英美特殊关系

<著者>=姚雷

<中文文摘>=本文主要用国家利益的概念,从考察英美“特殊关系"的历史发展入手,揭示了“特殊关系”的实质,论证了“特殊关系”并非国际关系领域里一个永恒的特征,从而得出这样一个结论:利益是决定一国对外行为的最基本动因,国家实力则是实现其对外目标，维护国家利益的手段。

全文包括:导言、正文、结论等。导言考释了“特殊关系”的概念,指出其历史特征是战时联盟的产物,其本质特征是特定历史背景下特定利益的产物。

正文由三章组成,主要内容如下:

1、二战结束直到五十年代中期,“特殊关系"的现实表现是竞争与合作并存。

“特殊关系”是不平等双方的结合,美国是战后两极体制下的一极,英国是充满大国意识并企图维持大国地位的二流国家。战时联盟的友谊,美国对欧洲的战略设计及其世界战略目标的需求,英国残存的世界影响及其恢复本身地位的远景规划,共同的西方价值体系,促使“特殊关系”在这一时期程度不同的表现在许多领域。然而,对利益筛取的不同及国家实力的差异又使“特殊关系”始终与竞争相伴。本文主要从经济、军事安全和战略协调及区域选择上展示了这种合作与竞争关系。

伴随着世界政治力量的不断整合,英美双方利益追求和国家实力的变化,“特殊关系”在沿着合作的基线走了一程后,最终在一方国家实力膨胀、一方实力急剧衰微,于利益和目标不一致时破裂。苏伊士危机印证了这一点。

2、五十年代末至七十年代末,“特殊关系”的基本特征是淡化。

多极格局最终成为这一时期国际政治的特征,美国意识到了自身实力的相对衰落,用灵活的手段,标以缓和的形式替代咄咄逼人的遏制模式,谋求不变的全球利益。与欧洲建立了新的伙伴关系,强调美欧日的合作。英国也最终意识到其可悲的二流地位,毅然转向欧洲。这就意味着英国的利益选择在欧洲,其为美国担负世界义务的时代一去不复返了;英国沦为欧洲一员,丧失了在欧美矛盾中灵活选择的余地;增强了英国地位,继续发挥欧美之间桥梁的作用。表明维系英美“特殊关系”的利益共同点进一步受到局限,甚至基本只体现在防御合作上。伴随着利益选择的限制,“特殊关系”在这一经历了麦克米伦时代的修补,威尔逊时代的过渡和希思时代的“自然关系”三次演变。

3、撒切尔时代是“特殊关系”重新升温的时代。

八十、九十年代的英美关系在部分利益一致的基础上秉承了历史上双边关系较为密切的传统,加之里根、撒切尔夫人作为国际政治中的特殊个人对于协调国家间相互关系起到了独特的作用,使本已“自然"的关系重新“特殊”起来,“特殊关系”在这一时期具体表现为“非凡的联盟”。

冷战结束使得以遏制苏联为部分存在基础的“特殊关系"失去了目标,类似里根与撒切尔夫人般亲密的关系在新一代领导实之间未能形成。“特殊关系"的实质内容在进一步被削弱。

结论部分对“特就关系"做出了战略定位:（1)区域选择重点在欧洲；（2）并非国际关系领域里一个永久的特征。并在总结历史的基础上，前瞻性地透析了“特殊关系”的未来发展轨迹;发展道路不会平坦,受制于利益的调控,竞争仍然存在,但主线是合作。

本文最后尝试印证这样一个主题:国家间的相互关系是各自国家利益的根本反映,国家实力是实现其国家利益、对外目标的手段。没有永久的盟友,也没有永久的敌人,只有利益是永久的和不变的。

<英文文摘>=The dissertation systemically studies on the history of the "special relationship" from the view of national interest. It reveals the nature of the

'special relationship' and proves that the 'special relationship' is not a perpetual character in the international relation. Then such a conclusion is obtained as follows: interests are the most fundamental factor of a country's foreign policy and deeds, and the national strength is the means by which a country can achieve its foreign target and protect its interests and rights.

The whole thesis consists of three parts: the preface, the main body and the conclusion.

The preface observes and studies the concepts of the 'special relationship'. The 'special relationship' is depicted as the outgrowth of the wartime alliance, and its innate character is a product of special interests under certain historical background.

The content of the main body which is made up of three chapters is as follows: 1. The collaboration and discord was the character of the 'special relationship' from the end of second world war to the middle of fifties.

As the 'special relationship' blossomed, it remained an unequal partnership-stronger on American's side than on Britain's side. However, the 'special relationship' still presented in some aspects because of a great lot of matters of common concerns, such as the friendship of wartime alliance, the United State's worldwide strategy, the Britain's sphere of influence and common value system of capitalism. Yet, although we have to admit that the collaboration is no denying its remarkable character. We cannot ignore the fact of conflict and discord with the serious divergences of interest during this period. By offering the historical evidences of military security strategy and economic order and regional strategy, the dissertation supports the adve-mentioned points.

With the development of international situation of this period and the change of the national strength of these two countries and their interest pursuit, the 'special relationship' finally broke down when the strength of one side was expanded greatly and the other was weakened critically after a long time of cooperation.

2. The 'special relationship' has been weakened from the late of fifties to the late of seventies.

Recognizing the decay of its national strength, American took the flexible strategy and tactics, and transformed from confrontation to detente, and build new partnership with the Europe, in order to pursuit the forever global rights and interests. Moreover, the Britain had been conscious of its decline, determinedly, it turned to Europe. All these indicated: i. the global partnership with American withering away; ii. Little room to maneuver when quarrel shaped between Europe with America. By the mid-1970s, the common interests of the 'special relationship' little remained except defence relations. During this period, the 'special relationship' had experienced three phases: the 'Macmillan era' with the character of endeavoring to mending the holes in the fence rent by Suez, a 'close' relationship, and a 'natural' relationship as Edward Heath called it.

3. The 'special relationship' was upgraded in the 'Thatcher era'.

In the 'Thatcher era', Anglo-America relations which used to be 'natural' had become 'special' again, which should be owned partly to the special friendship between