负面影响。
那么，作为青少年的我们，应该如何更好地使用网络呢？首先，不沉迷网络游戏，限制上网时间。
长期沉迷于游戏不利于学习和身心健康，有些游戏宣扬的内容并不健康。
希望同学们不要去触碰这些大型网游。
网络游戏开发商往往以创造利润为第一位，他们还在开发出更加“好玩”（换句话说更容易让人上瘾的）游戏，沉迷其中，只会让我们偏离预设的人生航道，不利于身心健康。
第二，保护好个人信息安全。
上网聊天时，尽量不要透露自己的年龄、家庭住址以及个人资料或照片；不要说出自己的真实姓名和地址、电话号码、学校名称等信息；当网友提出见面时，一定要警觉，不要单独见面或者单独吃饭。
第三，要选择合适的上网环境。
老师和家长并不反对孩子上网，但提倡有节制、有选择地上网。
一些黑网吧很容易发生斗殴、被黑心老板扣押、环境恶劣而导致伤亡等事故，为了自身安全，如需要查询学习资料，或解决疑难问题，可以求助老师或家长，在他们的指导下，在家中或学校机房上网。
第四，上网时要自我约束，自觉抵制不良信息。
安装杀毒软件，防止黑客和病毒的攻击，要自觉抵制网页上的黄、毒、赌内容的链接，对于这些不良网站不要点开。
演讲稿的逻辑连贯技巧
演讲稿的逻辑连贯技巧演讲是一种重要的沟通形式，它需要通过清晰的逻辑和连贯的表达来达到有效传达信息的目的。
本文将探讨一些演讲稿的逻辑连贯技巧，以帮助演讲者提升演讲的质量和影响力。
一、开篇吸引注意力演讲的开篇是吸引听众的关键时刻。
可以用一个引人入胜的故事、一个令人深思的问题或者一个引人注目的统计数据来引起听众的兴趣。
这样可以激发听众的好奇心，让他们主动参与到演讲中来。
二、明确主题和目的在演讲中明确主题和目的对于逻辑连贯至关重要。
在开篇部分，清晰地表达演讲的主题，并指出演讲的目的是什么。
这样可以让听众更好地理解演讲的内容，并在演讲过程中保持逻辑的一致性。
三、采用清晰的组织结构演讲稿需要有一个清晰的组织结构，以便于听众理解和跟随思路。
可以采用时间顺序、问题解决、因果关系等不同的组织结构，根据话题的特点进行选择。
无论采用何种结构，都需要确保每个段落和主题之间的关系清晰明了。
四、使用过渡词语和段落链接为了保持演讲的逻辑连贯性，需要使用一些过渡词语和段落链接来引导听众在不同话题之间的转换。
比如使用“首先”、“此外”、“然而”等过渡词语，使得整个演讲稿在表达上更加流畅，听众也更容易跟上演讲者的思路。
五、重点突出和论证支持在演讲中，重点突出和论证支持是确保逻辑连贯性的重要手段。
可以通过强调关键词、使用实例、引用专家观点等方式来突出演讲的重点，并提供详细的论证支持。
这样可以使得听众更容易理解演讲的观点，加强演讲的说服力。
六、注意语言简洁和节奏把控在演讲中，语言的简洁和节奏的把控是保持逻辑连贯性的重要因素。
语言要简练明了，避免使用复杂的词语和句子结构。
同时要注意节奏的把控，避免过于冗长或过于急促的演讲节奏，保持与听众的良好沟通。
七、结束有力而简洁演讲的结尾要给听众留下深刻的印象。
可以用一个总结性的陈述、一个有力的观点或者一个具有情感共鸣的故事来结束演讲。
同时，结尾需要简洁明了，避免过长过啰嗦，以保持整个演讲的逻辑连贯性。
网络安全的优秀演讲5篇
网络安全的优秀演讲5篇网络安全的优秀演讲篇1亲爱的同学们：大家下午好，很高兴来这里和大家一起探讨有关网络安全的演讲，我今天演讲的题目是：互联网，精彩而危险的世界。
网络世界，一个精彩的世界。
但是精彩的背后蕴含着危险。
大家可否想过，你的QQ号被盗可能是病毒的祸你的系统被劫持，可能是流氓犯的错;你的网银被盗，可能是钓鱼网站干的事，你的数据不见，甭说了，八成是黑客干的。
大家一直以来，都对黑客有一份“特殊化的感情”，认为说所有的黑客都是非常厉害的，要不然怎么会让电脑中病毒呢?既然有黑客，那么一定有安全人员的存在，在这网络世界的背后，进行着怎样一场“对决”，那么今天，我就以安全人员的身份来带大家走进这网络世界的安全领域。
我的演讲分为这五个版块：什么叫网络安全网络安全的重要性网络安全的现状如何防范网络安全打造一个和谐网络。
首先我们看一下什么是我们这里所讲的“网络安全”，网络安全呢，就是指网络系统的硬件软件及其系统中的数据受到保护，不因偶然的或者恶意的原因而遭受到破坏更改泄露，系统连续可靠正常地运行，网络服务不中断。
网络安全的具体含义就是用户(个人企业等)希望涉及个人隐私或商业利益的信息在网络上传输时受到机密性完整性和真实性的保护。
同时，网络安全是一门涉及计算机科学网络技术通信技术密码技术信息安全技术应用数学数论信息论等多种学科的综合性学科。
美国著名未来学家阿尔温.托尔勒曾经说过，“谁掌握领了信息，控制了网络，谁将拥有整个世界。
”美国过去总统克林顿也说过，“今后的时代，控制世界的国家将不是靠军事，而是信息能力走在前面的国家。
”从此可见掌握网络是何等的重要，网络安全的重要性也从中体现出来这里有一些美国FBI的数据：据美国FBI统计，美国每年网络安全问题所造成的经济损失高达75亿美元。
而全球平均每20秒钟就发生一起Internet计算机侵入事件。
在Internet/Intranet的大量应用中，Internet/Intranet安全面临着重大的挑战，事实上，资源共享和安全历来是一对矛盾。
林伟贤】你就是钱(MoneyAndYou精华演讲会)
百度一下“5156js”即可.免.费.获.取.全新【林伟贤】你就是钱(M oneyAndYou精华演讲会)下。
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链..接.林伟贤】你就是钱(MoneyAndYou精华演讲会)亚洲四大讲师之一林伟贤主讲! 本讲座精选自林伟贤著名的Money&You课程，拥有它，不会错过一场席卷中国的“钱”途革命；打开它，绝不再担心没“钱”力.讲师介绍：林伟贤实践家知道管理集团董事长,《培训》杂志国际中文版发行人, 同《富爸爸·穷爸爸》作者罗伯特·T·清崎均为Mo ney&You专业讲师（全球共6位）.被誉为亚洲四大讲师之一,及"亚洲富爸爸"! 研究领域：企业管理、组织管理、时间管理、效率管理、业务管理、优势谈判、成功激励...林伟贤<<你就是钱(Money And You精华演讲会)>>内容包括如下6集:1 换头脑赚钱2 用财商生钱3 凭口才来钱4 创特色挣钱5 借系统造钱6 率团队赢钱只谈“Money”的课程与书，往往会使人汲汲于追求财富，却失去了心灵的平静；只谈“You”的心灵成长课程，又往往会在无所求的认知下失去了赚钱的动力。
Money＆You是全世界惟一能融合这二者、让你能同时拥有财富与快乐的课程，也是全球最多顶尖人士亲身参与且公认最重要的生命与生活课程。
《富爸爸，穷爸爸》、《谁动了我的奶酪》、《心灵鸡汤》的作者以及全球最顶尖的激励大师安东尼·罗宾，这些人在事业及生命上的成就，都是来自Money&You课程！成功，不是一个概念，更不是梦想。
你，可以决定自己的成功。
让Money＆You告诉你成功的条件。
转载请留此链接：【林伟贤】你就是钱(MoneyAndYou精华演讲会) /soft/sort019/sort0147/d own-39354.html。
5.4演讲稿
5.4演讲稿
尊敬的各位领导、老师和同学们：
大家好！很荣幸能有机会站在这里，向大家发表演讲。
我是XX，今天我想和大家分享的主题是“激发潜能，追求卓越”。
在我们生活的世界里，每个人都有自己的潜能和才华。
但是，
要想真正实现自己的价值，就需要不断激发自己的潜能，追求卓越。
首先，我们要有自信。
相信自己的能力和潜力，不轻易放弃，不畏
惧困难。
其次，我们要有目标。
明确自己的追求，不断努力，不断
进步，不断超越自己。
最后，我们要有毅力。
在实现目标的道路上，会遇到各种困难和挑战，但只要我们坚持不懈，就一定能够战胜一切。
在学习上，我们要不断学习，不断积累知识，不断提升自己的
能力。
在工作上，我们要不断努力，不断创新，不断追求卓越。
在
生活中，我们要不断锻炼自己，不断完善自己，不断超越自己。
只
有不断激发自己的潜能，追求卓越，我们才能在人生的舞台上展现
出最耀眼的光芒。
最后，我想和大家分享一句话，“只要你肯努力，就没有什么是不可能的。
”让我们携起手来，共同努力，激发自己的潜能，追求卓越，创造更加美好的未来！
谢谢大家！。
ted演讲稿范文
ted演讲稿范文ted演讲稿范文。
倾听的力量 TED演讲稿Listening is an active skill. ? Here are tes pression. It makes you tired and irritable to have to make up all of that data. Youre having to imagine it. Its not good for you in the long run. The third problem e action and get involved. First of all, listen consciously. I hope that after this talk youll be doing that. Its a e and at work. And lets start to speak up when people are assailing us with the noise that I played you early on.F132.还有四种方法需要你采取行动参与其中。
首先专心地听。
我希望在我的讲话过后你们就能去这样做。
这会是你们人生全新的、美妙的一面。
第二试着自己弄出点声响。
创造声音。
声音是我们都会使用的乐器，但多少人承受训练学会利用我们自己的声音？尝试训练一下吧。
学着歌唱。
学习演奏一种乐器。
音乐家都有更兴旺的大脑，这话不假。
也可以尝试和大家一起这样做。
这是缓解幻听的非常好的方法。
和一大群人创造音乐是，任何你喜欢的方式都是不错的。
让我们主宰周围的声音。
保护听力？这是当然的。
不管在家里，还是工作中，设计并创作出好听的声音。
当有人用我之前播过的噪音来攻击我们的时候，让我们大声地给予它们还击。
【以下为赠送相关文档】精选演讲稿阅读TED英语演讲稿大全TED英语演讲稿I home to see hoise to the Inter: that if you asked me for a hand-ters when they need them most, but most of all, fueled by crates of mail like this one, my trusty mail crate, filled with the scriptings of ordinary people, strangers writing letters to other strangers not because they're ever going to meet and laugh over a cup of coffee, but because they have found one another by way of letter-writing.But, you know, the thing that always杨澜TED双语励志演讲稿以下是杨澜在TED大会上的一篇题为The generation thats remaking China(重塑中国的一代)的演讲稿中英原文。
