麦克阿瑟演讲
麦克阿瑟西点军校演讲
Duty Honor Country"Duty""honor""country"---those three hallowed words reverently dict ate what you want to be ,what you can be ,what you will be。
They are you rallying point tobuild courage when courage seems to fail,to regain faith when there seems tobe little cause for faith,to create hope when hope becomes forlor n.Unhappily,I possess neither that eloquence of diction ,that poetryof imagination,nor that brilliance of metaphor to tell you all that t hey mean,These are some of the things they build, They build your basic character ,They mold you for your future roles as the custodians of the nation's defense, They make you strong enough to know when you are weak,and brave enough to face yourself when you are afraid,They teach you to be proud and unbending in honest failure,but humble and gentle in success ;not too substitute words for action;not to seek the the path of comfort ,but to face the stress and spur of difficulty challenge;to learn to stand up in the storm,but to havecompassion on those who fall;to master yourself before you seek to master others;to have a heart that is clean,a goal that is high ;to learn to laugh,yet never forget how to weep;to reach in to the future ,yet never neglect the past ;to be serious,yet never take yourself too seriously ;to bemodest so that you will remember the simplicity of truegreatness,the open mind of true wisdom,the meekness of true strength.They teach you in this way to be an officer and an gentleman.责任荣誉国家责任、荣誉、国家---这三个神圣的词语，虔敬的告诉你们想成为什么，你们能成为什么，你们会成为什么。
麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵不死”演讲全文
麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵永不死”演讲全文总统先生，演讲者，议会杰出的成员们：我怀着深深的谦卑和无比的自豪感站在这演讲台上----谦卑是因为面对在我面前的那些伟大美国过去的建设者们；自豪是因为想到国内立法争论所设计的代表人类最纯洁的自由。
整个人类的希望、抱负、信念都集中于此。
我站在这里不为任何党派目的辩护，因为议题的根本性超出了党派所能考虑的区域。
如果能证明我们的路线稳妥且我们的前途有保障,那些问题就应被放在最高位来解决.因此，我相信，你们会公正地把我所表达的当作一个美国同胞的观点。
我演讲既不带人生暮年的怨恨也不带伤感之情，但心中只有一个目的：为我的祖国效劳。
虽然亚洲被认为是通往欧洲的大门，但说欧洲是通往亚洲的大门也没有错。
且一方的广泛影响不得不带动另一方。
一些人声称我们的力量不足以同时保护两条线路，我们不能分散精力。
我认为没有比这更能表现出失败主义的了。
如果潜在性的敌人能将他们的力量分为两条路线，那对我们来说就要对他们的力量予以反击。
共产主义者的威胁是一个全球性的问题。
他们在每个防区的成功进展直接预示着我们每隔一个防区将遭到破坏。
我们不会为让亚洲的共产主义投降而不能同时削弱我们的力量去遏止欧洲的发展而感到安慰。
说了太多的共知之理，我会简略我关于亚洲地区的讨论。
在某人能客观地对那里存在的形势作出评估之前，他必须了解一些关于亚洲的过去和他们沿着自己的路线发展至今的改革变化。
被所谓的殖民统治长期的剥削，便很难有机会建立社会的公正尺度，维护个人尊严，或者实现一个高水平的生活，就像保卫我们在菲律宾自己崇高的政府，亚洲的人民抓住了他们的时机在战争中摆脱了殖民统治的束缚并且看到了新时机的曙光，一种从未感受过的尊严和一个国家自由后的自尊感。
集合地球一半的人数，有60%的自然资源被这些人迅速地加强成为一种新的力量，精神上的和物质上的都被用来提升生活水平也是为适应对自己的不同文化环境的最新进展的谋划。
不管谁是否拘泥于殖民的概念，这是亚洲发展进步的方向且不会被终止。
麦克阿瑟英语演讲稿为何责任和荣誉与国家紧密相连
麦克阿瑟英语演讲稿为何责任和荣誉与国家紧密相连Ladies and gentlemen,It is truly an honor for me to stand before you all today and speak about the importance of responsibility and honor in relation to our nation. As many of you may know, I had the privilege of serving in the United States Army during the Vietnam War, and it was during my time in the military that I came to understand just how closely tied these two virtues are to our country and its people.Throughout my service, I witnessed countless examples of men and women who truly embodied the ideals of responsibility and honor. Whether it was a soldier risking his or her lifeto protect their fellow comrades or a general who put thewell-being of the troops before their own, I was constantly reminded of the importance of these two virtues in the context of our nation.But why is this so? Why do responsibility and honor play such a critical role in our national identity? I believe that the answer lies in the very foundation of our country and its values.When our forefathers signed the Declaration of Independence, they weren't just declaring their independence from England - they were declaring their commitment to a setof principles. Principles like liberty, justice, and equality. Principles that, by definition, require responsible and honorable behavior if they are to be achieved.Take the principle of justice, for example. In order for justice to be served, individuals must take responsibilityfor their actions and honor the rights of others. Withoutthese qualities, justice is impossible. The same goes for liberty - without responsible behavior and honorabletreatment of others, our freedoms become meaningless.Furthermore, as a nation, we have historically prided ourselves on our ability to rise to challenges and overcome obstacles. We have faced adversity time and time again, from wars to economic downturns to natural disasters. And it isour sense of responsibility and honor that have allowed us to come out on the other side stronger and more resilient than ever.But responsibility and honor are not just important on a grand scale - they are also critical in our everyday lives. As citizens of this great nation, we have a responsibility to treat one another with respect, to honor our commitments, and to work together towards a common goal. And it is throughthis sense of responsibility and honor that we can create a society that truly lives up to the ideals on which our country was founded.So to all of you gathered here today, I urge you to embrace these virtues and hold them close to your hearts. Whether you are a soldier, a teacher, a parent, or simply a citizen of this great country, know that your actions have the power to shape our national identity and to make a difference in the lives of those around you.Thank you.。
麦克阿瑟告别英语演讲稿：老兵永不死
麦克阿瑟告别英语演讲稿：老兵永不死Dear friends, colleagues, and fellow citizens,It is with a heavy heart that I bid farewell to you all today. As I prepare to step down from my position as the Chief of Staff of the United States Army, I cannot help but reflect on the incredible journey that has led me to this moment.It has been my honor and privilege to serve this great nation for over four decades, and to stand shoulder to shoulder with some of the most courageous and dedicated soldiers our country has ever produced. From the battlefields of Vietnam, to the sands of Iraq and Afghanistan, I have witnessed firsthand the bravery, valor, and selflessness that define the American soldier.However, as I take my leave, I am left with one thought above all others: the legacy of our service. For the past seventy-five years, since the end of World War II, our soldiers have been engaged in conflicts around the world, fighting for freedom and democracy, and defending the values that make America truly great.And it is this legacy that I am most proud of. As I look back on my own career, I am humbled by the sacrifices made by those who came before me, and inspired by the dedication and determination of those who will continue to serve.For the soldier, the mission never ends. Whether in peacetime or in war, we are called upon to defend our country and our way of life. We do not seek conflict, but when it comes, we are ready to meet it head on.This is why I believe that the soldier never dies. Yes, we may leave the military, and we may even pass from this life, but the spirit of the soldier lives on. It is the courage, the honor, and the commitment that we embody that will endure, and inspire future generations of Americans to step forward and answer the call to serve.As I close, I want to thank each and every one of you for your support, your dedication, and your unwavering commitment to our cause. You are the backbone of our great nation, and it is through your strength and resilience that we will continue to thrive and prosper.So let us honor the legacy of those who have come before us, and pledge to carry the torch of freedom and democracy forward into the future. For the soldier never truly dies - we march on, guided by the principles of duty, honor, and country.Thank you, and God bless America.。
麦克阿瑟着名演讲—老兵不死(中英文)
