铁血泪——丘吉尔演讲词中英对照
热血 辛劳 眼泪和汗水 邱吉尔二战精彩演讲中英版欣赏
邱吉尔二战精彩演讲欣赏英国战时首相邱吉尔时英国历史上最杰出的领袖，也是当代最伟大的演说家之一。
他的领导才能似乎与生俱来，在二战期间正是他的演讲，凝聚了英国全国的志气，直至二战胜利。
本文分别选取三段在二战初期、中期和结束时邱吉尔的演讲，以飨读者。
Blood, Toil, Tears and Sweat1) (excerpts) 热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水To form an Administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in itself, but it must be remembered that we are in the preliminary stage of one of the greatest battles in history, that we are in action at many other points in Norway and in Holland, that we have to be prepared in the Mediterranean2), that the air battle is continuous and that many preparations, such as have been indicated by my hon3). Friend below the Gangway, have to be made here at home. In this crisis I hope I may be pardoned if I do not address the House at any length today. I hope that any of my friends and colleagues, or former colleagues, who are affected by the political reconstruction, will make allowance4), all allowance, for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act. I would say to the House, as I said to those who have joined this government: "I have nothing to offer but blood, toil5), tears and sweat."We have before us an ordeal6) of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many long months of struggle and of suffering. You ask, what is our policy? I can say: It is to wage war, by sea, land and air, with all our might and with all the strength that God can give us; to wage war against a monstrous tyranny, never surpassed in the dark, lamentable7) catalogue of human crime. That is our policy. You ask, what is our aim?I can answer in one word: It is victory, victory at all costs, victory in spite of all terror, victory, however long and hard the road may be; for without victory, there is no survival. Let that be realised; no survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge and impulse of the ages, that mankind will move forward towards its goal. But I take up my task with buoyancy8) and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men. At this time I feel entitled to claim the aid of all, and I say, "come then, let us goforward together with our united strength."组成一届具有这种规模和复杂性的政府，本身就是一项严肃的任务。
丘吉尔演讲稿中文
丘吉尔演讲稿中文篇一：丘吉尔演讲稿丘吉尔演讲稿《Blood, and Sweet》，《We shall fight them on the beachers》，《Iron (铁幕演说）》，三篇演讲稿英文及其翻译。
这是丘吉尔1940年5月13日在下院发表的首相就职演讲，内容大概如下：“我所能奉贤的，只有热血和辛劳，眼泪和汗水。
你们问：我们的政策是什么？我说，我们的政策就是用上帝所给予我们的全部能力和全部力量，在海上.陆地上和空中进行战争。
同一个邪恶悲惨的人类罪恶史上从为见过的穷凶极恶的暴政进行战争。
你们问：我们的目的是什么？我可以用一个词来答复：胜利————不惜一切代价去争取胜利，无论多么恐怖也要去争取胜利；无论道路多么遥远和艰难，也要去争取胜利；因为没有胜利，就不能生存。
在这个时候，我觉得我有权要求大家的支持，我说：起来，让我们联合起来，共同前进！”热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水（）丘吉尔星期五晚上，我接受了英王陛下的委托，组织新政府。
这次组阁，应包括所有的政党，既有支持上届政府的政党，也有上届政府的反对党，显而易见，这是议会和国家的希望与意愿。
我已完成了此项任务中最重要的部分。
战时内阁业已成立，由5位阁员组成，其中包括反对党的自由主义者，代表了举国一致的团结。
三党领袖已经同意加入战时内阁，或者担任国家高级行政职务。
三军指挥机构已加以充实。
由于事态发展的极端紧迫感和严重性，仅仅用一天时间完成此项任务，是完全必要的。
其他许多重要职位已在昨天任命。
我将在今天晚上向英王陛下呈递补充名单，并希望于明日一天完成对政府主要大臣的任命。
其他一些大臣的任命，虽然通常需要更多一点的时间，但是，我相信会议再次开会时，我的这项任务将告完成，而且本届政府在各方面都将是完整无缺的。
我认为，向下院建议在今天开会是符合公众利益的。
议长先生同意这个建议，并根据下院决议所授予他的权力，采取了必要的步骤。
今天议程结束时，建议下院休会到5月21日星期二。
温斯顿·丘吉尔的铁幕演讲(英汉对照完整版)：和平的力量
Winston Churchill: The Sinews of Peace温斯顿·丘吉尔的铁幕演讲（英汉对照完整版）：和平的力量delivered 5 March 1946 Westminster College, Fulton Missouri1946年3月5日发表于密苏里州富尔顿市威斯敏斯特学院[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio version .]译、校：张少军President McClure, ladies and gentlemen, and last and last but certainly not least，President of the United States of America:麦克卢尔院长、女士们先生们，最后，但当然不是最不重要的，美利坚合众国总统：I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. The name "Westminster" somehow or other seems familiar to me. I -- I feel as if I've heard of it before. Indeed now that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric -- and one or two other things. So, in fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.我真的很高兴今天下午来到威斯敏斯特学院。
丘吉尔演讲稿
丘吉尔演讲稿Document number：WTWYT-WYWY-BTGTT-YTTYU-2018GT丘吉尔演讲稿《Blood,》，《Weshallfightthemonthebeachers》，《(铁幕演说）》，三篇演讲稿英文及其翻译。
这是丘吉尔1940年5月13日在下院发表的首相就职演讲，内容大概如下：“我所能奉贤的，只有热血和辛劳，眼泪和汗水。
你们问：我们的政策是什么我说，我们的政策就是用上帝所给予我们的全部能力和全部力量，在海上.陆地上和空中进行战争。
同一个邪恶悲惨的人类罪恶史上从为见过的穷凶极恶的暴政进行战争。
你们问：我们的目的是什么我可以用一个词来答复：胜利————不惜一切代价去争取胜利，无论多么恐怖也要去争取胜利；无论道路多么遥远和艰难，也要去争取胜利；因为没有胜利，就不能生存。
在这个时候，我觉得我有权要求大家的支持，我说：起来，让我们联合起来，共同前进！”热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水丘吉尔星期五晚上，我接受了英王陛下的委托，组织新政府。
这次组阁，应包括所有的政党，既有支持上届政府的政党，也有上届政府的反对党，显而易见，这是议会和国家的希望与意愿。
我已完成了此项任务中最重要的部分。
战时内阁业已成立，由5位阁员组成，其中包括反对党的自由主义者，代表了举国一致的团结。
三党领袖已经同意加入战时内阁，或者担任国家高级行政职务。
三军指挥机构已加以充实。
由于事态发展的极端紧迫感和严重性，仅仅用一天时间完成此项任务，是完全必要的。
其他许多重要职位已在昨天任命。
我将在今天晚上向英王陛下呈递补充名单，并希望于明日一天完成对政府主要大臣的任命。
其他一些大臣的任命，虽然通常需要更多一点的时间，但是，我相信会议再次开会时，我的这项任务将告完成，而且本届政府在各方面都将是完整无缺的。
我认为，向下院建议在今天开会是符合公众利益的。
议长先生同意这个建议，并根据下院决议所授予他的权力，采取了必要的步骤。
今天议程结束时，建议下院休会到5月21日星期二。
丘吉尔铁幕演说(英文版)
The Sinews of Peace （丘吉尔的铁幕演说1946.3.5 ）Westminster College, Fulton, MissouriI am glad to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and am complimented that you should give me a degree. The name "Westminster" is somehow familiar to me. I seem to have heard of it before. Indeed, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.It is also an honour, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities - unsought but not recoiled from - the President has travelled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me, however, make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has been gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.The United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall guide and rule the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement. When Americanmilitary men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words "over-all strategic concept." There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe today? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up in the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded from the two giant marauders, war and tyranny. We all know the frightful disturbances in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilised society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them all is distorted, all is broken, even ground to pulp. When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualise what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called "the unestimated sum of human pain." Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their "over-all strategic concept" and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step - namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organisation has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war, UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments forself-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon the rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars - though not, alas, in the interval between them - I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organisation must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to delegate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organisation. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniform of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organisation. This might be started on a modest scale and would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust it may be done forthwith.It would nevertheless be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, Great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organisation, while it is still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated andun-united world. No one in any country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are at present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and if some Communist or neo-Fascist State monopolised for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organisation with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective,these powers would naturally be confided to that world organisation.Now I come to the second danger of these two marauders which threatens the cottage, the home, and the ordinary people - namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments. The power of the State is exercised without restraint,either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. But we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of theEnglish-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practise - let us practise what we preach.I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the homes of the people: War and Tyranny.I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and co-operation can bring in the next few years to the world, certainly in the next few decades newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience. Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly of sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learned fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran. "There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and in peace." So far I feel that we are in full agreement.Now, while still pursuing the method of realising our overall strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have travelled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organisation will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and theUnited States. This is no time for generalities, and I will venture to be precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relationship between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire Forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.The United States has already a Permanent Defence Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have often been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to work together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come - I feel eventually there will come - the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organisation? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means bywhich that organisation will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada which I have just mentioned, and there are the special relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years Treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since 1384, and which produced fruitful results at critical moments in the late war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organisation; on the contrary they help it. "In my father's house are many mansions." Special associations between members of the United Nationswhich have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbour no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.I spoke earlier of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are inter-mingled, and ifthey have "faith in each other's purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each other's shortcomings" - to quote some good words I read here the other day - why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why cannot they share their tools and thus increase each other's working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we shall all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war, incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind I have described, with all the extra strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilising the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than cure.A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately lighted by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organisation intends to do in the immediate future,or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytising tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshal Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain - and I doubt not here also - towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you, to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe. From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtainhas descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in many cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone - Greece with its immortal glories - is free to decide itsfuture at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy. Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of Occupied Germany by showing special favours to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westwards, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.If now the Soviet Government tries, by separate action, to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the British and American zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts - and facts they are - this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.The safety of the world requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wishes and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it isimpossible not to comprehend, drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation had occurred. Twice the United States has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with its Charter. That I feel is an open cause of policy of very great importance. In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Tito's claims to formerItalian territory at the head of the Adriatic.Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I have worked for a strong France and I never lost faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist centre. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilisation. These are sombre facts for anyone to have to recite on the morrow of a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while timeremains.The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favourable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might not extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you are all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there. I have felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world.I was a high minister at the time of the Versailles Treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that weredone, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over, and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or even the same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.On the other hand I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here to-day while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing they admire so much as strength, and there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles of the United Nations Charter, their influence for furthering those principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided or falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.Last time I saw it all coming and cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken her and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. There never was a war in all history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honoured to-day; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely must not let that happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, a good understanding on all points withRussia under the general authority of the United Nations Organisation and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the world instrument, supported by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to which I have given the title "The Sinews of Peace."Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose that we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony, or that half a century from now, you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world and united in defence of our traditions, our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary, there will be an overwhelming assurance ofsecurity. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober stre ngth seek ing no on e's land or treasure, seek ing to lay no arbitrary con trol upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the high-roads of the future will be clear, not only for us but for all, not on ly for our time, but for a cen tury to come. The text of Sir Winston Churchill's "The Si news of Peace" speech is quoted in its en tirety from Robert Rhodes James （ed.）, Winston S. Churchill: His Complete Speeches 1897-1963 Volume VII: 1943-1949 （New York: Chelsea House Publishers, 1974） 7285-7293. 3 、通过活动，使学生养成博览群书的好> 习惯。
铁血泪——丘吉尔演讲词中英对照
铁血泪——丘吉尔演讲词中英对照.txt10有了执著，生命旅程上的寂寞可以铺成一片蓝天；有了执著，孤单可以演绎成一排鸿雁；有了执著，欢乐可以绽放成满圆的鲜花。
铁血泪BLOOD, SWEAT AND TEARS"(温斯顿丘吉尔的演讲)Winston Churchill (May 13, 1940 ) On Friday evening last I received from His Majesty the mission to form a new administration.It was the evident will of Parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties.I have already completed the most important part of this task. A war cabinet has been formed of five members, representing, with the Labor, Opposition and Liberals, the unity of the nation.It was necessary that this should be done in one single day on account of the extreme urgency and rigor of events. Other key positions were filled yesterday. I am submitting a further list to the King tonight. I hope to complete the appointment of principal Ministers during tomorrow.The appointment of other Ministers usually takes a little longer. I trust when Parliament meets again this part of my task will be completed and that the administration will be complete in all respects.I considered it in the public interest to suggest to the Speaker that the House should be summoned today. At the end of today's proceedings, the adjournment of the House will be proposed until May 2l with provision for earlier meeting if need be. Business for that will be notified to M. P. 's at the earliest opportunity.I now invite the House by a resolution to record its approval of the steps taken and declare its confidence in the new government. The resolution:"That this House welcomes the formation of a government representing the united and inflexible resolve of the nation to prosecute the war with Germany to a victorious conclusion."To form an administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in itself. But we are in the preliminary Phase of one of the greatest battles in history. We are in action at any other points-in Norway and in Holland-and we have to be prepared in the Mediterranean. The air battle is continuing, and many preparations have to be made here at home.In this crisis I think I may be pardoned if I do not address the House at any length today, and I hope that any of my friends and colleagues or for mer colleagues who are affected by the political reconstruction will make all allowances for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act.I say to the House as I said to Ministers who have joined this government, I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat. We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many months of struggle and suffering. You ask, what is our policy? I say it is to wage war by land, sea and air. War with all our might and with all the strength God has given us, and to wage war against a monstrous tyranny never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime. That is our policy.You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word, It is victory. Victory at allcosts-victory in spite of all terrors-victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival.Let that be realized. No survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall move forward toward his goal.I take up my task in buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men.I feel entitled at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid of all and to say, "Come then, let us go forward together with our united strength."“热血、汗水和眼泪”温斯顿?丘吉尔 (1940年5月13日 )上星期五晚上，我奉陛下之命，组织新的一届政府。
英语演讲原文：热血、汗水和眼泪 (温斯顿·丘吉尔)