马丁路德英文演讲
我们都知道，马丁·路德·金是美国的民权运动领袖，他为黑人谋求平等，甚至献出了自己的生命，被誉为是“黑人的麦加”。
而与此同时，马丁·路德·金也是一名卓越的反战斗士，他关心的不仅仅是“小我”的权利，而且还有“大我”的和平、自由。
如果你一直以来只是把马丁·路德·金看成一个黑人运动领袖，那么下面的这篇演讲相信会让你对他有新的认识——马丁·路德·金的伟大人格值得我们每一个仰视尊敬。
本演讲发表于1967年4月4日，是马丁·路德·金在“忧世教士和俗人协会”的一个反越站的集会上的演讲，集会的地点是纽约著名的河边大教堂（Riverside Church）。
我之所以跨入此间宏伟的教堂，是因为我的良心让我别无选择。
我加入你们的集会，则是因为我对这个聚合我们的组织——“忧世教士和俗人协会”关注越南——的工作和主旨非常认同。
我对你们执委会最近的声明深有同感，当我阅读到它的开场白的时候就甚有共鸣：“这是一个…沉默即是背叛‟的时刻。
”I come to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. I join you in this meeting because I am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the organization which has brought us together: Clergy and Laymen Concerned about Vietnam. The recent statements of your executive committee are the sentiments of my own heart, and I found myself in full accord when I read its opening lines: "A time comes when silence is betrayal."演讲下载【打破沉寂(A Time to Break Silence)MP3下载链接】演讲全文：A Time to Break Silence by Martin Luther King, Jr.I come to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. I join you in this meeting because I am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the organization which has brought us together: Clergy and Laymen Concerned about Vietnam. The recent statements of your executive committee are the sentiments of my own heart, and I found myself in full accord when I read its opening lines: "A time comes when silence is betrayal." And that time has come for us in relation to Vietnam.The truth of these words is beyond doubt, but the mission to which they call us is a most difficult one. Even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their government's policy, especially in time of war. Nor does the human spirit move without great difficulty against all the apathy of conformist thought within one's own bosom and in the surrounding world. Moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perplexed as they often do in the case of this dreadful conflict, we are always on the verge of being mesmerized by uncertainty; but we must move on.And some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is often a vocation of agony, but we must speak. We must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak. And we must rejoice as well,for surely this is the first time in our nation's history that a significant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesying of smooth patriotism to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of history. Perhaps a new spirit is rising among us. If it is, let us trace its movements and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to its guidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that seems so close around us.Over the past two years, as I have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as I have called for radical departures from the destruction of Vietnam, many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path. At the heart of their concerns this query has often loomed large and loud: "Why are you speaking about the war, Dr. King?" "Why are you joining the voices of dissent?" "Peace and civil rights don't mix," they say. "Aren't you hurting the cause of your people," they ask? And when I hear them, though I often understand the source of their concern, I am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirers have not really known me, my commitment or my calling. Indeed, their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live.In the light of such tragic misunderstanding, I deem it of signal importance to try to state clearly, and I trust concisely, why I believe that the path from Dexter A venue Baptist Church -- the church in Montgomery, Alabama, where I began my pastorate -- leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight.I come to this platform tonight to make a passionate plea to my beloved nation. This speech is not addressed to Hanoi or to the National Liberation Front. It is not addressed to China or to Russia. Nor is it an attempt to overlook the ambiguity of the total situation and the need for a collective solution to the tragedy of Vietnam. Neither is it an attempt to make North Vietnam or the National Liberation Front paragons of virtue, nor to overlook the role they must play in the successful resolution of the problem. While they both may have justifiable reasons to be suspicious of the good faith of the United States, life and history give eloquent testimony to the fact that conflicts are never resolved without trustful give and take on both sides.Tonight, however, I wish not to speak with Hanoi and the National Liberation Front, but rather to my fellowed [sic] Americans, *who, with me, bear the greatest responsibility in ending a conflict that has exacted a heavy price on both continents.Since I am a preacher by trade, I suppose it is not surprising that I have seven major reasons for bringing Vietnam into the field of my moral vision.