Old soldiers never die -----------Douglas MacArthurMr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who h ave stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are ce ntered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do no t stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundame ntal and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must b e resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the just ice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of li fe, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commo nly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is th e Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have it s impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequa te to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of n o greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strengt h on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communis m in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance i n Europe.Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the r evolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve a ny degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life suc h as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of A sia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of c olonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dign ity, and the self-respect of political freedom.Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural res ources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whethe r one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of A sian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies i n consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a cour se blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian people s covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is frie ndly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the di gnity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood. What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their st omachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their he ads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. T hese political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own nati onal security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are th e changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the cour se of the past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That sal ient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along whi ch the enemy could and did attack.The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force inte nt upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this was changed by our Pa cific victory. Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific O cean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of th e Pacific Ocean area. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islan ds extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air pow er every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore -- with sea and air powerevery port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore -- and prevent any host ile movement into the Pacific.Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphi bious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air ov er those lanes in its avenue of advance. With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenue s of approach for a prospective invader. It assumes, instead, the friendly asp ect of a peaceful lake. Our line of defense is a natural one and can be mai ntained with a minimum of military effort and expense. It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operat ions, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggress ion. The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely d ependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leade r who will take exception. For that reason, I have strongly recommended in t he past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must F ormosa fall under Communist control. Such an eventuality would at once thre aten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well for ce our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washingt on.To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainlan d, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over t he past 50 years. China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogeno us, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. The war-ma king tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture. At the turn of the century, under the regi me of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruit ion under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the chara cter of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become milit arized in their concepts and in their ideals. They now constitute excellent sol diers, with competent staffs and commanders. This has produced a new anddominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Ru ssia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively im perialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up. The standard of living is so low and the capital accumula tion has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation o f local stringencies.I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one. Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet. But I believe that the aggressiveness recen tly displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the exp ansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beg inning of time.The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest refor mation recorded in modern history. With a commendable will, eagerness to le arn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in w ar's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individu al liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been cr eated a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of e vents in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese p eople have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surroundin g them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. I sent all four of ou r occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms a s to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan. The results fully j ustified my faith. I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, n or in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence t hat the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. We must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in A sia is unlimited.On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the oppo rtunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland. The Formosan peopl e are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representati on on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially th ey appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korea n conflict. While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to inter vene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standp oint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not co ntemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invade rs; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to per mit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.Such decisions have not been forthcoming.While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground force s into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situat ion