里根总统最后一次演讲(无与伦比精彩)
里根1964年著名的讲演《抉择的时刻》
里根 1964 年有名的演讲《决断的时辰》里根 1964 年有名的演讲《决断的时辰》作者：吴军博士05.08 13:56 阅读 15505 我们一定保卫自由，不然自由将离我们而去说到守旧主义，先要谈谈里根，他也许是二战后美国独一一位能称得上是政治家（ Statesman）的总统。
所谓二流影星的说法是左翼媒体嘲讽里根的说法，反而裸露出他们的浅陋。
里根从 1941 年入选好莱坞演职工会主席后，向来从政。
他最先是民主党人，但是到了 50 年月，他的思想开始向右转，主假如由于他当时在全国巡回演讲，坐火车时间好多，有大批的时间阅读和思虑，形成了自己对美国政治和国际关系的理论。
其核心是对个人自由和民主政体的崇尚。
1960年后，他转让共和党。
1964 年他在共和党大会上作了题为《决断的时辰》，铿锵有力，掷地有声，此后一举成名。
今日听起来，依旧能够感觉到一个守旧主义者的卓实远见。
全文以下：A time for choosing 《决断的时辰》1964 年 10 月 27 日罗纳德?里根感谢，特别感谢。
感谢你们，夜晚好。
资助商已经有了，但是跟大多数电视节目不同样的是，演员还没有台词。
实质上，我被同意自己编写台词，来表达我自己关于我们在将来几个礼拜见面对的选择的看法。
我的职业生涯中大多数时间都是一个民主党人，而近来我为自己选择了另一条道路。
我相信这个问题向来在困扰着两个党派。
此刻，竞选阵营中的一方告诉我们，此次竞选中的问题是保持和平易繁华，并且使用了这句话“我们从未这样的和平易繁华” 。
但是我有一种不祥之感，我们其实不可以把对将来的希望寄望在当前这样的繁华之上。
历史上没有任何一个国家能够在税赋达到全国收入三分之一的状况下生计。
今日，这个国家的每一美元收入中，有 37 美分落入税务局的腰包，而我们的政府每日的支出要比收入多1700 万美元。
过去 34 年里， 28 年的估算未能持平。
我们在过去一年中三次提升债务上限，现在我们国家的债务是世界上全部其余国家债务总和的 1.5 倍。
里根1964年著名的讲演《抉择的时刻》
里根1964年著名的讲演《抉择的时刻》里根1964年著名的讲演《抉择的时刻》里根1964年著名的讲演《抉择的时刻》作者：吴军博士05.08 13:56阅读15505我们必须捍卫自由，否则自由将离我们而去说到保守主义，先要说说里根，他或许是二战后美国唯一一位能称得上是政治家（Statesman）的总统。
所谓二流影星的说法是左翼媒体嘲笑里根的说法，反而暴露出他们的肤浅。
里根从1941年当选好莱坞演员工会主席后，一直从政。
他最初是民主党人，但是到了50年代，他的思想开始向右转，主要是因为他当时在全国巡回讲演，坐火车时间很多，有大量的时间阅读和思考，形成了自己对美国政治和国际关系的理论。
其核心是对个人自由和民主政体的崇尚。
1960年后，他转让共和党。
1964年他在共和党大会上作了题为《抉择的时刻》，铿锵有力，掷地有声，从此一举成名。
今天听起来，依然能够感受到一个保守主义者的卓实远见。
全文如下：A time for choosing《抉择的时刻》1964年10月27日罗纳德?里根谢谢，非常感谢。
谢谢你们，晚上好。
赞助商已经有了，但是跟大部分电视节目不一样的是，演员还没有台词。
实际上，我被允许自己编写台词，来表达我自己对于我们在未来几个星期会面临的选择的观点。
我的职业生涯中大部分时间都是一个民主党人，而最近我为自己选择了另一条道路。
我相信这个问题一直在困扰着两个党派。
现在，竞选阵营中的一方告诉我们，这次竞选中的问题是保持和平和繁荣，并且使用了这句话“我们从未如此的和平和繁荣”。
但是我有一种不祥之感，我们并不能把对未来的期望寄托在目前这样的繁荣之上。
历史上没有任何一个国家可以在税赋达到全国收入三分之一的情况下生存。
今天，这个国家的每一美元收入中，有37美分落入税务局的腰包，而我们的政府每天的支出要比收入多1700万美元。
过去34年里，28年的预算未能持平。
我们在过去一年中三次提高债务上限，现在我们国家的债务是世界上所有其它国家债务总和的1.5倍。
经典演讲-美国历任总统演讲系列(里根)
From time to time, we have been tempted to believe that society has become too complex to be managed by self-rule, that government by an elite group is superior to government for, by, and of the people. But if no one among us is capable of governing himself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else? All of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden. The solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.