热血、汗水和眼泪（温斯顿·丘吉尔）Blood, Sweat and TearsWinston Churchill May 13, 1940英汉对照On Friday evening last I received from His Majesty 1 the mission to form a new administration. It was the evident will of Parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties. I have already completed the most important part of this task. A war cabinet has been formed of five members, representing, with the Labor 2 , Opposition 3 and Liberals, the unity 4 of the nation. It was necessary that this should be done in one single day on account of the extreme urgency and rigor 5 of events. Other key positions were filled yesterday. I am submitting a further list to the King tonight. I hope to complete the appointment of principal Ministers during tomorrow. The appointment of other Ministers usually takes a little longer. I trust when Parliament meets again this part of my task will be completed and that the administration will be complete in all respects. I considered it in the public interest to suggest to the Speaker that the House should besummoned today. At the end of today's proceedings 6 , the adjournment 7 of the House will be proposed until May 2l with provision for earlier meeting if need be. Business for that will be notified to M. P. 's at the earliest opportunity. I now invite the House by a resolution to record its approval of the steps taken and declare its confidence in the new government. The resolution: "That this House welcomes the formation of a government representing the united and inflexible 8 resolve of the nation to prosecute 9 the war with Germany to a victorious 10 conclusion." To form an administration of this scale and complexity 11 is a serious undertaking 12 in itself. But we are in the preliminary Phase of one of the greatest battles in history. We are in action at any other points-in Norway and in Holland-and we have to be prepared in the Mediterranean 13 . The air battle is continuing, and many preparations have to be made here at home. In this crisis I think I may be pardoned if I do not address the House at any length today, and I hope that any of my friends and colleagues or for mer colleagues who are affected 14 by the political reconstruction 15 will make all allowances for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act. I say to the House as I said to Ministers who have joined this government, I have nothing to offer but blood, toil 16 , tears and sweat. We have before us an ordeal 17 of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, manymonths of struggle and suffering. You ask, what is our policy?I say it is to wage war by land, sea and air. War with all our might and with all the strength God has given us, and to wage war against a monstrous 18 tyranny never surpassedin the dark and lamentable 19 catalogue of human crime. That is our policy. You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word, It is victory. Victory at all costs-victory in spite of all terrors-victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival. Let that be realized. No survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall move forward toward his goal. I take up my task in buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men. I feel entitled at this juncture 20 , at this time, to claim the aid ofall and to say, "Come then, let us go forward together withour united strength."-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- "热血、汗水和眼泪" 温斯顿·丘吉尔 1940年5月13日上星期五晚上，我奉陛下之命，组织新的一届政府。
丘吉尔演讲英文
丘吉尔演讲英文丘吉尔演讲英文篇一：丘吉尔演讲英文原文英文原文blood, sweat andtearswinstonchurchill may 13, 1940on friday eveninglast i received from his majesty the mission to form a new administration.it was theevident will of parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadestpossible basis and that it should include all parties.i considered itin the public interest to suggest to the speaker that the house should be summonedtoday. at the end of todaysproceedings, the adjournment of the house will be proposed until may 2l with provisionfor earlier meeting if need be. business for that will be notified to m. p. s at theearliest opportunity.i now invite thehouse by a resolution to record its approval of the steps taken and declare itsconfidence in the new government. the resolutionpoints-in norwayand in holland-and we have to be prepared in the mediterranean. the air battle iscontinuing, and many preparations have to be made here at home.in this crisis ithink i may be pardoned if i do not address the house at any length today, and i hopethat any of my friends andcolleagues or former colleagues who are affected by the political reconstruction will make allallowances for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act.i say to the houseas i said to ministers who have joined thisgovernment, ihave nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat.we have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. we have before us many, manymonths of struggle and suffering.you ask, what isour policy i say it is to wage war by land, sea and air. war with all our might andwith all the strength god has given us, and to wage war against a monstrous tyrannynever surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime. that is ourpolicy.you ask, what is丘吉尔演讲英文our aim i can answer in one word, it is victory. victory at all costs-victory in spiteof all terrors-victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victorythere is no survival.let that berealized. no survival for the british empire, no survival for all that the britishempire has stood for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankindshall move forward toward his goal.i take up my taskin buoyancy and hope. i feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail amongmen.这是丘吉尔1940年5月13日在下院发表的首相就职演讲，内容大概如下：“我所能奉贤的，只有热血和辛劳，眼泪和汗水。
丘吉尔1940就职演讲热血、辛劳、汗水和眼泪
丘吉尔1940就职演讲:：热血、辛劳、汗水和眼泪It was the evident will of Parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadestCabinetpossible basis and that it should include all parties.按国会和国民的意愿，新政府显然应该考虑建立在尽可能广泛的基础上，应该容纳所有的党派。
I have already completed the most important part of this task. A war cabinet has been formed of five members, representing, with the Labor, Opposition and Liberals, the unity of the nation.我已经完成了这项任务最重要的部分。
战时内阁已由五人组成，包括工党、反对党和自由党，这体现了全国的团结一致。
It was necessary that this should be done in one single day on account of the extreme urgency andrigor of events. Other key positions were filled yesterday. I am submitting a further list to the King tonight. I hope to complete the appointment of principal Ministers during tomorrow由于事态的极端紧急和严峻，新内阁政府须于一天之内组成，其他的关键岗位也于昨日安排就绪。
今晚我还要向国王呈报一份名单。
我希望明天就能完成几位主要大臣的任命。
丘吉尔的《BLOOD,SWEATANDTEARS》英语演讲稿：激励英国人民的信仰
丘吉尔的《BLOOD,SWEATANDTEARS》英语演讲稿：激励英国人民的信仰Ladies and gentlemen,It is often said that a great leader is one who caninspire their people to overcome any obstacle. Winston Churchill, the legendary Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, lived up to this ideal in every possible way. In the face of extreme adversity, he gave the English people the strength to fight on with his now-iconic “Blood, Sweat and Tears” speech.I stand here today to remind you of the tremendous impact of that speech on the people of Britain, and to rekindle the spirit of courage and determination that it epitomized. More than seventy years later, it remains a shining example of the power of words to inspire a nation.Back then, Britain was fighting desperately for its very survival. The threat of Nazi Germany was looming large, andthe country had just lost one-third of its navy at the handsof the Germans. The world was watching as Britain stood aloneagainst this formidable enemy. In such trying times, the morale of the British people was at an all-time low.And that's when Churchill stepped up to the podium in the House of Commons to make his famous speech. He began by acknowledging the gravity of the situation, and the immense struggle that lay ahead. He then went on to declare his unwavering resolve to fight on, with the full support of the people of Britain.He painted a vivid picture of the horrors of war, and the intense sacrifice that would be required to win it. He spoke of the blood that would be shed, the sweat that would be poured, and the tears that would be shed. But he also emphasized that these sacrifices were necessary, and that the only way to overcome the enemy was to face them head-on with unwavering courage.His words galvanized the entire nation. They gave hope to those who had lost faith, and inspired those who had never given up. People were no longer just fighting for their own survival, but for the survival of their country and the preservation of their way of life. Churchill's speech gavethem the faith and the conviction that they could emerge victorious, no matter what the cost.Looking back, it's clear that the “Blood, Sweat and Tears” speech played a pivotal role in turning the tide of the war. It was a turning point in the history of Britain, and remains one of the most memorable speeches ever uttered by a leader. Its timeless message of resilience and determination continues to inspire people to this day, and serves as a reminder of the power of words to move nations.In conclusion, as the world battles through the COVID-19 pandemic today, we can all learn from the lessons and inspirations of Churchill's unparalleled leadership and courage. We must embrace the struggle and hardship, rejecting defeatism and timidity. Instead, we must face the challenges and fight on, with unwavering determination and unflagging spirit, till the day we emerge victorious. As Churchill said at the end of his speech: "We shall go on to the end. Weshall never surrender."。
丘吉尔铁幕演说(英文版)