did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary prot ection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the C hina coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coa stal areas and of Manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their e ffective operations against the common enemy.For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our fo rces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possibl e delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in thepast by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up b ases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force o f some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coa st to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command fr om the military standpoint forbade victory.We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate ar ea where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line dis advantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive c ampaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy u tilized its full military potential. I have constantly called for the new political d ecisions essential to a solution.Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further from the truth. I know wa r as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting.I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on b oth friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling internation al disputes. Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleshi p Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows:"Men since the beginning of time havesought peace. Various methods through theages have been attempted to devise aninternational process to prevent or settledisputes between nations. From the verystart workable methods were found in sofar as individual citizens were concerned,but the mechanics of an instrumentality oflarger international scope have neverbeen successful. Military alliances,balances of power, Leagues of Nations,all in turn failed, leaving the only path tobe by way of the crucible of war. Theutter destructiveness of war now blocksout this alternative. We have had our lastchance. If we will not devise somegreater and more equitable system,Armageddon will be at our door. Theproblem basically is theological andinvolves a spiritual recrudescence andimprovement of human character that willsynchronize with our almost matchlessadvances in science, art, literature, and allmaterial and cultural developments ofthe past 2000 years. It must be of the spiritif we are to save the flesh."But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to ap ply every available means to bring it to a swift end.War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.In war there is no substitute for victory.There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China. Th ey are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable e mphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. Like blackmail, it lays the basis for ne w and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative."Why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an en emy in the field?" I could not answer.Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with C hina; others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. Like a cobra, an y new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in mili tary or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military ac tion is confined to its territorial limits. It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bomb ardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack a nd devastation.Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one whi ch has risked its all against communism. The magnificence of the courage a nd fortitude of the Korean people defies description.They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were: "Don't scuttle the Pacific!"I have just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests ther e, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers al ways.I am closing my 52 years of military service. When I joined the Army, ev en before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish ho pes and dreams. The world has turned over many times since I took the oat h on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since va nished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack b allads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away."And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career an d just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him t he light to see that duty.Good Bye.中文翻译：总统先生、议长先生和尊敬的国会议员们：我怀着十分谦卑而又骄傲的心情站在这演讲台上。
道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟西点军校告别演说（双语对照）
道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟西点军校告别演说（双语对照）General Douglas MacArthur 道格拉斯麦克阿瑟Sylvanus Thayer Award Acceptance Address'Duty, Honor, Country' 责任、荣誉、国家这是美国五星上将道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟82岁时的西点告别演说（翻译仅供参考）General Westmoreland ([注]Gen. Westmoreland 就是后来出任驻越南美军司令的魏摩兰将军), General Grove, distinguished guests, and gentlemen of the Corps!As I was leaving the hotel this morning, a doorman asked me, 'Where are you bound for, General?' And when I replied, 'West Point,' he remarked, 'Beautiful place. Have you ever been there before?'今天早晨，当我走出旅馆时，看门人问道：“将军，您上哪去？”一听说我要去西点，他说：“那是个好地方，您从前去过吗？”No human being could fail to be deeply moved by such a tribute as this [Thayer Award]. Coming from a profession I have served so long, and a people I have loved so well, it fills me with an emotion I cannot express. But this award is not intended primarily to honor a personality, but to symbolize a great moral code -- the code of conduct and chivalry of those who guard this beloved land of culture and ancient descent. That is the animation of this medallion. For all eyes and for all time, it is anexpression of the ethics of the American soldier. That I should be integrated in this way with so noble an ideal arouses a sense of pride and yet of humility which will be with me always.这样的荣誉是没有人不深受感动的。
麦克阿瑟告别英语演讲稿：老兵永不死
麦克阿瑟告别英语演讲稿：老兵永不死MacArthur's farewell speech: Veterans never die演讲人：JinTai College麦克阿瑟告别英语演讲稿：老兵永不死前言：演讲是指在公众场合，以有声语言为主要手段，以体态语言为辅助手段，针对某个具体问题，鲜明、完整地发表自己的见解和主张，阐明事理或抒发情感，进行宣传鼓动的一种语言交际活动。
本文档根据题材主题演讲内容要求展开说明，具有实践指导意义，便于学习和使用，本文档下载后内容可按需编辑修改及打印。
总统先生，演讲者，议会杰出的成员们：我怀着深深的谦卑和无比的自豪感站在这演讲台上----谦卑是因为面对在我面前的那些伟大美国过去的建设者们;自豪是因为想到国内立法争论所设计的代表人类最纯洁的自由。
整个人类的希望、抱负、信念都集中于此。
我站在这里不为任何党派目的辩护，因为议题的根本性超出了党派所能考虑的区域。
如果能证明我们的路线稳妥且我们的前途有保障,那些问题就应被放在最高位来解决.因此，我相信，你们会公正地把我所表达的当作一个美国同胞的观点。
我演讲既不带人生暮年的怨恨也不带伤感之情，但心中只有一个目的：为我的祖国效劳。
虽然亚洲被认为是通往欧洲的大门，但说欧洲是通往亚洲的大门也没有错。
且一方的广泛影响不得不带动另一方。
一些人声称我们的力量不足以同时保护两条线路，我们不能分散精力。
我认为没有比这更能表现出失败主义的了。
如果潜在性的敌人能将他们的力量分为两条路线，那对我们来说就要对他们的力量予以反击。
共产主义者的威胁是一个全球性的问题。
他们在每个防区的成功进展直接预示着我们每隔一个防区将遭到破坏。
我们不会为让亚洲的共产主义投降而不能同时削弱我们的力量去遏止欧洲的发展而感到安慰。
说了太多的共知之理，我会简略我关于亚洲地区的讨论。
在某人能客观地对那里存在的形势作出评估之前，他必须了解一些关于亚洲的过去和他们沿着自己的路线发展至今的改革变化。
麦克阿瑟告别演讲稿：老兵不死只是凋零（中英文）