* There is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war in V ietnam and the struggle I, and others, have been waging in America. A few years ago there was a shining moment in that struggle. It seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor -- both black and white -- through the poverty program. There were experiments, hopes, new beginnings. Then came the buildup in V ietnam, and I watched this program broken and eviscerated, as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war, and I knew that America would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like Vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube. So, I was increasinglycompelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such.Perhaps the more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at home. It was sending their sons and their brothers and their husbands to fight and to die in extraordinarily high proportions relative to the rest of the population. We were taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties in Southeast Asia which they had not found in southwest Georgia and East Harlem. And so we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watching Negro and white boys on TV screens as they kill and die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same schools. And so we watch them in brutal solidarity burning the huts of a poor village, but we realize that they would hardly live on the same block in Chicago. I could not be silent in the face of such cruel manipulation of the poor.My third reason moves to an even deeper level of awareness, for it grows out of my experience in the ghettoes of the North over the last three years -- especially the last three summers. As I have walked among the desperate, rejected, and angry young men, I have told them that Molotov cocktails and rifles would not solve their problems. I have tried to offer them my deepest compassion while maintaining my conviction that social change comes most meaningfully through nonviolent action. But they ask -- and rightly so -- what about V ietnam? They ask if our own nation wasn't using massive doses of violence to solve its problems, to bring about the changes it wanted. Their questions hit home, and I knew that I could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today -- my own government. For the sake of those boys, for the sake of this government, for the sake of the hundreds of thousands trembling under our violence, I cannot be silent.For those who ask the question, "Aren't you a civil rights leader?" and thereby mean to exclude me from the movement for peace, I have this further answer. In 1957 when a group of us formed the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, we chose as our motto: "To save the soul of America." We were convinced that we could not limit our vision to certain rights for black people, but instead affirmed the conviction that America would never be free or saved from itself until the descendants of its slaves were loosed completely from the shackles they still wear. In a way we were agreeing with Langston Hughes, that black bard of Harlem, who had written earlier:O, yes,I say it plain,America never was America to me,And yet I swear this oath --America will be!Now, it should be incandescently clear that no one who has any concern for the integrity and life of America today can ignore the present war. If America's soul becomes totally poisoned, part of the autopsy must read: Vietnam. It can never be saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over. So it is that those of us who are yet determined that America will be are leddown the path of protest and dissent, working for the health of our land.As if the weight of such a commitment to the life and health of America were not enough, another burden of responsibility was placed upon me in 1954** [sic]; and I cannot forget that the Nobel Prize for Peace was also a commission -- a commission to work harder than I had ever worked before for "the brotherhood of man." This is a calling that takes me beyond national allegiances, but