The Sinews of Peace （丘吉尔的铁幕演说1946.3.5 ）Westminster College, Fulton, MissouriI am glad to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and am complimented that you should give me a degree. The name "Westminster" is somehow familiar to me. I seem to have heard of it before. Indeed, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.It is also an honour, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities - unsought but not recoiled from - the President has travelled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me, however, make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has been gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.The United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall guide and rule the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement. When Americanmilitary men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words "over-all strategic concept." There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe today? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up in the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded from the two giant marauders, war and tyranny. We all know the frightful disturbances in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilised society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them all is distorted, all is broken, even ground to pulp. When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualise what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called "the unestimated sum of human pain." Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their "over-all strategic concept" and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step - namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organisation has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war, UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments forself-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon the rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars - though not, alas, in the interval between them - I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organisation must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to delegate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organisation. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniform of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organisation. This might be started on a modest scale and would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust it may be done forthwith.It would nevertheless be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, Great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organisation, while it is still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated andun-united world. No one in any country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are at present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and if some Communist or neo-Fascist State monopolised for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organisation with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective,these powers would naturally be confided to that world organisation.Now I come to the second danger of these two marauders which threatens the cottage, the home, and the ordinary people - namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments. The power of the State is exercised without restraint,either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. But we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of theEnglish-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practise - let us practise what we preach.I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the homes of the people: War and Tyranny.I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and co-operation can bring in the next few years to the world, certainly in the next few decades newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience. Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly of sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learned fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran. "There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and in peace." So far I feel that we are in full agreement.Now, while still pursuing the method of realising our overall strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have travelled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organisation will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and theUnited States. This is no time for generalities, and I will venture to be precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relationship between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire Forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.The United States has already a Permanent Defence Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have often been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to work together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come - I feel eventually there will come - the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organisation? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means bywhich that organisation will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada which I have just mentioned, and there are the special relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years Treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since 1384, and which produced fruitful results at critical moments in the late war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organisation; on the contrary they help it. "In my father's house are many mansions." Special associations between members of the United Nationswhich have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbour no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.I spoke earlier of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are inter-mingled, and ifthey have "faith in each other's purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each other's shortcomings" - to quote some good words I read here the other day - why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why cannot they share their tools and thus increase each other's working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we shall all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war, incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind I have described, with all the extra strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilising the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than cure.A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately lighted by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organisation intends to do in the immediate future,or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytising tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshal Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain - and I doubt not here also - towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you, to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe. From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtainhas descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in many cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone - Greece with its immortal glories - is free to decide itsfuture at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy. Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of Occupied Germany by showing special favours to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westwards, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.If now the Soviet Government tries, by separate action, to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the British and American zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts - and facts they are - this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.The safety of the world requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wishes and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it isimpossible not to comprehend, drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation had occurred. Twice the United States has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with its Charter. That I feel is an open cause of policy of very great importance. In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Tito's claims to formerItalian territory at the head of the Adriatic.Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I have worked for a strong France and I never lost faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist centre. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilisation. These are sombre facts for anyone to have to recite on the morrow of a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while timeremains.The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favourable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might not extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you are all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there. I have felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world.I was a high minister at the time of the Versailles Treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that weredone, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over, and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or even the same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.On the other hand I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here to-day while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing they admire so much as strength, and there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles of the United Nations Charter, their influence for furthering those principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided or falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.Last time I saw it all coming and cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken her and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. There never was a war in all history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honoured to-day; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely must not let that happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, a good understanding on all points withRussia under the general authority of the United Nations Organisation and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the world instrument, supported by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to which I have given the title "The Sinews of Peace."Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose that we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony, or that half a century from now, you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world and united in defence of our traditions, our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary, there will be an overwhelming assurance ofsecurity. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober stre ngth seek ing no on e's land or treasure, seek ing to lay no arbitrary con trol upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the high-roads of the future will be clear, not only for us but for all, not on ly for our time, but for a cen tury to come. The text of Sir Winston Churchill's "The Si news of Peace" speech is quoted in its en tirety from Robert Rhodes James （ed.）, Winston S. Churchill: His Complete Speeches 1897-1963 Volume VII: 1943-1949 （New York: Chelsea House Publishers, 1974） 7285-7293. 3 、通过活动，使学生养成博览群书的好> 习惯。