麦克阿瑟告别演讲稿：老兵不死只是凋零（中英文）麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵永不死（英文版）Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the wake of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this forum of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism.If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood. What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.Of more direct and immediate bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the littoral line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this was changed by our Pacific victory. Our strategic frontier then shiftedto embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.*Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense. It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. The holding of this littoral defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception. For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control. Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture. At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia butwhich in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up. The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one. Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet. But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan. The results fully justified my faith. I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. We must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us.A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland. The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and sociallythey appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict. While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we -- as I said, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.Such decisions have not been forthcoming.While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast; threeremoval of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemyutilized its full military potential. I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further from the truth. I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows:Men since the beginning of time have sought peace. Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations. From the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful. Military alliances, balances of power, Leagues of Nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war. The utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative. We have had our last chance. If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system, Armageddon will be at our door. The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past 2000 years. It must be of the spirit ifwe are to save the flesh.But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.In war there is no substitute for victory.There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China. They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative."Why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?" I could not answer.Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China; others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were: "Don't scuttle the Pacific!"I have just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.I am closing my 52 years of military service. When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. The world hasturned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away."And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.Good Bye.麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵永不死（中文版）总统先生，演讲者，议会杰出的成员们：我怀着深深的谦卑和无比的自豪感站在这演讲台上----谦卑是因为面对在我面前的那些伟大美国过去的建设者们；自豪是因为想到国内立法争论所设计的代表人类最纯洁的自由。
解读麦克阿瑟的英语演讲稿爱国、担当、奋斗
解读麦克阿瑟的英语演讲稿爱国、担当、奋斗IntroductionIn his inspirational speech, General Douglas MacArthur profoundly exhorted the audience to embrace patriotism, responsibility, and commitment as the hallmarks of American citizenship. In his speech, he outlined fundamental beliefs that can lead individuals, as well as nations, to success and achievement. As a prominent military leader and a respected statesman, General MacArthur spoke passionately aboutAmerica's values and their embodiment in the people it comprises. In this article, we will analyze GeneralMacArthur's speech and extract insights into how his message can inform our actions and shape our destinies.PatriotismGeneral MacArthur recognized the importance of patriotism as a central force that binds Americans together. He stated that patriotism is not just a notion but a way of life that infuses our daily actions with a sense of pride and belonging. He urged Americans to take pride in America's achievementsand to defend its principles, values, and ideas. Heemphasized that patriotism means not only loving one's country but also being willing to sacrifice for it. He asserted that the price of freedom is eternal vigilance, and that every generation must be willing to fight for its values and beliefs.General MacArthur's message of patriotism is still relevant today. In our often-divisive times, where people are quick to criticize their country, its institutions, and its leaders, we need to remember the importance of patriotism. Being patriotic means celebrating our country's strengths while working to address its weaknesses. It means recognizing our shared history, culture, and heritage, while embracing our differences and respecting our diversity.ResponsibilityGeneral MacArthur spoke eloquently about the importance of personal responsibility as a cornerstone of American citizenship. He asserted that every individual has a duty to contribute to society and to uphold its values. He arguedthat responsibility means doing the right thing, even when it is difficult or unpopular. He stressed that America'sgreatness lies in its people's willingness to do their part and to contribute to the common good.General MacArthur's message of responsibility is a vital one, particularly in our present times, where many people seek to blame others for their problems and fail to take responsibility for their actions. Being responsible means being accountable for one's choices and decisions. It means recognizing that our actions have consequences and that we have the power to shape our destiny. Responsibility also means recognizing our duty to help others and to serve our communities.CommitmentGeneral MacArthur believed that commitment is another essential component of American citizenship. He asserted that commitment means being willing to work hard, persevere, and strive for excellence. He argued that commitment means having a deep sense of purpose and a willingness to make sacrifices to achieve one's goals. He asserted that America's success, as a nation and as individuals, depends on our commitment to excellence.General MacArthur's message of commitment underscores the importance of making a difference in our lives and the lives of others. Commitment means going the extra mile, pushing ourselves beyond our limits, and setting ambitious goals. It means never quitting, even when the road ahead seems insurmountable, and always striving for excellence, even in the face of adversity. Ultimately, commitment means giving our best every day, in every situation, and in everything we do.ConclusionGeneral MacArthur's speech is a timeless message of inspiration and hope. It reminds us of the fundamental values that have made America great and that continue to guide us towards a future of hope and prosperity. His message of patriotism, responsibility, and commitment is a call toaction for all Americans, to work together for a better future. As we face current challenges in our society, we should strive to emulate his leadership and example and embrace his noble ideals. Only by doing so can we build a better future for ourselves and for generations to come.。
麦克阿瑟告别演说
道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟(Douglas MacArthur)，美国陆军五星上将。
出生于阿肯色州小石城的军人世家。
1899年中学毕业后考入西点军校，1903年以名列第一的优异成绩毕业，到工程兵部队任职，并赴菲律宾执勤。
麦克阿瑟有过50年的军事实践经验，被美国国民称之为“一代老兵”，而其自身的又曾是“美国最年轻的准将、西点军校最年轻的校长、美国陆军历史上最年轻的陆军参谋长”，凭借精妙的军事谋略和敢战敢胜的胆略，麦克阿瑟堪称美国战争史上的奇才。
提起这句话：“老兵永远不死，只会慢慢凋零”（Old soldiers never die, they just fa de away），就不由得想起那个叼着玉米棒子烟斗的麦克阿瑟，和他在1951年4月19日被解职后在国会大厦发表的题为《老兵不死》的著名演讲。