The business of our nation goes forward. These United States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions. We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history. It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed- income elderly alike. It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people.
里根就职演说稿范文
里根就职演说稿范文名人的演讲总是有震撼心灵的能力。
下面就是为您收集的里根就职演说稿的相关文章，希望可以帮到您，如果你觉得不错的话可以分享给更多小伙伴哦！TUESDAY, JANUARY 20, 1981Senator Hatfield, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. President, Vice President Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens: To a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous oasion; and yet, in the history of our Nation, it is a monplace ourrence. The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are. In the eyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we aept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.Mr. President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition. By your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and I thank you and your people for all your helpin maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our Republic.The business of our nation goes forward. These United States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions. We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history. It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed- ine elderly alike. It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people.Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, causing human misery and personal indignity. Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes suessful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending. For decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our children's future for the temporary convenience of the present. To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time. Why, then,should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation?We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow. And let there be no misunderstanding--we are going to begin to act, beginning today.The economic ills we suffer have e upon us over several decades. They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away. They will go away because we, as Americans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem.From time to time, we have been tempted to believe that society has bee too plex to be managed by self-rule, that government by an elite group is superior to government for, by, and of the people. But if no one among us is capable of governing himself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else? All of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden. The solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.We hear much of special interest groups. Our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected. It knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines. It is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick--professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers. They are, in short, "We the people," this breed called Americans.Well, this administration's objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all Americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination. Putting America back to work means putting all Americans back to work. Ending inflation means freeing all Americans from the terror of runaway living costs. All must share in the productive work of this "new beginning" and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy. With the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous America at peace with itself and the world.So, as we begin, let us take inventory. We are a nation that has a government--not the other way around. And this makesus special among the nations of the Earth. Our __ has no power except that granted it by the people. It is time to check and reverse the growth of government which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.It is my intention to curb the size and influence of the Federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the Federal __ and those reserved to the States or to the people. All of us need to be reminded that the Federal __ did not create the States; the States created the Federal __.Now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to do away with government. It is, rather, to make it work-work with us, not over us; to stand by our side, not ride on our back. __ can and must provide opportunity, not smother it; foster productivity, not stifle it.If we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on Earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before. Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on Earth.The price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.It is no coincidence that our present troubles parallel and are proportionate to the intervention and intrusion in our lives that result from unnecessary and excessive growth of government. It is time for us to realize that we are too great a nation to limit ourselves to small dreams. We are not, as some would have us believe, loomed to an inevitable decline. I do not believe in a fate that will all on us no matter what we do.I do believe in a fate that will fall on us if we do nothing. So, with all the creative energy at our mand, let us begin an era of national renewal. Let us renew our determination, our courage, and our strength. And let us renew; our faith and our hope.We have every right to dream heroic dreams. Those who say that we are in a time when there are no heroes just don't know where to look. You can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates. Others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond. You meet heroes across a counter--and they are on both sides of that counter. There are entrepreneurs with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity. Theyare individuals and families whose taxes support the __ and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education. Their patriotism is quiet but deep. Their values sustain our national life.I have used the words "they" and "their" in speaking of these heroes. I could say "you" and "your" because I am addressing the heroes of whom I speak--you, the citizens of this blessed land. Your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this administration, so help me God.We shall reflect the passion that is so much a part of your makeup. How can we love our country and not love our countrymen, and loving them, reach out a hand when they fall, heal them when they are sick, and provide opportunities to make them self- sufficient so they will be equal in fact and not just in theory? Can we solve the problems confronting us? Well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic "yes." To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I did not take the oath I have just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the world's strongest economy.In the days ahead I will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity. Stepswill be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government. Progress may be slow--measured in inches and feet, not miles--but we will progress. Is it time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means, and to lighten our punitive tax burden. And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles, there will be no promise.On the eve of our struggle for independence a man who might have been one of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr. Joseph Warren, President of the Massachusetts Congress, said to his fellow Americans, "Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of.... On you depend the fortunes of America. You are to decide the important questions upon which rests the happiness and the liberty of millions yet unborn. Act worthy of yourselves."Well, I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to ensure happiness and liberty for ourselves, our children and our children's children.And as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we will be seen as having greater strength throughout the world. We willagain be the exemplar of freedom and a beacon of hope for those who do not now have freedom.To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties and assure them of our support and firm mitment. We will match loyalty with loyalty. We will strive for mutually beneficial relations. We will not use our friendship to impose on their sovereignty, for or own sovereignty is not for sale.As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of the American people. We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it; we will not surrender for it--now or ever. Our forbearance should never be misunderstood. Our reluctance for conflict should not be misjudged as a failure of will. When action is required to preserve our national security, we will act. We will maintain sufficient strength to prevail if need