even if it were not present I would yet have to live with the meaning of my commitment to the ministry of Jesus Christ. To me the relationship of this ministry to the making of peace is so obvious that I sometimes marvel at those who ask me why I'm speaking against the war. Could it be that they do not know that the good news was meant for all men -- for Communist and capitalist, for their children and ours, for black and for white, for revolutionary and conservative? Have they forgotten that my ministry is in obedience to the One who loved his enemies so fully that he died for them? What then can I say to the V ietcong or to Castro or to Mao as a faithful minister of this One? Can I threaten them with death or must I not share with them my life?And finally, as I try to explain for you and for myself the road that leads from Montgomery to this place I would have offered all that was most valid if I simply said that I must be true to my conviction that I share with all men the calling to be a son of the living God. Beyond the calling of race or nation or creed is this vocation of sonship and brotherhood, and because I believe that the Father is deeply concerned especially for his suffering and helpless and outcast children, I come tonight to speak for them.This I believe to be the privilege and the burden of all of us who deem ourselves bound by allegiances and loyalties which are broader and deeper than nationalism and which go beyond our nation's self-defined goals and positions. We are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for the victims of our nation and for those it calls "enemy," for no document from human hands can make these humans any less our brothers.And as I ponder the madness of V ietnam and search within myself for ways to understand and respond in compassion, my mind goes constantly to the people of that peninsula. I speak now not of the soldiers of each side, not of the ideologies of the Liberation Front, not of the junta in Saigon, but simply of the people who have been living under the curse of war for almost three continuous decades now. I think of them, too, because it is clear to me that there will be no meaningful solution there until some attempt is made to know them and hear their broken cries.They must see Americans as strange liberators. The V ietnamese people proclaimed their own independence *in 1954* -- in 1945 *rather* -- after a combined French and Japanese occupation and before the communist revolution in China. They were led by Ho Chi Minh. Even though they quoted the American Declaration of Independence in their own document of freedom, we refused to recognize them. Instead, we decided to support France in its reconquest of her former colony. Our government felt then that the V ietnamese people were not ready for independence, and we again fell victim to the deadly Western arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long. With that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self-determination and a government that had been established not by China -- for whom theVietnamese have no great love -- but by clearly indigenous forces that included some communists. For the peasants this new government meant real land reform, one of the most important needs in their lives.For nine years following 1945 we denied the people of V ietnam the right of independence. For nine years we vigorously supported the French in their abortive effort to recolonize Vietnam. Before the end of the war we were meeting eighty percent of the French war costs. Even before the French were defeated at Dien Bien Phu, they began to despair of their reckless action, but we did not. We encouraged them with our huge financial and military supplies to continue the war even after they had lost the will. Soon we would be paying almost the full costs of this tragic attempt at recolonization.After the French were defeated, it looked as if independence and land reform would come again through the Geneva Agreement. But instead there came the United States, determined that Ho should not unify the temporarily divided nation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the most vicious modern dictators, our chosen man, Premier Diem. The peasants watched and cringed as Diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supported their extortionist landlords, and refused even to discuss reunification with the North. The peasants watched as all this was presided over by United States' influence and then by increasing numbers of United States troops who came to help quell the insurgency that Diem's methods