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and grea t pride -- humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflec tion that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty i n the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and as pirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here a s advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental a nd reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They mu st be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, th at you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the proble ms of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court dis aster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gat eway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to As ia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impac t upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadeq uate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential ene my can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter hi s effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advan ce in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. Y ou can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia wi thout simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my di scussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend somethi ng of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called coloni al powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social jus tice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided o ur own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia f ound their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackl es of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heret ofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new forc e, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard a nd erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and i t may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world e conomic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates b ack toward the area whence it started.In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient it s policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition ratherthan pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is n ow past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own f ree destiny. What they seek now is friendly guidance, understandin g, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality a nd not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pit ifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wa ke. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood. What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a lit tle more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their ba cks, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national securit y, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national securi ty are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war. Prior thereto the western st rategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Haw aii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory f orce intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this was c hanged by our Pacific victory. Our strategic frontier then shifted t o embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to p rotect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shie ld for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean a rea. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands exte nding in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea an d air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore -- wit h sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Sing apore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea l anes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. Wit h na val and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. It assumes, instead,the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. Our line of defense is a na tural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort a nd expense. It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provid e the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maint ained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely depen dent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of th at line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determine d attack every other major segment.This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a mili tary leader who will take exception. For that reason, I have strongl y recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that u nder no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control. S uch an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philip pines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western fronti er back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. China, up to 50 years ago, wa s com pletely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided ag ainst each other. The war-making tendency was almost non-existent,as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture. At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a n ationalist urge. This was further and more successfully developed un der the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly d ominant, aggressive tendencies.Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus beco me militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. They now co nsti tute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.There is little of the ideological concept either one way or anot her in the Chinese make-up. The standard of living is so low and th e capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war tha t the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership whic h seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one. Their interes ts are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet. But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but als o in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power w hich has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of t ime.The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greates t reformation recorded in modern history. With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedi cated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; an d in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representat ive government committed to the advance of political morality, free dom of economic enterprise, and social justice.Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of ma ny free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal tru st. That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial inf luence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnifi cent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent chal lenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the sl ightest slackening in their forward progress. I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan. The results fully justified my faith. I know of no nation more seren e, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entert ained for future constructive service in the advance of the human r ace.Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in con fidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. We must be patient and understanding and never fa il them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in t he Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is un limited.On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had t he opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip whi ch so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mai nland. The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened adm inistration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advanc ing along sound and constructive lines.With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn t o the Korean conflict. While I was not consulted prior to the Presid ent's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, tha t decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hur led back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was com plete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened wi th numerically superior ground forces.This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situatio n not contemplated when our forces were committed against the No rth Korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in th e diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military st rategy.Such decisions have not been forthcoming.While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our grou nd forces into continental China, and such was never given a though t, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strat egic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as w e had defeated the old.Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sa nctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that m ilitary necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first th e intensification of our economic blockade against China; two the im position of a naval blockade against the China coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Repu blic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to th eir effective operations against the common enemy.For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to suppo rt our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end wi th the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American an d allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay ci rcles, principall y abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically ev ery military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including ou r own Joint Chiefs of Staff.I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcemen ts were not available. I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to ut ilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be n o hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approxi mate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with th e supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrit ion upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential.I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential toa solution.Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been sai d, in effect, that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further fro m the truth. I know war as few other men now living know it, and n othing to me is more revolting. I have long advocated its complete a bolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has ren dered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. Indee d, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-fiv e, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battle ship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows:"Men since the beginning of time havesought peace. Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations. From the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful. Military alliances, balances of power, Leagues of Nations,all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war. The utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative. We have had our last chance. If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system, Armageddon will be at our door. The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchlessadvances in science, art, literature, and allmaterial and cultural developments ofthe past 2000 years. It must be of the spiritif we are to save the flesh."But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative th an to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.In war there is no substitute for victory.There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red Ch ina. They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches wit h unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloo dier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justifie d that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham pea ce. Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alte rnative."Why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?" I could not answer.Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out w ar with China; others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanati on seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its action s with our moves. Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strik e whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that it s military action is confined to its territorial limits. It condemns th at nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctu aries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. The magnificence o f the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies descripttio n.They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were: "Don't scuttle the Pacific!"I have just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savag e conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimumsacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my p rayers always.I am closing my 52 years of military service. When I joined th e Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and t he hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they ju st fade away."(我即将结束五十二年的军旅生涯。
麦克阿瑟在日本投降仪式上的演说
பைடு நூலகம்
人类一开始就开始寻求和平。多少世纪以来，他们用种种方法企图设想一种国际作用来防止或解决国与国之间的争端。最初就一个个公民而言，从一开始就找到了一些切实可行的方法，但是更大范围的工具的构成从未取得成效。军事同盟、权力平衡、国际联盟都一一归于失败，留下的唯一的途径是经过战争这个熔炉。
今天我们在东京回想起92年前我国同胞海军准将培理。他的目的是通过对世界的友谊、贸易和交往揭起锁国帷幕给日本带来一个开明和进步的时代。但遗憾得很，由此而得到的关于西方科学的知识却被铸成一种对人压迫和奴役的工具了。言论自由、行动自由乃至思想自由都通过诉诸迷信和使用武力而被剥夺了。我们由于原则性的波茨坦宣言而承担了务必使日本人民从被奴役的条件下解放出来的义务。我们的目的是，军队复员以及采取其他必不可少的抵消战争潜力的步骤，尽快地去实施上述承诺。
我的殷切希望，其实也是全人类的希望，是从这尊严时刻起，由过去流血和屠杀中出现一个较好的世界，建立在信义和谅解之上的世界，奉献于人类尊严和人最珍爱的愿望——自由、容忍和正义——之实现。
要在这里提出和接受的日本帝国武装部队投降的条件条款，都载于你们面前的投降文件中。作为盟国最高统帅，我宣布按照我所代表的各国传统，开始以正义和容忍的精神执行我的责任，同时采取一切必要的处置，借以保证投降条件完全地、迅速地、忠实地得到遵守。
自从巴丹和科雷吉多尔那些严酷的日子以来，全世界生活在恐怖之中，民主政治处处居于守势，现代文明处在危险的紧急关头，我一回想到这段漫长曲折的崎岖道路，我就感谢仁慈的上帝，他给我们以铸成胜利的信仰、勇气和力量。我们体验了失败的痛苦和胜利的喜悦，并从中悟到不能走回头路。我们必须前进，在和平中维护用战争赢得的东西。
麦克阿瑟的最后一次演讲
道格拉斯· 麦克阿瑟（1880—1964）美国五星上将。
一战后任西点军校校长；二战时任太平洋美军总司令；二战后任联合国军总司令。
1962年5月麦克阿瑟应邀到西点军校接受美国军事学院给他颁发的最高荣誉奖——西尔韦纳斯· 塞耶荣誉勋章并检阅西点军校学员。
西尔维纳斯· 塞耶是西点军校的创始人，能够授予塞耶奖的人，在西点军校是寥若晨星。
82岁高龄的麦克阿瑟接到这个通知时，已经老泪纵横了。
他对自己的妻子琼说：“在美国的将军中，我获得的战功勋章是最多的，但是我最看重的是这一块。
即使是手脚并用，我也要爬到西点去领奖！”就这样，妻子陪他前往。
在西点领奖的时候，他发表了他一生中最后一次，也是最精彩的一次的演讲。
尽管此时他已82岁高龄，但整篇演讲娓娓动听，充了活力。
这种对人生的理解与热爱，不仅给人以哲理的启迪，还给人以文学美的熏陶。
确属难得的珍品。
以下是这篇演讲的精彩节选：“同学们，你们所从事的职业是武装的职业，这种职业需要必胜的意志和勇气，在战争中，没有，也不可能有任何东西可以代替胜利！你们是国家安全的守护者，是国家的卫兵，是国家在战争竞技场上的斗士！如果你们失败了，国家就会灭亡，不要让那些文人政客的政变牵扯你们的精力吧！我恳求你们，在你们的心中只应有一个目标，那就是我们西点的校训：责任、荣誉、国家！我已老朽，黄昏将至。
我的肉体行将入木，声音和容颜也将随之消失。
那些辉煌的往事，已在梦境中逝去。
这些回忆是十分美好的，是以泪水的湿润和昨日的微笑来抚慰的。
我以渴望的耳朵，聆听着微弱的起床号那迷人的旋律，以及远处传来的咚咚作响的鼓声。
在我的梦境中，我仿佛又听到战场上那隆隆的炮声，劈啪的步枪射击声，子弹从耳边飞过的呼啸声，以及战壕里战士们那忧伤的低语声……所有这一切，都曾经伴随我整个的人生，伴随我全部的事业。
但是，在我记忆的黄昏，我还是来到了西点，因为在这里，我的耳边始终回响着：责任——荣誉——国家！这些最神圣的字眼。
Duty
Duty，honor country(Excerpts)作者：道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟来源：《疯狂英语·初中版》2019年第08期1962年5月12日，道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟在西点军校授衔仪式上发表了著名的《责任、荣誉、国家》演讲。