be, knowing that if we do so we have the best chance of never having to use that strength.Above all, we must realize that no arsenal, or no weapon in the arsenals of the world, is so formidable as the will and moral courage of free men and women. It is a weapon our adversaries in today's world do not have. It is a weapon thatwe as Americans do have. Let that be understood by those who practice terrorism and prey upon their neighbors.I am told that tens of thousands of prayer meetings are being held on this day, and for that I am deeply grateful. We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free. It would be fitting and good, I think, if on each Inauguration Day in future years it should be declared a day of prayer.This is the first time in history that this ceremony has been held, as you have been told, on this West Front of the Capitol. Standing here, one faces a magnificent vista, opening up on this city's special beauty and history. At the end of this open mall are those shrines to the giants on whose shoulders we stand.Directly in front of me, the monument to a monumental man: George Washington, Father of our country. A man of humility who came to greatness reluctantly. He led America out of revolutionary victory into infant nationhood. Off to one side, the stately memorial to Thomas Jefferson. The Declaration of Independence flames with his eloquence.And then beyond the Reflecting Pool the dignified columns of the Lincoln Memorial. Whoever would understand in his heartthe meaning of America will find it in the life of Abraham Lincoln.Beyond those monuments to heroism is the Potomac River, and on the far shore the sloping hills of Arlington National Cemetery with its row on row of simple white markers bearing crosses or Stars of David. They add up to only a tiny fraction of the price that has been paid for our freedom.Each one of those markers is a monument to the kinds of hero I spoke of earlier. Their lives ended in places called Belleau Wood, The Argonne, Omaha Beach, Salerno and halfway around the world on Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Pork Chop Hill, the Chosin Reservoir, and in a hundred rice paddies and jungles of a place called Vietnam.Under one such marker lies a young man--MartinTreptow--who left his job in a small town barber shop in 1917 to go to France with the famed Rainbow Division. There, on the western front, he was killed trying to carry a message between battalions under heavy artillery fire.We are told that on his body was found a diary. On the flyleaf under the heading, "My Pledge," he had written these words: "America must win this war. Therefore, I will work, I will save, I will sacrifice, I will endure, I will fightcheerfully and do my utmost, as if the issue of the whole struggle depended on me alone."The crisis we are facing today does not require of us the kind of sacrifice that Martin Treptow and so many thousands of others were called upon to make. It does require, however, our best effort, and our willingness to believe in ourselves and to believe in our capacity to perform great deeds; to believe that together, with God's help, we can and will resolve the problems which now confront us.And, after all, why shouldn't we believe that? We are Americans. God bless you, and thank you.内容仅供参考。
里根 著名演讲稿
里根著名演讲稿在美国历史上，里根被誉为最杰出的演说家之一。
他的演讲以其深刻的内涵和富有感染力的语言而著称。
以下是里根的一段著名演讲稿，让我们一起来品味一下这段经典之作。
"先生们，我们的国家正面临着严峻的挑战，我们必须团结一心，共克时艰。
我们不能再让分裂和争斗继续下去。
我们需要团结在一起，共同面对未来的挑战。
我们必须坚定不移地捍卫我们的自由和民主，让我们的国家更加强大和繁荣。
我们不能让恐惧和怀疑主宰我们的未来，我们必须相信自己的力量和智慧，勇敢地迎接挑战。
让我们携手并肩，共同创造一个更加美好的明天。
”。
这段演讲充分展现了里根作为一位杰出演说家的风采。
他的语言简洁明了，富有感染力，让人在听完他的演讲后充满信心和希望。
里根的演讲不仅在当时引起了轰动，而且至今仍然被人们传颂。
通过这段演讲，我们可以感受到里根对国家命运的关切和对人民福祉的关爱。
他的言辞中充满了对自由、民主和团结的呼吁，让人们意识到团结一心、共同努力是克服困难、实现梦想的关键。
正是因为有了这样一位杰出的领袖和演说家，美国才能在风雨飘摇中走过艰难的历程，迎来了今天的繁荣和稳定。
里根的演讲不仅仅是一段文字，更是一种精神的传承。
他所倡导的价值观念和信念，已经深深地影响了世界各地的人们。
在今天，我们仍然可以从里根的演讲中汲取力量和启示，让我们更加坚定地走向未来，创造更加美好的生活。
总之，里根的著名演讲稿无疑是一段经典之作，它不仅展现了里根作为一位杰出演说家的风采，更是一种对自由、民主和团结的呼吁，是一种对人类精神的传承和弘扬。
让我们铭记里根的演讲，让它成为我们前行的动力和信念，让我们共同努力，创造一个更加美好的未来。
里根演讲稿励志
大家好！今天，我站在这里，有幸与大家共同见证这个庄严而神圣的时刻。
我感到无比激动和自豪，因为我有幸成为这个伟大国家的总统，有机会为我们的国家和人民贡献自己的力量。
首先，我要向那些为我国繁荣富强付出辛勤努力的广大劳动者表示崇高的敬意！正是因为你们的努力，我们的国家才能在世界舞台上崭露头角，赢得尊重。
同时，我也要向那些为我国科技、教育、文化等领域做出卓越贡献的专家学者们表示衷心的感谢！在这个充满挑战和机遇的时代，我们面临着诸多困难和问题。
然而，我相信，只要我们紧密团结在党的周围，坚定信念，奋发向前，就一定能够战胜一切困难，实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦。
今天，我想与大家分享一些我个人的经历和感悟，希望能够给大家带来一些启示和力量。
一、坚定信念，勇往直前我出生在一个普通的家庭，从小生活在农村。
那时候，我国正处在改革开放初期，人民生活水平普遍较低。
然而，我从小就怀揣着对美好生活的向往，立志要为国家和人民作出贡献。