had aroused. When Diem was overthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictators seemed to offer no real change, especially in terms of their need for land and peace.The only change came from America, as we increased our troop commitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and without popular support. All the while the people read our leaflets and received the regular promises of peace and democracy and land reform. Now they languish under our bombs and consider us, not their fellow Vietnamese, the real enemy. They move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met. They know they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs.So they go, primarily women and children and the aged. They watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. They must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees. They wander into the hospitals with at least twenty casualties from American firepower for one V ietcong-inflicted injury. So far we may have killed a million of them, mostly children. They wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals. They see the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food. They see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers.What do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as we refuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? What do they think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the Germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of Europe? Where are the roots of the independent Vietnam we claim to bebuilding? Is it among these voiceless ones?We have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and the village. We have destroyed their land and their crops. We have cooperated in the crushing of the nation's only noncommunist revolutionary political force, the unified Buddhist Church. We have supported the enemies of the peasants of Saigon. We have corrupted their women and children and killed their men.Now there is little left to build on, save bitterness. *Soon the only solid physical foundations remaining will be found at our military bases and in the concrete of the concentration camps we call "fortified hamlets." The peasants may well wonder if we plan to build our new Vietnam on such grounds as these. Could we blame them for such thoughts? We must speak for them and raise the questions they cannot raise. These, too, are our brothers.Perhaps a more difficult but no less necessary task is to speak for those who have been designated as our enemies.* What of the National Liberation Front, that strangely anonymous group we call "VC" or "communists"? What must they think of the United States of America when they realize that we permitted the repression and cruelty of Diem, which helped to bring them into being as a resistance group in the South? What do they think of our condoning the violence which led to their own taking up of arms? How can they believe in our integrity when now we speak of "aggression from the North" as if there were nothing more essential to the war? How can they trust us when now we charge them with violence after the murderous reign of Diem and charge them with violence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land? Surely we must understand their feelings, even if we do not condone their actions. Surely we must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence. Surely we must see that our own computerized plans of destruction simply dwarf their greatest acts.How do they judge us when our officials know that their membership is less than twenty-five percent communist, and yet insist on giving them the blanket name? What must they be thinking when they know that we are aware of their control of major sections of V ietnam, and yet we appear ready to allow national elections in which this highly organized political parallel government will not have a part? They ask how we can speak of free elections when the Saigon press is censored and controlled by the military junta. And they are surely right to wonder what kind of new government we plan to help form without them, the only party in real touch with the peasants. They question our political goals and they deny the reality of a peace settlement from which they will be excluded. Their questions are frighteningly relevant. Is our nation planning to build on political myth again, and then shore it up upon the power of new violence?Here is the true meaning and value of compassion and nonviolence, when it helps us to see the enemy's point of view, to hear his questions, to know his assessment of