“责任、榮誉、国家”也应是我们青少年的支撑点，我们应以国家利益为基础，保护国家和个人的荣誉，勇敢地承担责任。
其他人将纠缠于分散人们思想的国内外问题的争论，可是你们将安详、宁静地屹立在远处，作为国家的卫士，作为国际矛盾怒潮中的救生员，作为硝烟弥漫的竞技场上的格斗士。
一个半世纪以来，你们曾经防御、守卫、保护着解放与自由、权利与正义的神圣传统。
让平民百姓去辩论我们政府的功过：我们的国力是否因长期财政赤字而衰竭，联邦的家长式传统是否势力过大，权力集团是否过于骄横自大，政治是否过于腐败，犯罪是否过于猖獗，道德标准是否降得太低，捐税是否提得太高，极端分子是否过于偏激，我们个人的自由是否像应有的那样完全彻底。
这些重大的国家问题与你们的职业毫不相干，也无需使用军事手段来解决。
你们的路标——责任、荣誉、国家，比夜里的灯塔要亮十倍。
你们是联系我国防御系统全部机构的纽带。
当战争警钟敲响时，从你们的队伍中将涌现出手操国家命运的伟大军官，肩负着战时的全国命运。
这一长列穿着灰色制服的军士，从没有辜负过国人的期许。
倘若你们辜负国人的期许，立刻会有上百万身穿橄榄色、棕色、蓝色和灰色制服的灵魂，将从白色十字架下翻身起来，以雷霆般的声音齐声高喊——责任、荣誉、国家。
这并不意味着你们是战争贩子。
相反，高于众人之上的战士祈求和平，因为他忍受着战争最深刻的伤痛与疮疤。
可是，我们的耳边经常响起那位大智大慧的哲学之父柏拉图的警世之言：“只有死者见过战争的终结。
”我的生命已近黄昏，暮色已经降临。
我过去的音调与色彩已经消失，它们已经随着往事的梦境模糊地溜走了。
往日的回忆是非常美好的，是以泪水洗涤，以昨天的微笑抚慰的。
世界名校励志演讲——责任、荣誉、国家
世界名校励志演讲——责任、荣誉、国家1962年道格拉斯麦克阿瑟在西点军校的告别演说简介：道格拉斯麦克阿瑟（1880年1月26日－1964年4月5日），美国著名军事家，五星上将军衔。
第二次世界大战期间，他先后担任美国远东军司令、西南太平洋战区盟军司令等职；二战之后，他又历任驻日盟军最高司令、联合国军总司令等职。
1944－1945年，他在菲律宾战役中表现杰出，与父亲阿瑟麦克阿瑟同时获得荣誉勋章，这是美国历史上第一对同时得奖的英雄父子。
1962年5月2日，82岁高龄的麦克阿瑟回到自己曾经学习和生活中的伟大母校西点军校，接受西尔维纳斯塞耶荣誉勋章，这是西点军校的最高奖励。
在授勋仪式上，他即兴发表了他一生中最后一次感人肺腑的励志演讲《责任、荣誉、国家》：在黄昏的记忆中，我总是来到我的母校西点军校，耳边始终回响着三个口号：责任、荣誉、国家。
他的演讲鼓舞着一代又一代热血男儿发奋图强。
正文：今天清晨，当我走出旅馆的时候，守门员就问我：将军，您上去哪里？我回答说要去西点军校，他一听到西点二字，便兴奋不已地叫道：那可是个好地方，将军从前去过那里吗？没有人不会为这样的荣誉而深受感动。
长久以来，我一直从事这个职业，我是如此热爱我的祖国，我无法表达我的激动心情，能获得这样的荣誉简直是受宠若惊。
然而，这种奖赏并不仅仅意味着对个人的尊崇，而更多的是代表着一个伟大的道德准则，那就是：捍卫这块可爱土地上的文明和文化，维护古老传统中的人们行为与品质。
这个伟大的奖章，意义就在这里。
无论现在还是将来，它都是美国军人的道德标准的一种体现。
我一定要遵循这个标准，同时辅以崇高的理想，以唤起心中的自豪感，同时，我还要保持谦虚责任、荣誉、国家，这三个神圣的口号，庄严地告诫大家：你们要做的事情是什么，你们能做的事情是什么，你们将做的事情是什么。
这是你们振作的起点，当勇气即将消失的时候，由此建立起勇气；当信心即将离去的时候，由此恢复起信心；当希望即将消退的时候，由此点燃起希望。
麦克阿瑟著名演讲《责任—荣誉—国家》
责任——荣誉——国家道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟1962年5月12日于纽约州西点授衔仪式上的演讲今天早晨，我走出旅馆的时候，看门人问道：“将军，您上哪儿去？”一听说我到西点时，他说：“那是一个好地方，您从前去过吗？”这样的荣誉是没有人不深受感动的，长期以来，我从事这个职业；我又如此热爱这个民族；我无法用语言来表达我的感情。
然而，这种奖赏主要的并非着重推崇个人，而是表现一个伟大的道德情操——捍卫这块可爱的土地上的文化与古老传统的那些人的行为与品质的准则。
这就是这个大奖章的意义。
从现在以及后代看来，这是美国军人的道德标准的一种表现。
我一定要遵循这种方式，结合崇高的理想，唤起自豪感；也要保持谦虚。
责任——荣誉——国家。
这些神圣的名词尊严地指出您应该成为怎样的人，可能成为怎样的人，一定要成为怎样的人。
它们是您振奋精华的起点；当您似乎丧失勇气时由此鼓起勇气；似乎没有利用相信时重建信念；当信心快要失去的时候，由此产生希望。
遗憾得很，我既没有雄辩的辞令，诗意的想象，也没有华丽的隐喻向你们说明它们的意义。
怀疑者一定要说它们只不过是几个名词，一句口号，一个华丽的词句而已。
每一个迂腐的学究，每一个蛊惑人心的政客，每一个玩世不恭的人，每一个伪君子，每一个专肇事端的人，很遗憾，还有其他个性完全不同的人，一定企图贬低它们，甚至达到愚弄、嘲笑它们的程度。
但这些名词却能完成这些事。
它们建立您的基本特性，它们塑造您将来成为国防卫士的角色；使你软弱时能够坚强起来，畏惧时有勇气面对自己。
在真正失败时要自尊，要不屈不挠；成功时要谦和，要身体力行不崇尚空谈，要面对重压以及困难和挑战的刺激，要学会巍然屹立于风浪之中，但是，对遇难者要寄予同情；要律人也律己；心灵要纯洁的，目标要崇高的；要学会笑，不要忘记怎么哭；要长驱直入未来，可不该忽略过去；要为人持重，但不可过于严肃；要谦逊。
这样您就会记住真正伟大的纯朴，智慧的虚心，强大的温顺。
它们赋予您意志的坚韧，想象的质量，感情的活力，从生命深处所焕发精神，以勇敢的优势克服胆怯，甘于冒险胜过贪图安逸。
麦克阿瑟英语演讲稿国家的荣耀离不开每个人的责任担当
麦克阿瑟英语演讲稿国家的荣耀离不开每个人的责任担当Ladies and gentlemen,It is a great honor for me to stand here and speak on the topic of national glory and personal responsibilities. Today, I would like to share my thoughts on how individual efforts and commitments contribute to the progress and success of an entire nation.Firstly, let us consider what national glory truly means. Simply put, it is the collective achievements, strength, and pride of a country. It encompasses a broad range of factors, from economic growth, military power, cultural influence, and technological advancements, to the wellbeing and happiness of its citizens. From a historical perspective, we can see that great nations like ancient Greece, Rome, China, and many others achieved glory not only through their rulers' wise decisions and heroic deeds, but also through the hard work, creativity, and perseverance of ordinary people. It is, therefore, indisputable that a nation's glory cannot be sustained without the active and positive participation of every citizen.Now, let us turn our attention to personal responsibilities and how they intertwine with national glory. Responsibility, in its simplest form, means taking ownership of one's actions, choices, and outcomes. It is the opposite of passivity, irresponsibility, or blaming others for one's failures. When we take responsibility for our lives, we become more self-aware, accountable, and purpose-driven. We do not wait for someone else to solve our problems or create opportunities for us. Instead, we seek to improve ourselves, learn new skills, contribute to society, and respect others' rights and dignity. When we act responsibly, we also inspire and influence others to do the same, creating a virtuous cycle of positive attitudes and behaviors. In sum, personal responsibility is the foundation of personal growth, social harmony, and national prosperity.The link between personal responsibility and national glory, then, is clear. A nation's glory is built by the aggregate of responsible citizens who work hard, innovate, and serve their communities and nation. It is not achieved by a handful of leaders or elites who monopolize power, wealth, and prestige. Rather, it is sustained by a healthy and happy society where people can pursue their dreams, express their ideas, and enjoy basic rights and freedoms. Personalresponsibility, therefore, is not only a moral obligation but also a civic duty. It is one's contribution to the common good and the future of the nation.To illustrate this point, let me give some examples. In the past, countries like South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan were relatively poor and underdeveloped nations that faced many challenges such as political instability, natural disasters, and economic crises. However, through their people's collective efforts and entrepreneurship, they transformed themselves into prosperous and advanced societies that earned respect and admiration from the world. Their people took pride in their national accomplishments, but also recognized that they had a duty to preserve and enhance them for the next generations. They invested in education, innovation, and social welfare, and created a culture of excellence, discipline, and cooperation. Their success was not an accident or a gift from fate, but the result of millions of individual acts of responsibility and dedication.Similarly, we can see that, despite the challenges posed by COVID-19, many countries and communities have shown resilience, compassion, and ingenuity in combating the pandemic and minimizing its impact on people's lives. Whetherit is the medical workers who risked their lives to save others, the volunteers who donated their time and resourcesto help the needy, the scientists who developed vaccines and treatments, or the ordinary citizens who followed health guidelines and supported local businesses, they all played vital roles in protecting their country's health, economy, and social fabric. The pandemic has reminded us that national glory is not only about strength and prosperity, but also about kindness, solidarity, and resilience.In conclusion, I believe that national glory and personal responsibilities are mutually reinforcing concepts that remind us of the interdependence and dignity of human beings.A nation's glory is not a static or abstract concept, but a dynamic and evolving reality that reflects the aspirations and achievements of its people. Personal responsibility is not a burden or a constraint, but a source of empowerment, purpose, and integrity. It is my hope that we all recognize our roles and responsibilities as citizens of our respective countries, and act accordingly, with wisdom, courage, and compassion. Thank you.。
麦克阿瑟《责任,荣誉和国家》英语演讲稿
麦克阿瑟《责任,荣誉和国家》英语演讲稿Douglas MacArthur: Thayer Award Acceptance AddressGeneral Westmoreland, General Grove, distinguished guests, and gentlemen of the Corps!超过三成的Facebook用户在注册时登记过电话号码，所以对我们这个应用是很重要的。
所以在设计产品的时候就要做这种取舍.我觉得这样做好像不对，一直在想什么会更有用?要么将用户信息对所有人开放，但这却让人们觉得在这样的网络中分享自己的所感所想不太安全还是仅将更多的用户信息和状态展示给少部分与该用户有关的人。
我要做很多类似的决定，而且这些决定是要靠直觉判断的。