在成长的过程中，我遇到了很多困难和挫折。
但是，每当我遇到困难时，我都会告诉自己：“只要心中有信念，勇往直前，就一定能够战胜一切！”正是这种信念，让我在逆境中不断成长，最终走上了政治舞台。
二、勤奋学习，充实自己在我的职业生涯中，我深知知识的重要性。
因此，我始终坚持勤奋学习，充实自己。
我相信，只有不断学习，才能跟上时代的步伐，才能更好地为国家和人民服务。
在我国改革开放的过程中，我亲眼见证了科技、教育、文化等领域的飞速发展。
这些成就的取得，离不开广大人民群众的辛勤付出，更离不开我国坚持科教兴国战略的坚定决心。
三、团结协作，共创辉煌一个国家的繁荣昌盛，离不开全体人民的共同努力。
在过去的几十年里，我国人民团结一心，克服了一个又一个困难，取得了举世瞩目的成就。
团结协作，是中华民族的传统美德。
在新的历史时期，我们要继续发扬这种精神，携手共进，共创辉煌。
我相信，只要我们心往一处想，劲往一处使，就一定能够实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦。
【最新推荐】里根在诺曼底登陆40周年集会上英语演讲稿-范文模板 (5页)
本文部分内容来自网络整理，本司不为其真实性负责，如有异议或侵权请及时联系，本司将立即删除！== 本文为word格式，下载后可方便编辑和修改！ == 里根在诺曼底登陆40周年集会上英语演讲稿Ronald Reagan: Remarks at the U.S. Ranger Monument on the 40th Anniversary of D-DayTheir mission was one of the most difficult and daring of the invasion: to climb these sheer and desolate cliffs and take out the enemy guns. The Allies had been told that some of the mightiest of these guns were here, and they would be trained on the beaches tostop the Allied advance.The Rangers looked up and saw the enemy soldiers at the edge of the cliffs, shooting down at them with machine guns and throwing grenades. And the American Rangers began to climb. They shot rope ladders over the face of these cliffs and began to pull themselves up. When one Ranger fell, another would take his place. When one rope was cut, a Ranger would grab another and begin his climb again. They climbed, shot back, and held their footing. Soon, one by one, the Rangers pulled themselves over the top, and in seizing the firm landat the top of these cliffs, they began to seize back the continent of Europe. Two hundred and twenty-five came here. After two days of fighting, only ninety could still bear arms.Behind me is a memorial that symbolizes the Ranger daggers that were thrust into the top of these cliffs. And before me are the men who put them here. These are the boys of Pointe du Hoc. These are the men who took the cliffs. These are the champions who helped free a continent. These are the heroes who helped end a war. Gentlemen, I look at you and I think of the words of Stephen Spender's poem. You are men who in your "lives fought for life and left the vivid air signed with your honor."I think I know what you may be thinking right now -- thinking "we were just part of a bigger effort; everyone was brave that day." Well, everyone was. You remember the story of Bill Millin of the 51st Highlanders? Forty years ago today, British troops were pinned down near a bridge, waiting desperately for help. Suddenly, they heard thesound of bagpipes, and some thought they were dreaming. Well, they weren't. They looked up and saw Bill Millin with his bagpipes,leading the reinforcements and ignoring the smack of the bullets into the ground around him.Lord Lovat was with him -- Lord Lovat of Scotland, who calmly announced when he got to the bridge, "Sorry, I'm a few minutes late," as if he'd been delayed by a traffic jam, when in truth he'd just come from the bloody fighting on Sword Beach, which he and his menhad just taken.There was the impossible valor of the Poles, who threw themselves between the enemy and the rest of Europe as the invasion took hold; and the unsurpassed courage of the Canadians who had already seen the horrors of war on this coast. They knew what awaited them there, but they would not be deterred. And once they hit Juno Beach, they never looked back.All of these men were part of a roll call of honor with namesthat spoke of a pride as bright as the colors they bore; The Royal Winnipeg Rifles, Poland's 24th Lancers, the Royal Scots Fusiliers,the Screaming Eagles, the Yeomen of England's armored divisions, the forces of Free France, the Coast Guard's "Matchbox Fleet," and you, the American Rangers.Forty summers have passed since the battle that you fought here. You were young the day you took these cliffs; some of you were hardly more than boys, with the deepest joys of life before you. Yet, you risked everything here. Why? Why did you do it? What impelled you to put aside the instinct for self-preservation and risk your lives to take these cliffs? What inspired all the men of the armies that met here? We look at you, and somehow we know the answer. It was faithand belief. It was loyalty and love.The men of Normandy had faith that what they were doing was right, faith that they fought for all humanity, faith that a just God would grant them mercy on this beachhead, or on the next. It was the deep knowledge -- and pray God we have not lost it -- that there is a profound moral difference between the use of force for liberation and the use of force for conquest. You were here to liberate, not to conquer, and so you and those others did not doubt your cause. Andyou were right not to doubt.You all knew that some things are worth dying for. One's countryis worth dying for, and democracy is worth dying for, because it's。