ourselves. For from his view we may indeed see the basic weaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn and grow and profit from the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition.So, too, with Hanoi. In the North, where our bombs now pummel the land, and our minesendanger the waterways, we are met by a deep but understandable mistrust. To speak for them is to explain this lack of confidence in Western words, and especially their distrust of American intentions now. In Hanoi are the men who led the nation to independence against the Japanese and the French, the men who sought membership in the French Commonwealth and were betrayed by the weakness of Paris and the willfulness of the colonial armies. It was they who led a second struggle against French domination at tremendous costs, and then were persuaded to give up the land they controlled between the thirteenth and seventeenth parallel as a temporary measure at Geneva. After 1954 they watched us conspire with Diem to prevent elections which could have surely brought Ho Chi Minh to power over a united Vietnam, and they realized they had been betrayed again. When we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered.Also, it must be clear that the leaders of Hanoi considered the presence of American troops in support of the Diem regime to have been the initial military breach of the Geneva Agreement concerning foreign troops. They remind us that they did not begin to send troops in large numbers and even supplies into the South until American forces had moved into the tens of thousands.Hanoi remembers how our leaders refused to tell us the truth about the earlier North Vietnamese overtures for peace, how the president claimed that none existed when they had clearly been made. Ho Chi Minh has watched as America has spoken of peace and built up its forces, and now he has surely heard the increasing international rumors of American plans for an invasion of the North. He knows the bombing and shelling and mining we are doing are part of traditional pre-invasion strategy. Perhaps only his sense of humor and of irony can save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking of aggression as it drops thousands of bombs on a poor, weak nation more than *eight hundred, or rather,* eight thousand miles away from its shores.At this point I should make it clear that while I have tried in these last few minutes to give a voice to the voiceless in V ietnam and to understand the arguments of those who are called "enemy," I am as deeply concerned about our own troops there as anything else. For it occurs to me that what we are submitting them to in Vietnam is not simply the brutalizing process that goes on in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy. We are adding cynicism to the process of death, for they must know after a short period there that none of the things we claim to be fighting for are really involved. Before long they must know that their government has sent them into a struggle among Vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realize that we are on the side of the wealthy, and the secure, while we create a hell for the poor.Somehow this madness must cease. We must stop now. I speak as a child of God and brother to the suffering poor of V ietnam. I speak for those whose land is being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is being subverted. I speak for the poor of America who are paying the double price of smashed hopes at home, and death and corruption in V ietnam. I speak as a citizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the path we have taken. I speak as one who loves America, to the leaders of our own nation: The great initiative in this war is ours; the initiative to stop it must be ours.This is the message of the great Buddhist leaders of Vietnam. Recently one of them wrote thesewords, and I quote:Each day the war goes on the hatred increases in the heart of the V ietnamese and in the hearts of those of humanitarian instinct. The Americans are forcing even their friends into becoming their enemies. It is curious that the Americans, who calculate so carefully on the possibilities of military victory, do not realize that in the process they are incurring deep psychological and political defeat. The image of America will never again be the image of revolution, freedom, and democracy, but the image of violence and militarism (unquote).If we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the world that we have no honorable intentions in Vietnam. If we do not stop our war against the people of V ietnam immediately, the world will be left with no other alternative than to see this as some horrible, clumsy, and deadly game we have decided to play. The world now demands a maturity of America that we may not be able to achieve. It demands that we admit that we have been wrong from the beginning of our adventure in V ietnam, that we have been detrimental to the life of the V ietnamese people. The situation is one in which we must be ready to turn sharply from our present ways. In order to atone for our sins and errors in V ietnam, we should take the initiative in bringing a halt to this tragic war.