丘吉尔演讲英文
丘吉尔演讲英文丘吉尔演讲英文篇一：丘吉尔演讲英文原文英文原文blood, sweat andtearswinstonchurchill may 13, 1940on friday eveninglast i received from his majesty the mission to form a new administration.it was theevident will of parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadestpossible basis and that it should include all parties.i considered itin the public interest to suggest to the speaker that the house should be summonedtoday. at the end of todaysproceedings, the adjournment of the house will be proposed until may 2l with provisionfor earlier meeting if need be. business for that will be notified to m. p. s at theearliest opportunity.i now invite thehouse by a resolution to record its approval of the steps taken and declare itsconfidence in the new government. the resolutionpoints-in norwayand in holland-and we have to be prepared in the mediterranean. the air battle iscontinuing, and many preparations have to be made here at home.in this crisis ithink i may be pardoned if i do not address the house at any length today, and i hopethat any of my friends andcolleagues or former colleagues who are affected by the political reconstruction will make allallowances for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act.i say to the houseas i said to ministers who have joined thisgovernment, ihave nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat.we have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. we have before us many, manymonths of struggle and suffering.you ask, what isour policy i say it is to wage war by land, sea and air. war with all our might andwith all the strength god has given us, and to wage war against a monstrous tyrannynever surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime. that is ourpolicy.you ask, what is丘吉尔演讲英文our aim i can answer in one word, it is victory. victory at all costs-victory in spiteof all terrors-victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victorythere is no survival.let that berealized. no survival for the british empire, no survival for all that the britishempire has stood for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankindshall move forward toward his goal.i take up my taskin buoyancy and hope. i feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail amongmen.这是丘吉尔1940年5月13日在下院发表的首相就职演讲，内容大概如下：“我所能奉贤的，只有热血和辛劳，眼泪和汗水。
丘吉尔演讲稿
丘吉尔演讲稿《Blood,》，《Weshallfightthemonthebeachers》，《(铁幕演说）》，三篇演讲稿英文及其翻译。
这是丘吉尔1940年5月13日在下院发表的首相就职演讲，内容大概如下：“我所能奉贤的，只有热血和辛劳，眼泪和汗水。
你们问：我们的政策是什么我说，我们的政策就是用上帝所给予我们的全部能力和全部力量，在海上.陆地上和空中进行战争。
同一个邪恶悲惨的人类罪恶史上从为见过的穷凶极恶的暴政进行战争。
你们问：我们的目的是什么我可以用一个词来答复：胜利————不惜一切代价去争取胜利，无论多么恐怖也要去争取胜利；无论道路多么遥远和艰难，也要去争取胜利；因为没有胜利，就不能生存。
在这个时候，我觉得我有权要求大家的支持，我说：起来，让我们联合起来，共同前进！”热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水丘吉尔星期五晚上，我接受了英王陛下的委托，组织新政府。
这次组阁，应包括所有的政党，既有支持上届政府的政党，也有上届政府的反对党，显而易见，这是议会和国家的希望与意愿。
我已完成了此项任务中最重要的部分。
战时内阁业已成立，由5位阁员组成，其中包括反对党的自由主义者，代表了举国一致的团结。
三党领袖已经同意加入战时内阁，或者担任国家高级行政职务。
三军指挥机构已加以充实。
由于事态发展的极端紧迫感和严重性，仅仅用一天时间完成此项任务，是完全必要的。
其他许多重要职位已在昨天任命。
我将在今天晚上向英王陛下呈递补充名单，并希望于明日一天完成对政府主要大臣的任命。
其他一些大臣的任命，虽然通常需要更多一点的时间，但是，我相信会议再次开会时，我的这项任务将告完成，而且本届政府在各方面都将是完整无缺的。
我认为，向下院建议在今天开会是符合公众利益的。
议长先生同意这个建议，并根据下院决议所授予他的权力，采取了必要的步骤。
今天议程结束时，建议下院休会到5月21日星期二。
当然，还要附加规定，如果需要的话，可以提前复会。
下周会议所要考虑的议题，将尽早通知全体议员。
丘吉尔的铁幕演说_励志演讲稿
丘吉尔的铁幕演说是英国历史学家、政治家、画家、演说家、作家、记者。
以下是小编整理的丘吉尔的铁幕演说，欢迎大家阅读。
丘吉尔铁幕演说原文中英文“美国此刻正高踞于世界权力的顶峰。
对美国民主来说，这是一个庄严的时刻。
拥有最大的力量，也就是对未来负有令人敬畏的责任。
放眼四顾，你不但觉得已经尽了应尽的责任，也感到忧虑，恐怕以后的成就未必能达到这样高的水平。
对你我两国来说，现在都有一个机会在这里，一个明确的、光彩夺目的机会。
如果拒绝、忽视、或糟蹋这个机会，我们将受到后世长期的责备。
……“当美国的军事人员在立场严重的局势时，他们习惯于在他们的指令的头上写上‘全面战略概念’字样。
这种做法是明智的，因为它能使思想明朗化。
那么，什么是我们为今天所应题写的全面战略概念呢?它不应该低于在一切地方的所有男女的所有家庭的安全和幸福以及自由和进步。
……“为了使这些无数的家庭得到安全，必须保护他们，使他们不受两个可怕的掠夺者——战争和暴政——的侵犯。
……“……为了防止战争这一主要目的，已经建立了一个世界组织。
……我们必须使这一切得到肯定：它的工作是有成果的，它是一种现实而不是一种假象，它是一种行动力量而不仅只是语言的空谈，它是一种真正的和平之宫而不仅只是纷纷扰扰争吵的场所……“然而，我有一个明确而实际的行动建议要提出来。
宫廷和地方行政长官没有县吏和皂吏就不能办事。
因此，必须马上着手给联合国配备一支国际武装力量。
在这个问题上，只能一步一步来，但我们必须从现在开始着手做。
我建议，应邀请每一个大国和其它成员国派出一定数量的空军中队，为这个世界性组织服役。
这些中队将由本国训练和筹备，但在各国轮流驻扎。
他们身着本国的军服，佩戴不同的徽章。
不能要求他们对自己的国家作战，但在其它方面将受这世界性组织的指挥。
这个办法可以小规模地实行起来，让它随着我们信心的增长而扩大。
第一次世界大战后我曾希望做到这一步，相信现在会立即办到。
“不过，如果把美国、英国和加拿大现在所共同掌握的制造原子弹的秘密知识和经验托付给这个仍处于婴儿时代的世界性组织，马氏错误的和轻率的。
温斯顿·丘吉尔铁幕演讲(英汉对照完整版)：和平的力量
Winston Churchill: The Sinews of Peace温斯顿·丘吉尔的铁幕演讲（英汉对照完整版）：和平的力量delivered 5 March 1946 Westminster College, Fulton Missouri1946年3月5日发表于密苏里州富尔顿市威斯敏斯特学院[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio version .]译、校：张少军President McClure, ladies and gentlemen, and last but certainly not least，President of the United States of America:麦克卢尔院长、女士们先生们，最后，但当然不是最低微的，美利坚合众国总统：I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. The name "Westminster" somehow or other seems familiar to me. I -- I feel as if I've heard of it before. Indeed now that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric -- and one or two other things. So, in fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.我真的很高兴今天下午来到威斯敏斯特学院。
丘吉尔铁幕演说(英文版)
The Si news of Peace （丘吉尔的铁幕演说）Westm in ster College, Fult on, MissouriI amglad to come to Westm in ster College this after noon, and amcomplime nted that you should give me a degree. The name "Westminster" is somehowfamiliar to me. I seem to have heard of it before .In deed, it was at Westm in ster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kin dred establishme nts.It is also an honour, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to bein troduced to an academic audie nee by the Preside nt of the Un ited States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities - unsought but not recoiled from - thePreside nt has travelled a thousa nd miles to dig nify and magnify our meet ing here to-day and to give me an opport unity of address ing this kin dred n ati on, as well as my own coun tryme n across the ocea n, and perhaps some other coun tries too. ThePreside nt has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I shouldhave full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right todo so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days havebeen satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me, however, make it clear that I have no official missi on or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. Thereis nothing here but what you see.I can therefore allow my mind, with the experie nee of a lifetime, to playover the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, andto try to make sure with what strength I have that what has been gained with so much sacrifice and sufferi ng shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.The United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. Itis a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is alsojoined an awe-i nspiri ng acco un tability to the future. If you look around you, youmust feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel an xiety lest youfall below the level of achieveme nt. Opport unity is here now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring uponus all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that constancy of mind, persiste ncy of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decisi on shall guide and rule the con duct of the En glish-speak ing peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requireme nt. WhenAmerican military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words "over-all strategic concept." There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should in scribe today It is nothing less tha n the safety and welfare, thefreedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and womenin all the Ian ds. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartme nt homeswhere the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up in the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potentpart.To give security to these coun tless homes, they must be shielded from thetwo giant marauders, war and tyranny. Weall know the frightful disturbances in whichthe ordinary family is plunged whenthe curse of war swoops downupon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and con trives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all itsvani shed glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the desig ns of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilised society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them all is distorted, all isbroke n, even ground to pulp.When I sta nd here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualise what is actuallyhappe ning to milli ons now and what is going to happe n in this period whe n faminestalks the earth. None can compute what has been called "the unestimated sum of human pain." Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the com mon people fromthe horrors and miseries of ano ther war. We are all agreed onthat.Our America n military colleagues, after havi ng proclaimed their "over-allstrategic concept" and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step-namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organisation has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war, UNO,the successorof the League of Nati ons, with the decisive additi on of the Un ited States and all that that mean s, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a froth ing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can someday be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assura nces of n ati onal armame nts for self-preservati on we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon the rock. Anyone can see with his eyes ope n that our path will be difficultand also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars - though not, alas, in the in terval betwee n them - I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our com mon purpose in the end.I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and con stables. The Un ited Nati ons Orga ni satio n must immediately beg in to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to delegate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organisation.These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around inrotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniform of their own coun tries but with differe nt badges. They would not be required to act aga inst their own n atio n, but in other respects they would be directed by the world orga ni sati on. This might be started on a modest scale and would grow as con fide nee grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust it may be done forthwith.It would nevertheless be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experienee of the atomic bomb, which the United States, Great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organisation, while it is still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world.No one in any country has slept less well in their beds because this kno wledge andthe method and the raw materials to apply it, are at prese nt largely reta ined inAmerica n han ds. I do not believe we should all have slept so soun dly had the positi ons bee n reversed and if some Communist or n eo-Fascist State mon opolised for the time being these dread age ncies. The fear of them alone might easily have bee n used to enforce totalitaria n systems upon the free democratic world, with con seque nces appall ing to huma n imagi nati on. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breath ing space to set our house in order before this peril has to be encoun tered: and even the n, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of manis truly embodied and expressed in a world organisation with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confidedto that world orga ni satio n.Now I come to the sec ond dan ger of these two marauders which threate ns the cottage, the home, and the ordinary people - n amely, tyra nny. We cannot be bli nd to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by in dividual citize ns throughout the British Empire are not valid in a con siderable nu mber of coun tries, some of which are very powerful. Inthese States control is enforced upon the commorpeople by various kindsof all-embraci ng police gover nmen ts. The power of the State is exercised without restra int, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operat ing through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so nu merous to in terfere forcibly in the in ternal affairs of coun tries which we have not conq uered in war. But we must n ever cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritanee of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta,the Bill of Rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the En glish com mon law find their most famous expressi on in the America n Declarati on ofIn depe ndence.All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by con stituti onal action, by free un fettered elect ions, with secret ballot, to choose or cha nge the character or form of gover nment un der which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reig n; that courts of justice, in depe ndent of the executive, un biased by any party, should adm ini ster laws which have received the broad asse nt of large majorities or are con secrated by time andcustom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practise - let us practise what we preach.I have now stated the two great dan gers which menace the homes of the people:War and Tyranny. I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevaili ng an xiety. But if the dan gers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science andco-operation can bring in the next few years to the world, certainly in the next few decades newly taught in the sharpening schoolof war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in huma n experie nce. Now, at this sad and breathless mome nt, we are plun ged in the hun ger and distress which arethe aftermath of our stupe ndous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except humanfolly of sub-humancrime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learned fifty years ago from a great Irish-America n orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockra n. "There is eno ugh for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her childre n if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and in peace." So far I feel that we are in full agreeme nt.Now, while still purs uing the method of realis ing our overall strategiccon cept, I come to the crux of what I have travelled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organisation will be gained without what I have called the fraternalassociation of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relati on ship betwee n the British Common wealth and Empire and the United States. This is no time for generalities, and I will venture to be precise.Frater nal associatio n requires not only the grow ing frien dship and mutual un dersta nding betwee n our two vast but kin dred systems of society, but thecon ti nuance of the in timate relati on ship betwee n our military advisers, leadi ng to com mon study of pote ntial dan gers, the similarity of weap ons and manu als of in struct ions, and to the in tercha nge of officers and cadets at tech ni cal colleges.It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire Forces and it mightwell lead, if and as the world calms dow n, to importa nt finan cial savi ngs. Alreadywe use together a large nu mber of isla nds; more may well be en trusted to our joint care in the n ear future.The Un ited States has already a Perma nent Defence Agreeme nt with theDomi nio n of Can ada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Common wealth and Empire. This Agreeme nt is more effective tha n many of those which have ofte n bee n made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all BritishCommon wealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happe ns, and thus only, shallwe be secure ourselves and able to work together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come - I feel eventuallythere will come - the prin ciple of com mon citize nship, but that we may be content to leave to desti ny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearlysee.There is however an important question wemust ask ourselves. Would a special relati on ship betwee n the Un ited States and the British Common wealth be incon siste nt with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organisation I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organisation will achieve itsfull stature and stre ngth. There are already the special Un ited States relati ons with Canada which I have just mentioned, and there are the special relations between the United States and the South American Republics. WeBritish have our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistanee with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years Treaty so far as we are concern ed. We aim at nothing but mutual assista nee and collaboration. The British have an allianee with Portugal unbroken since 1384, and which produced fruitful results at critical mome nts in the late war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organisation; on the contrary they help it. "In my father's house are many mansions." Special associati ons betwee n members of the Un ited Natio ns which have no aggressive point aga inst any other coun try, which harbour no desig n in compatible with the Charter of the Un ited Nati ons, far from being harmful, are ben eficial and, as I believe, in dispe nsable. I spoke earlier of the Temple of Peace. Workme n from all coun triesmust build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, iftheir families are inter-mingled, and if they have "faith ineach other's purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each other's shortcomings" - to quote some good words I read here the other day - why cannot theywork together at the commontask as friends and partners Whycannot they share theirtools and thus in crease each other's work ing powers In deed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we shall all be proved aga in un teachable and have to go and try to lear n aga in for a third time in a school of war, incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleami ng wings of scienee, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind,may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late.If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind I have described, with allthe extra strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, letus make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its partin steadying and stabilising the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom.Preven ti on is better tha n cure.A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately lighted by the Allied victory.Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organisation intendsto do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytising tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshal Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Brita in - and I doubt not here also - towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differe nces and rebuffs in establishi ng lasti ng frien dships. We un dersta nd the Russia n n eed to be secure on her western fron tiers by the removal of all possibility of Germa n aggressi on. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all,we welcome constant, frequent and growingcon tacts betwee n the Russia n people and our own people on both sides of the Atla ntic.It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you, to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe. From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descendedacross the Con ti nent. Behind that li ne lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or ano ther, not only to Soviet in flue nee but to a very high and, in many cases, in creas ing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone - Greece with its immortal glories - is freeto decide its future at an elect ion un der British, America n and French observati on.The Russia n-domin ated Polish Government has bee n en couraged to make eno rmous and wron gful in roads upon Germa ny, and mass expulsi ons of milli ons of Germa ns on a scale grievous and un dreamed-of are now tak ing place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy. Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being madeupon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russia ns in Berl in to build up a quasi-Com munist party in their zone of Occupied Germa ny by showing special favours to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westwards, in accorda nee with an earlier agreeme nt, to a depth at somepoints of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expa nse of territory which the Wester n Democracies had conq uered.If now the Soviet Government tries, by separate action, to build up a pro-Com munist Germa ny in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the British and America n zon es, and will give the defeated Germa ns the power of putti ng themselves up to aucti on betwee n the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever con clusi ons may be draw n from these facts - and facts they are - this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which containsthe esse ntials of perma nent peace.The safety of the world requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be perma nen tly outcast. It is from the quarrels of the stro ng pare nt races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against theirwishes and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossiblenot to comprehe nd, draw n by irresistible forces, i nto these wars in time to securethe victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation had occurred. Twice the United States has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell betwee n dusk and daw n. Surely we should work with con scious purposefor a gra nd pacificati on of Europe, with in the structure of the Un ited Natio ns and in accordanee with its Charter. That I feel is an open cause of policy of very great of the Adriatic.importa nee. In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to supportthe Communist-trained Marshal Tito's claims to former Italian territory at the head Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the bala nee. Aga in one cannotimagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All mypublic life I have worked for a strong France and I never lost faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours.I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from theRussian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are establishedand work in complete un ity and absolute obedie nee to the direct ions they receive from the Communist cen tre. Except in the British Common wealth and in the Un ited States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilisation. These are sombre facts for anyone to have to recite on the morrow of a victory gained by so muchsplendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria.The Agreeme nt which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favourable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say thatthe Germa n war might not exte nd all through the summer and autu mn of 1945 and whe nthe Japa nese war was expected to last for a further 18 mon ths from the end of the German war. In this country you are all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there.I have felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world.I was a high minister at the time of the Versailles Treaty and a close friendof Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unboun ded con fide nee that the wars were over, and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful.I do not see or feel that same con fide nee or even the same hopes in the haggard world at the prese nt time.On the other hand I repulse the idea that a new war is in evitable; stillmore that it is imminen t. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still inour own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the dutyto speak out now that I have the occasi on and the opport unity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to considerhere to-day while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in allcoun tries. Our difficulties and dan gers will not be removed by clos ing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere wait ing to see what happe ns; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeaseme nt. What is n eeded is a settleme nt, and the Ion ger this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dan gers will become.From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing they admire so much as stre ngth, and there is no thi ng for which they have lessrespect tha n for weak ness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balanee of power is unsound. Wecannotafford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of stre ngth. If the Western Democracies sta nd together in strict adhere nee to the prin ciples of the Un ited Nati ons Charter, their in flue nce for furtheri ng those principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they becomedivided or falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away the n in deed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.Last time I saw it all coming and cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymenand to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935,Germa ny might have bee n saved from the awful fate which has overtake n her and we might all have bee n spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. There n ever was a war in all history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have bee n preve nted in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honoured to-day; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely must not let that happe n aga in. This can only be achieved by reach ing now, in 1946, a good un dersta nding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organisation and by the maintenance of that good un dersta nding through many peaceful years, by the world in strume nt,supported by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to whichI have give n the title "The Sin ews of Peace."Let no manun derrate the abidi ng power of the British Empire and Common wealth. Because you see the 46 milli ons in our isla nd harassed about their food supply, ofwhich they only grow one half, eve n in war-time, or because we have difficulty inrestart ing our in dustries and export trade after six years of passi on ate war effort,do not suppose that we shall not come through these dark years of privation as wehave come through the glorious years of agony, or that half a century from now, you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world and united in defenee of our traditions, our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse.If the populati on of the En glish-speak ing Common wealths be added to that of theUn ited States with all that such co-operati on implies in the air, on the sea, allover the globe and in scie nee and in in dustry, and in moral force, there will beno quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adve nture. On the con trary, there will be an overwhel ming assura nce of security.If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward insedate and sober stre ngth seek ing no on e's land or treasure, seek ing to lay noarbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the high-roads of the future will be clear, not only for us but for all, not only for our time,but for a century to come. The text of Sir Winston Churchill's "The Sinews of Peace" speech is quoted in its entirety from Robert Rhodes James (ed.), Winston S. Churchill:His Complete Speeches 1897-1963 Volume VII: 1943-1949 (New York: Chelsea House Publishers, 1974) 7285-7293.。
丘吉尔演讲英文原文