美国总统里根 关于“挑战者”号航天飞机悲剧的演讲
关于“挑战者”号航天飞机悲剧的演讲罗纳尔多·里根女士们，先生们：我原来打算今晚发表演讲，向你们汇报政府的工作。
但今天早些时候发生的事件使我改变了那些计划。
今天是一个悲痛和哀悼的日子。
南希和我因挑战者号航天飞船的悲剧而痛彻心肺。
我们知道我的国家和人民正和我们一起经历这一痛苦——这是国家的重大损失。
十九年前，几乎就在同一天，我们在一次可怕的地面事故中行动失去了三名宇航员；但是我们从未在飞行中失去一名宇航员，我们从未发生过这样的悲剧。
也许我们都忘记了飞船全体成员所抱持的勇敢精神。
但是他们——挑战者号上的七人，清醒地认识到所面临的危险并超越了它们，完成了杰出的工作。
我们哀悼我们的七位英雄：迈克尔·史密斯、迪克·史柯比、朱迪·罗丝尼克、罗纳尔多·麦克奈尔、埃里森·奥尼祖卡、格雷戈里·贾维斯、克里斯特·迈克奥利弗。
我们举国一致为他们的逝世而悲哀。
对七位英雄的亲人，我要说，虽然我们不能感受这一悲剧的全部冲击，但我们意识到这损失的巨大。
我们深深地惦念着你们。
你们深爱着的人英勇无畏，他们显示出优雅的气质和特别的精神，他们仿佛在说：“给我挑战，我将笑着迎接它！”他们渴望探索宇宙发现它的奥秘。
他们热望服役，而且他们做到了——他们为我们所有的人服役。
我们成长在一个对奇迹习以为常的时代里，很难有什么事物让我们感到惊讶。
然而二十五年来，美国航天计划从事的正是这奇迹般的事业。
我们已经变得如此熟悉太空的话题，变得似乎忘了我们才刚刚开始。
我们一直是这一领域的开拓者——他们，“挑战者”号的宇航员们是勇敢的开拓者。
有些话，我要对那些收看了飞船升空实况转播的美国中小学学生们说。
我知道这的确让人难以接受，但类似今天那样令人悲惨伤的事故的确时时发生——这是探索发现的过程中全部事实的一部分，这是抓住机会扩大人类视野时所发生的事实的一部分。
未来不属于怯懦者，她属于勇敢者。
美国总统经典演讲稿_演讲稿范文_
美国总统经典演讲稿分享一些美国总统们的经典演讲，每一个都是那么的精彩。
以下就是小编给大家分享的美国总统经典，希望对大家有帮助。
美国总统经典演讲稿篇一里根演讲稿《真正的英雄》女士们，先生们：今晚，我原计划就联邦政府的状况向大家做报告，但今天早些时候发生的事件已经改变了我的计划。
今天是一个举国哀悼和缅怀追忆的日子。
南茜和我对“挑战者“号航天飞机坠毁的悲剧感到彻骨的心痛。
我们知道，我们与全国人民共同承受着悲痛，这真的是一个民族的损失。
20xx年前，几乎是与今天相同的一天，我们在一次恐怖的地面事故中失去了三个宇航员。
但是，我们从未在飞行过程中失去任何一个太空人。
我们从未遭遇过今天这样的悲剧，或许，我们已经忘却了“挑战者“号航天飞机全体宇航员身上的巨大勇气。
但是他们，“挑战者号“上的七人，清楚意识到潜在的危险，却克服了恐惧并出色地工作。
我们哀悼以下七位英雄：迈克尔·史密斯，迪克·斯科比，朱迪斯·雷斯尼克，雷诺德·麦克奈尔，埃利森·鬼冢，格雷戈里·贾唯斯和克莱斯特·麦考利夫。
我们举国上下一致哀悼他们的远去。
对这七位英雄的家人，我要说的是，我们像你们一样，也不能承受这次悲剧带来的沉重打击。
但是我们深切体会到这一巨大损失，并且我们也对你们的悲痛感同身受。
你们深爱的家人是如此勇敢无畏，他们具有“给我一个挑战，我会欣然迎接“的从容及献身精神。
他们如此渴望探索太空，发现宇宙的奥秘。
他们期望为国服务并且真正做到了这一点，为大众服务。
在这个世纪里，我们对奇迹已习以为常，要让我们再感到惊奇不是那么容易的一件事情。
但在过去的20xx年里，美国航天计划一直令我们叹为观止，对太空一词我们已经耳熟能详，或许我们已经忘记我们仅是刚刚起步，我们仍是先锋者，“挑战者“号的全体成员都是先锋者。
我还想对观看了“挑战者“号起飞现场报导的美国中小学生们说几句。
我知道，你们对这次事件难以理解。
里根总统卸任演说
Farewell Address to the Nation Oval Office January 11, 1989 This was President Reagan's formal goodbye to the nation after the completion of two terms in office. 3,302 words This is the 34th time I'll speak to you from the Oval Office and the last. We've been together eight years now, and soonit'll be time for me to go. But before I do, I wanted to share some thoughts, some of which I've been saving for a long time. It's been the honor of my life to be your president. So many of you have written the past few weeks to say thanks, but I could say as much to you. Nancy and I are grateful for the opportunity you gave us to serve. One of the things about the presidency is that you're always somewhat apart. You spend a lot of time going by too fast in a car someone else is driving, and seeing the people through tinted glass——the parents holding up a child, and the wave you saw too late and couldn't return. And so many times I wanted to stop and reach out from behind the glass, and connect. Well, maybe I can do a little of that tonight. People ask how I feel about leaving. And the fact is, "parting is such sweet sorrow." The sweet part is California, and the ranch and freedom. The sorrow——the goodbyes, of course, and leaving this beautiful place. You know, down the hall and up the stairs from this office is the part of the White House where the president and his family live. There are a few favorite windows I have up there that I like to stand and look out of early in the morning. The view is over the grounds here to the Washington Monument, and then the Mall and the Jefferson Memorial. But on mornings when the humidity is low, you can see past the Jefferson to the river, the Potomac, and the Virginia shore. Someone said that's the view Lincoln had when he saw the smoke rising from the Battle of Bull Run. I see more prosaic things： the grass on the banks, the morning traffic as people make their way to work, now and then a sailboat on the river. I've been thinking a bit at that window. I've been reflecting on what the past eight years have meant and mean. And the image that comes to mind like a refrain is a nautical one——a small story about a big ship, and a refugee and a sailor. It was back in the early '80s, at the height of the boat people. And the sailor was hard at work on the carrier Midway, which was patrolling the South China Sea. The sailor, like most American servicemen, was young, smart, and fiercely observant. The crew spied on the horizon a leaky little boat. And crammed