*I would like to suggest five concrete things that our government should do immediately to begin the long and difficult process of extricating ourselves from this nightmarish conflict:Number one: End all bombing in North and South V ietnam.Number two: Declare a unilateral cease-fire in the hope that such action will create the atmosphere for negotiation.Three: Take immediate steps to prevent other battlegrounds in Southeast Asia by curtailing our military buildup in Thailand and our interference in Laos.Four: Realistically accept the fact that the National Liberation Front has substantial support in South Vietnam and must thereby play a role in any meaningful negotiations and any future Vietnam government.Five: *Set a date that we will remove all foreign troops from V ietnam in accordance with the 1954 Geneva Agreement.Part of our ongoing...part of our ongoing commitment might well express itself in an offer to grant asylum to any V ietnamese who fears for his life under a new regime which included the Liberation Front. Then we must make what reparations we can for the damage we have done. We must provide the medical aid that is badly needed, making it available in this country, if necessary. Meanwhile... meanwhile, we in the churches and synagogues have a continuing task while we urge our government to disengage itself from a disgraceful commitment. We must continue to raise our voices and our lives if our nation persists in its perverse ways in Vietnam. We must beprepared to match actions with words by seeking out every creative method of protest possible.*As we counsel young men concerning military service, we must clarify for them our nation's role in Vietnam and challenge them with the alternative of conscientious objection. I am pleased to say that this is a path now chosen by more than seventy students at my own alma mater, Morehouse College, and I recommend it to all who find the American course in Vietnam a dishonorable and unjust one. Moreover, I would encourage all ministers of draft age to give up their ministerial exemptions and seek status as conscientious objectors.* These are the times for real choices and not false ones. We are at the moment when our lives must be placed on the line if our nation is to survive its own folly. Every man of humane convictions must decide on the protest that best suits his convictions, but we must all protest.Now there is something seductively tempting about stopping there and sending us all off on what in some circles has become a popular crusade against the war in Vietnam. I say we must enter that struggle, but I wish to go on now to say something even more disturbing.The war in Vietnam is but a symptom of a far deeper malady within the American spirit, and if we ignore this sobering reality...and if we ignore this sobering reality, we will find ourselves organizing "clergy and laymen concerned" committees for the next generation. They will be concerned about Guatemala and Peru. They will be concerned about Thailand and Cambodia. They will be concerned about Mozambique and South Africa. We will be marching for these and a dozen other names and attending rallies without end, unless there is a significant and profound change in American life and policy.And so, such thoughts take us beyond V ietnam, but not beyond our calling as sons of the living God.In 1957, a sensitive American official overseas said that it seemed to him that our nation was on the wrong side of a world revolution. During the past ten years, we have seen emerge a pattern of suppression which has now justified the presence of U.S. military advisors in V enezuela. This need to maintain social stability for our investments accounts for the counterrevolutionary action of American forces in Guatemala. It tells why American helicopters are being used against guerrillas in Cambodia and why American napalm and Green Beret forces have already been active against rebels in Peru.It is with such activity in mind that the words of the