英文原文Blood, Sweat And TearsWinston Churchill May 13, 1940On Friday evening last I received from His Majesty the mission to form a new administration.It was the evident will of Parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties.I have already completed the most important part of this task. A war cabinet has been formed of five members, representing, with the Labor, Opposition and Liberals, the unity of the nation.It was necessary that this should be done in one single day on account of the extreme urgency and rigor of events. Other key positions were filled yesterday. I am submitting a further list to the King tonight. I hope to complete the appointment of principal Ministers during tomorrow.The appointment of other Ministers usually takes a little longer. I trust when Parliament meets again this part of my task will be completed and that the administration will be complete in all respects.I considered it in the public interest to suggest to the Speaker that the House should be summoned today. At the end of today'sproceedings, the adjournment of the House will be proposed until May 2l with provision for earlier meeting if need be. Business for that will be notified to M. P. 's at the earliest opportunity.I now invite the House by a resolution to record its approval of the steps taken and declare its confidence in the new government. The resolutionThat this House welcomes the formation of a government representing the united and inflexible resolve of the nation to prosecute the war with Germany to a victorious conclusion.To form an administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in itself. But we are in the preliminary Phase of one of the greatest battles in history. We are in action at any otherpoints-in Norway and in Holland-and we have to be prepared in the Mediterranean. The air battle is continuing, and many preparations have to be made here at home.In this crisis I think I may be pardoned if I do not address the House at any length today, and I hope that any of my friends and colleagues or for mer colleagues who are affected by the political reconstruction will make all allowances for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act.I say to the House as I said to Ministers who have joined this government, I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat.We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many months of struggle and suffering.You ask, what is our policy I say it is to wage war by land, sea and air. War with all our might and with all the strength God has given us, and to wage war against a monstrous tyranny never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime. That is our policy.You ask, what is our aim I can answer in one word, It is victory. Victory at all costs-victory in spite of all terrors-victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival.Let that be realized. No survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall move forward toward his goal.I take up my task in buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men.I feel entitled at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid of all and to say, Come then, let us go forward together with our united strength.这是丘吉尔1940年5月13日在下院发表的首相就职演讲，内容大概如下：“我所能奉贤的，只有热血和辛劳，眼泪和汗水。
热血、汗水和眼泪(温斯顿·丘吉尔)
热血、汗水和眼泪（温斯顿·丘吉尔）blood, sweat and tearswinston churchillmay 13, 1940英汉对照on friday evening last i received from his majesty the mission to form a new administration.it was the evident will of parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties.i have already completed the most important part of this task. a war cabinet has been formed of five members, representing, with the labor, opposition and liberals, the unity of the nation.it was necessary that this should be done in one single day on account of the extreme urgency and rigor of events. other key positions were filled yesterday. i am submitting a further list to the king tonight. i hope to complete the appointment of principal ministers during tomorrow.the appointment of other ministers usually takes a little longer. i trust when parliament meets again this part of my task will be completed and that the administration will be complete in all respects.i considered it in the public interest to suggest to the speaker that the house should be summoned today. at the end of today's proceedings, the adjournment of the house will be proposed until may 2l with provision for earlier meeting if need be. business for that will be notified to m. p. 's at the earliest opportunity.i now invite the house by a resolution to record its approval of the steps taken and declare its confidence in the new government. the resolution:"that this house welcomes the formation of a government representing the united and inflexible resolve of the nation to prosecute the war with germany to a victorious conclusion."to form an administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in itself. but we are in the preliminary phase of one of the greatest battles in history. we are in action at any other points-in norway and in holland-and we have to be prepared in the mediterranean. the air battle is continuing, and many preparations have to be made here at home. in this crisis i think i may be pardoned if i do not address the house at any length today, and i hope that any of my friends and colleagues or for mer colleagues who are affected by the political reconstruction will make all allowances for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act.i say to the house as i said to ministers who have joined this government, i have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat. we have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. we have before us many, many months of struggle and suffering.you ask, what is our policy? i say it is to wage war by land, sea and air. war with all our might and with all the strength god has given us, and to wage war against a monstrous tyranny never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime. that is our policy.you ask, what is our aim? i can answer in one word, it is victory. victory at all costs-victory in spite of all terrors-victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival.let that be realized. no survival for the british empire, no survival for all that the british empire has stood for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall move forward toward his goal.i take up my task in buoyancy and hope. i feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men.i feel entitled at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid of all and to say, "come then, let us go forward together with our united strength."--------------------------------------------------------------------------------"热血、汗水和眼泪"温斯顿·丘吉尔1940年5月13日上星期五晚上，我奉陛下之命，组织新的一届政府。
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I feel entitled at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid of all and to say, "Come then, let us go forward together with our united strength."
�
我们务必认识到，没有胜利就不复有大英帝国，没有胜利就不复有大英帝国所象征的一切，没有胜利就不复有多少世纪以来的强烈要求和冲动：人类应当向自己的目标迈进。
我精神振奋、满怀信心地承担起我的任务。我确信，大家联合起来，我们的事业就不会遭到挫败。
在此时此刻的危急关头，我觉得我有权要求各方面的支持。我要说：“来吧，让我们群策群力，并肩前进！”
“热血、汗水和眼泪”
温斯顿?丘吉尔 (1940年5月13日 )
上星期五晚上，我奉陛下之命，组织新的一届政府。
按国会和国民的意愿，新政府显然应该考虑建立在尽可能广泛的基础上，应该兼容所有的党派。
我已经完成了这项任务的最主要的部分。战时内阁已由五人组成，包括工党、反对党和自由党，这体现了举国团结一致。
The appointment of other Ministers usually takes a little longer. I trust when Parliament meets again this part of my task will be completed and that the administration will be complete in all respects.
铁血泪
BLOOD, SWEAT AND TEARS"
(温斯顿 丘吉尔的演讲)
Winston Churchill (May 13, 1940 ) On Friday evening last I received from His Majesty the mission to form a new administration.
In this crisis I think I may be pardoned if I do not address the House at any length today, and I hope that any of my friends and colleagues or for mer colleagues who are affected by the political reconstruction will make all allowances for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act.
值此危急关头，我想，即使我今天向国会的报告过于简略，也当能见谅。我还希望所有在这次改组中受到影响的朋友、同僚和旧日的同僚们对必要的礼仪方面的任何不周之处能毫不介意。
我向国会表明，一如我向入阁的大臣们所表明的，我所能奉献的唯有热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水我们所面临的将是一场极其严酷的考验，将是旷日持久的斗争和苦难。
You ask, what is our policy? I say it is to wage war by land, sea and air. War with all our might and with all the strength God has given us, and to wage war against a monstrous tyranny never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime. That is our policy.
I say to the House as I said to Ministers who have joined this government, I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat. We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many months of struggle and suffering.
Let that be realized. No survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall move forward toward his goal.
It was necessary that this should be done in one single day on account of the extreme urgency and rigor of events. Other key positions were filled yesterday. I am submitting a further list to the King tonight. I hope to complete the appointment of principal Ministers during tomorrow.
You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word, It is victory. Victory at all costs-victory in spite of all terrors-victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival.
现在我请求国会作出决议，批准我所采取的各项步骤，启示记录在案，并且声明信任新政府。决议如下：
“本国会欢迎新政府的组成，她体现了举国一致的坚定不移的决心：对德作战，直到最后胜利。”
组织如此规模和如此复杂的政府原本是一项重大的任务。但是我们正处于历史上罕见的一场大战的初始阶段。我们在其他许多地点作战——在挪威，在荷兰，我们还必须在地中海做好准备。空战正在继续，而且在本土也必须做好许多准备工作。
To form an administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in itself. But we are in the preliminary Phase of one of the greatest battles in history. We are in action at any other points-in Norway and in Holland-and we have to be prepared in the Mediterranean. The air battle is continuing, and many preparations have to be made here at home.
I now invite the House by a resolution to record its approval of the steps taken and declare its confidence in the new government. The resolution:
"That this House welcomes the formation of a government representing the united and inflexible resolve of the nation to prosecute the war with Germany to a victorious conclusion."
由于事态的极端紧急和严峻，新阁政府须于一天之内组成，其他的关键岗位也成几位主要大臣的任命。
其余大臣们的任命照例得晚一些。我相信，在国会下一次召开时，任命将告完成，臻于完善。
为公众利益着想，我建议议长今天就召开国会。今天的议程结束时，建议休会到5月21日，并准备在必要时提前开会。有关事项当会及早通知各位议员。
I considered it in the public interest to suggest to the Speaker that the House should be summoned today. At the end of today's proceedings, the adjournment of the House will be proposed until May 2l with provision for earlier meeting if need be. Business for that will be notified to M. P. 's at the earliest opportunity.
It was the evident will of Parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties.
I have already completed the most important part of this task. A war cabinet has been formed of five members, representing, with the Labor, Opposition and Liberals, the unity of the nation.