inside were refugees from Indochina hoping to get to America. The Midway sent a small launch to bring them to the ship and safety. As the refugees made their way through the choppy seas, one spied the sailor on deck and stood up and called out to him. He yelled, "Hello, American sailor. Hello, freedom man." A small moment with a big meaning, a moment the sailor, who wrote it in a letter, couldn't get out of his mind. And when I saw it, neither could I. Because that's what it was to be an American in the 1980s. We stood, again, for freedom. I know we always have, but in the past few years the world again, and in a way, we ourselves rediscovered it. It's been quite a journey this decade, and we held together through some stormy seas. And at the end, together, we are reaching our destination. The fact is, from Grenada to the Washington and Moscow summits, from the recession of '81 to '82, to the expansion that began in late '82 and continues to this day, we've made a difference. The way I see it, there were two great triumphs, two things that I'm proudest of. One is the economic recovery, in which the people of America created——and filled——19 million new jobs. The other is the recovery of our morale. America is respected again in the world and looked to for leadership. Something that happened to me a few years ago reflects some of this. It was back in 1981, and I was attending my first big economic summit, which was held that year in Canada. The meeting place rotates among the member countries. The opening meeting was a formal dinner for the heads of government of the seven industrialized nations. Now, I sat there like the new kid in school and listened, and it was all Francois this and Helmut that. They dropped titles and spoke to one another on a first-name basis. Well, at one point I sort of leaned in and said, "My name's Ron." Well, in that same year, we began the actions we felt would ignite an economic comeback——cut taxes and regulation, started to cut spending. And soon the recovery began. Two years later another economic summit, with pretty much the same cast. At the big opening meeting we all got together, and all of a sudden, just for a moment, I saw that everyone was just sitting there looking at me. And one of them broke the silence. "Tell us about the American miracle," he said. Well, back in 1980, when I was running for president, it was all so different. Some pundits said our programs would result in catastrophe. Our views on foreign affairs would cause war. Our plans for the economy would cause inflation to soarand bring about economic collapse. I even remember one highly respected economist saying, back in 1982, that "the engines of economic growth have shut down here, and they're likely to stay that way for years to come." Well, he and the other opinion leaders were wrong. The fact is, what they called "radical" was really "right." What they called "dangerous" was just "desperately needed." And in all of that time I won a nickname, "The Great Communicator." But I never thought it was my style or the words I used that made a difference： It was the content. I wasn't a great communicator, but I communicated great things, and they didn't spring full bloom from my brow, they came from the heart of a great nation——from our experience, our wisdom, and our belief in principles that have guided us for two centuries. They called it the Reagan revolution. Well, I'll accept that, but for me it always seemed more like the great rediscovery, a rediscovery of our values and our common sense. Common sense told us that when you put a big tax on something, the people will produce less of it. So, we cut the people's tax rates, and the people produced more than ever before. The economy bloomed like a plant that had been cut back and could now grow quicker and stronger. Our economic program brought about the longest peacetime expansion in our history： real family income up, the poverty rate down, entrepreneurship booming, and an explosion in research and new technology. We're exporting more than ever because American industry became more competitive and at the same time, we summoned the national will to knock down protectionist walls abroad instead of erecting them at home. Common sense also told us that to preserve the peace, we'd have to become strong again after years of weakness and confusion. So, we rebuilt our defenses, and this New Year we toasted the new peacefulness around the globe. Not only have the superpowers actually