late John F. Kennedy come back to haunt us. Five years ago he said, "Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable." Increasingly, by choice or by accident, this is the role our nation has taken, the role of those who make peaceful revolution impossible by refusing to give up the privileges and the pleasures that come from the immense profits of overseas investments. I am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values. We must rapidly begin...we must rapidly begin the shift from a thing-oriented society to a person-oriented society. When machines and computers, profit motives and property rights, are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of racism, extreme。
演讲技巧：优美的演讲稿开场白3篇
演讲技巧：优美的演讲稿开场白演讲技巧：优美的演讲稿开场白精选3篇（一）尊敬的各位嘉宾，亲爱的观众朋友们：很荣幸站在这个演讲台上，与大家共同分享我的思考与观点。
作为一位演讲者，我深知开场白的重要性。
正如一首优美的音乐需要动人的前奏，一部精彩的电影需要惊艳的开场，一篇出色的演讲稿也需要一个引人入胜的开场白。
开场白是我与大家的第一次接触，它是建立情感链接的桥梁，是打动听众的第一个触点。
因此，我特意精心设计了这个开场白，希望能够引起大家的共鸣和关注。
我们正在经历着一个快速发展和变革的时代，面临着各种复杂而又关键的问题。
在这个信息爆炸的时代，我们每天都承受着巨大的信息压力，我们也日益关注着自身的成长和发展。
在这个背景下，我们需要不断提升自己的沟通和演讲能力，以更好地表达自己的观点，影响他人的思考。
因此，我希望通过今天的演讲，与大家一同探讨演讲技巧，分享一些我个人的心得和经验。
首先，演讲需要有一个鲜明的主题。
一个好的演讲主题能够引起观众的兴趣，让他们愿意聆听下去。
同时，演讲主题也需要与观众的关注点紧密联系，给他们带来一定的启示和帮助。
其次，演讲需要有一个引人注目的开场。
开场白不仅要能够吸引观众的注意力，还要能够立即给他们一个清晰的导向，让他们知道演讲的方向和内容。
可以通过一个引人入胜的故事、一个令人震惊的数据或者一个提出挑战的问题来打开演讲。
最后，演讲需要有一个生动的结尾。
一个好的结尾能够给观众留下深刻的印象，让他们对演讲内容保持长久的记忆。
可以通过一个激励人心的名言、一个令人动容的故事或者一个积极向上的呼吁来结束演讲。
在我看来，一场优美的演讲不仅仅是文字的堆砌，而是一种情感的传递。
在演讲的过程中，我们需要用心去感受听众的需求，用情去打动他们的心灵，用智慧去启迪他们的思维。
只有这样，我们的演讲才能产生真正的影响力。
最后，我想借用一句名言来结束我的开场白：“知识像内装良木的房屋，演讲则是将它们漆成丰富多彩的色彩。
陈安之演讲视频下载
03-如何做个赚钱的总裁(领导与人才).mp3
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03-如何做个赚钱的总裁(领导与人才)B.DAT
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03-如何做个赚钱的总裁(领导与人才)A.DAT
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防范网络钓鱼和恶意链接的安全措施演讲稿
防范网络钓鱼和恶意链接的安全措施演讲稿尊敬的听众们：大家好！我今天很荣幸能够在这里向大家演讲，分享一些关于防范网络钓鱼和恶意链接的安全措施。
在这个数字时代，我们每天都不可避免地使用互联网，但与此同时，我们也面临着安全问题的挑战。
为了保护自己的隐私和财产安全，我们需要采取一些简单而有效的步骤来防范网络钓鱼和恶意链接的攻击。
接下来，我将向大家介绍一些重要的安全措施。
首先，我们需要保持警惕，学会识别网络钓鱼的迹象。
网络钓鱼是指骗子通过伪装成信任的机构或个人，欺骗用户泄露个人敏感信息的行为。
通常，网络钓鱼通过电子邮件、社交媒体和假网站等方式进行。
为了防范网络钓鱼，我们需要注意以下几点：首先，要细心检查电子邮件的发件人地址和链接的真实性。
不要随意点击陌生人发送的链接，尤其是涉及个人信息的链接。
其次，注意邮件中的语法和拼写错误，这可能是一个钓鱼邮件的迹象。
第三，当收到暗示紧急性的电子邮件时，要保持冷静，不要急于跟随邮件中的指示行动。
最后，时刻保持警惕并定期更新我们的密码是非常重要的。
其次，我们要使用强大的防病毒软件和防火墙来保护我们的设备和个人信息。
恶意链接通常隐藏在电子邮件、社交媒体和下载链接中。
为了防范这些链接的攻击，我们应该始终保持我们的设备安装了最新的防病毒软件和防火墙，并定期进行病毒扫描。
同时，我们也应该避免下载或使用来自不可信源的软件和文件，以免被恶意软件感染。
此外，我们还应该远离未知的Wi-Fi网络，以免遭受数据被窃取或篡改的风险。
第三，我们要加强网络安全的教育和意识提升。
在数字时代，我们每个人都是网络安全的守护者。
我们应该积极学习和了解网络安全的知识，提高我们的网络安全意识。
此外，我们也要将网络安全的知识传播给身边的人，帮助他们认识到网络的危险性和防范的重要性。
只有通过共同的努力，我们才能够建立一个更加安全的网络环境。
最后，我想强调个人隐私的保护。
在互联网上，我们每个人都有一些敏感的个人信息。
thoughts分享链接汇总
thoughts分享链接汇总思考是人类最重要的思维活动之一。
从古至今，人们一直在反思和探索自己的思维和意识世界，希望能够更好地认识自己和周围的世界。
现在，随着信息技术的快速发展，越来越多的人开始分享自己的思考和经验，借此帮助他人更好地理解和解决问题。
以下是一些值得分享的思考链接汇总，包括自我认识、人际关系、学习方法、职场发展等多个方面。
1. 《自控力：关注自己内心，改变自己的人生》这是一本著名的自助书，作者是罗伯特·巴丁，他在书中介绍了一些科学方法和实践技巧，帮助人们更好地认识自己的内心状态，掌控自己的情绪和行动，从而实现个人成长和目标。
这本书可以帮助你更好地了解自己的优点和缺点，了解自己的动机和需求，找到自己的方向和力量。
2. TED TalkTED是一家致力于推动思想交流和创新的组织机构，它不断举办各种会议和演讲，分享来自世界各地的智慧和经验。
您可以通过TED网站或YouTube等平台观看数千个优秀的TED Talk，包括关于领导力、人际关系、创新、科学等各种话题。
这些演讲不仅会让你获得新的知识和启发，还会让你认识更多志同道合的人以及改善你的表达和演讲能力。
3. CourseraCoursera是一个在线学习平台，让全球知名大学和机构的教授和专家可以通过在线教学向全球学生提供优质教育。
Coursera课程涵盖了多种领域，包括人文、社会科学、工程、科学、商业等领域。
通常情况下，学生可以自由选择自己感兴趣的课程，根据自己的时间表和进度进行学习。
这有助于您在职场、学术或社交方面获得更广泛的知识和技能。
4. MediumMedium是一个开放的在线出版平台，它可以让任何人都可以在上面发布自己的博客、故事、文章等内容。
Medium上有数千个职业作者和业余写手，他们分享自己的经验、观点和想法，帮助人们更好地认识和解决问题。
您可以在Medium上找到大量的关于职业发展、自我认知、个人成长、社会问题等方面的文章，从而了解更多丰富多彩的观点和情感。
电子演讲稿的超级链接制作
电子演讲稿的超级链接制作教学班级：初二（2）班执教：赵炯教学目标：让学生充分动手，学会利用动作按钮和设置标记来展示文稿的交互功能，学会建立有交互功能的我的学校展示文稿；并且知道如何利用ppcentrl.pps 文件自学其他更多的课外PowerPoint强大功能；能为校庆45周年修改电子贺卡。
教学过程：1．复习准备上几讲大家一起学习了电子演讲稿的编排和美化技巧，也学习了预设动画的初步效果。
通过对我的学校的作品制作，相信大家对这些技巧的设置已经有了较深的印象，为了巩固对已学知识的掌握，接下来我们仍和往常一样先完成一个小测验。
（要求学生通过局域网，将共享的小测验文件复制到自己的A盘内，并在短时间内完成，试题附后。
）2．引入新课完成的同学不要忘记查看自己的成绩单。
好，接下来我们先一起欣赏两份老师随机抽出的上节课作品。
（利用网络广播，传输学生作品，并作点评）（一是赵平同学英文版作品，一是祝超逸同学中文版作品）在大家的作品中，分别从自己感兴趣的几个方面介绍了我们美丽的学校，在校庆之际可以向各位来宾展示。
但是他们都只能单线性的浏览，按照大家制作时的次序一路看下去。
那么假如观众想自己选择想看的内容，你有什么方法可使他们有进入你的品之中的感觉呢？换而言之，观众不必沿着直线一张张顺序浏览你制作的内容，而是可以按自己的意愿从中某一部分一下子又进入了另一部分，可以是某个图形、文字、图片、声音等等。
3．新课讲授（打开电子板书，PowerPoint制作超链）一、超级链接就是指在幻灯片中增加按钮或对某些对象设置标记，以后在放映时鼠标指针指向这些按钮或对象时会变成手指形指针，单击该处就能使演讲稿从当前幻灯片跳转到其他幻灯片等等。
二、两种链接的制作方法（1）按钮制作的设置即在幻灯片上加入一些命令按钮，这些都是PowerPoint97预置好的。
（在学生作品上演示设置）步骤：1.在视图方式下找到需要加按钮的幻灯片，使其成为当前显示的幻灯片2.单击菜单栏幻灯片放映，再移动鼠标单击动作按钮子菜单，即可选中所需的按钮3.在幻灯片合适位置按鼠标左键并拖动即可画出按钮形状，马上弹出动作设置对话框4.选择单击鼠标----超级链接到，在其下拉列表框中选择幻灯片--5.选择具体所需链接的幻灯片，两次单击确定按钮，即完成6.在幻灯片放映时单击所设按钮即可查看效果（2）标记对象的设置我们也可以不添加按钮，而是直接将幻灯片中某些对象（如文字、图像等）设置成标记来控制幻灯片的跳转。
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