As I was leaving the hotel this morning, a doorman asked me, "Where are you bound for, General?" And when I replied, "West Point," he remarked, "Beautiful place. Have you ever been there before?"As a father, I believe that the death of a child in Africa is no less poignant. or tragic than the death of a child anywhere else. And that doesn't take much to make an immense difference in these children's lives.No human being could fail to be deeply moved by such a tribute as this [Thayer Award]. Coming from a profession I have served so long, and a people I have loved so well, it fills me with an emotion I cannot express. But this award is not intended primarily to honor a personality, but to symbolize a great moral code -- the code of conduct and chivalry of those who guard this beloved land of culture and ancient descent. That is the animation of this medallion. For all eyes and for all time, it is an expression of the ethics of the American soldier. That I should be integrated in this way with so noble an ideal arouses a sense of pride and yet of humility which will be with me always: Duty, Honor, Country.我长大以后，想去北京或上海，甚至去美国或英国的电影学院学习，等知识和经验都丰富了以后，拍摄一部动作电影，那是我的最爱。
麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵永不死”演讲中英文
麦克阿瑟告别演讲“老兵永不死”演讲全文总统先生，演讲者，议会杰出的成员们：我怀着深深的谦卑和无比的自豪感站在这演讲台上----谦卑是因为面对在我面前的那些伟大美国过去的建设者们；自豪是因为想到国内立法争论所设计的代表人类最纯洁的自由。
整个人类的希望、抱负、信念都集中于此。
我站在这里不为任何党派目的辩护，因为议题的根本性超出了党派所能考虑的区域。
如果能证明我们的路线稳妥且我们的前途有保障,那些问题就应被放在最高位来解决.因此，我相信，你们会公正地把我所表达的当作一个美国同胞的观点。
我演讲既不带人生暮年的怨恨也不带伤感之情，但心中只有一个目的：为我的祖国效劳。
虽然亚洲被认为是通往欧洲的大门，但说欧洲是通往亚洲的大门也没有错。
且一方的广泛影响不得不带动另一方。
一些人声称我们的力量不足以同时保护两条线路，我们不能分散精力。
我认为没有比这更能表现出失败主义的了。
如果潜在性的敌人能将他们的力量分为两条路线，那对我们来说就要对他们的力量予以反击。
共产主义者的威胁是一个全球性的问题。
他们在每个防区的成功进展直接预示着我们每隔一个防区将遭到破坏。
我们不会为让亚洲的共产主义投降而不能同时削弱我们的力量去遏止欧洲的发展而感到安慰。
说了太多的共知之理，我会简略我关于亚洲地区的讨论。
在某人能客观地对那里存在的形势作出评估之前，他必须了解一些关于亚洲的过去和他们沿着自己的路线发展至今的改革变化。
被所谓的殖民统治长期的剥削，便很难有机会建立社会的公正尺度，维护个人尊严，或者实现一个高水平的生活，就像保卫我们在菲律宾自己崇高的政府，亚洲的人民抓住了他们的时机在战争中摆脱了殖民统治的束缚并且看到了新时机的曙光，一种从未感受过的尊严和一个国家自由后的自尊感。
集合地球一半的人数，有60%的自然资源被这些人迅速地加强成为一种新的力量，精神上的和物质上的都被用来提升生活水平也是为适应对自己的不同文化环境的最新进展的谋划。
不管谁是否拘泥于殖民的概念，这是亚洲发展进步的方向且不会被终止。
长津湖麦克阿瑟英文演讲稿
长津湖麦克阿瑟英文演讲稿On April 19th, 1951, General Douglas MacArthur delivered a historic speech at the West Point Military Academy. In this speech, he reflected on the battle of Chosin Reservoir, also known as the Battle of Changjin Lake, during the Korean War. His words not only honored the bravery and sacrifice of the soldiers who fought in this brutal conflict, but also served as a powerful reminder of the enduring spirit of the American military.MacArthur began his speech by acknowledging the significance of the battle of Chosin Reservoir. He described the harsh conditions faced by the soldiers, including the bitter cold, rugged terrain, and relentless enemy attacks. Despite these challenges, MacArthur emphasized the indomitable courage and determination displayed by the troops. He praised their unwavering commitment to their mission and their unyielding resolve in the face of adversity.As MacArthur continued his address, he highlighted the strategic importance of the battle of Chosin Reservoir in the broader context of the Korean War. He emphasized the pivotal role that the outcome of this engagement played in shaping the course of the conflict. MacArthur underscored the significance of the soldiers' heroic efforts in securing a strategic victory and turning the tide of the war in favor of the United Nations forces.Furthermore, MacArthur paid tribute to the extraordinary leadership and valor demonstrated by the officers and enlisted personnel during the battle. He recounted numerous acts of selfless heroism and sacrifice, citing specific examples of individual bravery and camaraderie that exemplified the highest traditions of the military service. MacArthur's vivid descriptions painted a vivid picture of the unparalleled courage and sacrifice displayed by the soldiers in the face of overwhelming odds.In his concluding remarks, MacArthur emphasized the enduring legacy of the battle of Chosin Reservoir. He spoke of the profound impact that this historic event had on the American military ethos and the collective memory of the nation. MacArthur's wordsserved as a poignant reminder of the sacrifices made by the soldiers who fought in this pivotal engagement, and their enduring legacy as exemplars of courage and valor.In conclusion, General Douglas MacArthur's speech at the West Point Military Academy stands as a timeless tribute to the valor and sacrifice of the soldiers who fought in the battle of Chosin Reservoir. His words serve as a testament to the enduring spirit of the American military and the indomitable courage displayed by the troops in the face of adversity. MacArthur's speech continues to resonate as a powerful reminder of the sacrifices made by the brave men and women who have served in defense of freedom and democracy.。
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Address before Congress(Douglas Macarthur)Apr.19,1951.Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and distinguished members of the Congress:I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride. Humility in the wake of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; Pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate of any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest, if our cause is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American. I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness, in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country.The issues are global, and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another is but to cause disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it’s for us to counter his efforts.Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia’s past, and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity or higher standard of life, such as guided our own noble administration of the Philippines. The peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just passed to throw off the shackles of colonialism, and now see the dawn of new opportunity: a heretofore unfelt dignity and the self-respect of political freedom. Mustering half of the earth's population and sixty percent of its natural resources, these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise their living standard and the adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adhere to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started. In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in constancy with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding and support, not imperialist directions.It was my constant effort to preserve them, and end the savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and in minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety. Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and my prayers, always.I am closing my fifty-two years of military service. When I joined the army even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all my boyish hopes and dreams. The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at WestPoint, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanish ed. But I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that old soldiers never die, they just fade away. And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career, and just fade away. An old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty. Good-bye.在国会的演讲1951.4.19（道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟）总统先生、议长先生和尊敬的国会议员们：我怀着十分谦卑而又骄傲的心情站在这演讲台上。
我谦卑，是因为在我之前，许多美国历史上伟大的建设者们都曾经在这里发过言；我骄傲，是因为今天我们的立法辩论代表了经深思的人类解放最纯粹形式。