begun to reduce their stockpiles of nuclear weapons——and hope for even more progress is bright——but the regional conflicts that rack the globe are also beginning to cease. The Persian Gulf is no longer a war zone. The Soviets are leaving Afghanistan. The Vietnamese are preparing to pull out of Cambodia, and an American-mediated accord will soon send 50,000 Cuban troops home from Angola. The lesson of all this was, of course, that because we're a great nation, our challenges seem complex. It will always be this way. But as long as we remember our first principles and believe in ourselves, the future will always be ours. And something else we learned： Once you begin a great movement, there's no telling where it will end. We meant to change a nation, and instead, we changed a world. Countries across the globe are turning to free markets and free speech and turning away from ideologies of the past. For them, the great rediscovery of the 1980s has been that, lo and behold, the moral way of government is the practical way of government： Democracy, the profoundly good, is also the profoundly productive. When you've got to the point when you can celebrate the anniversaries of your 39th birthday, you can sit back sometimes, review your life, and see it flowing before you. For me there was a fork in the river, and it was right in the middle of my life. I never meant to go into politics. It wasn't my intention when I was young. But I was raised to believe you had to pay your way for the blessings bestowed on you. I was happy with my career in the entertainment world, but I ultimately went into politics because I wanted to protect something precious. Ours was the first revolution in the history of mankind that truly reversed the course of government, and with three little words： "We the people." "We the people" tell the government what to do, it doesn't tell us. "We the people" are the driver, the government is the car. And we decide where it should go, and by what route, and how fast. Almost all the world's constitutions are documents in which governments tell the people what their privileges are. Our Constitution is a document in which "We the people" tell the government what it is allowed to do. "We the people" are free. This belief has been the underlying basis for everything I've tried to do these past eight years. But back in the 1960s, when I began, it seemed to me that we'd begun reversing the order of things——that through more and more rules and regulations and confiscatory taxes, the government was taking more of our money, more of our options, and more of our freedom. I went into politics in part to put up my hand and say, "Stop." I was a citizen politician, and it seemed the right thing for a citizen to do. I think we have stopped a lot of what needed stopping. And I hope we have once again reminded people that man is not free unless government is limited. There's a clear cause and effect here that is as neat and predictable as a law of physics：As government expands, liberty contracts. Nothing is less free than pure communism, and yet we have, the past few years, forged a satisfying new closeness with the Soviet Union. I've been asked if this isn't a gamble, and my answer is no because we're basing our actions not on words but deeds. The detente of the 1970s was based not on actions but promises. They'd promise to treat their own people and the people of the world better. But the gulag was still the gulag, and the state was still expansionist, and they still waged proxy wars in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. Well, this time, so far, it's different. President Gorbachev has brought about some internal democratic reforms and begun the withdrawal from Afghanistan. He has also freed prisoners whose names I've given him every time we've met. But life has a way of reminding you of big things through small incidents. Once, during the heady days of the Moscow summit, Nancy and I decided to break off from the entourage one afternoon to visit the shops on Arbat Street——that's a little street just off Moscow's main shopping area. Even though our visit was a surprise, every Russian there immediately recognized us and called out our names and reached for our hands. We were just about swept away by the warmth. You could almost feel the possibilities in all that joy. But within seconds, a KGB detail pushed their way toward us and began pushing and shoving the people in the crowd. It was an interesting moment. It reminded me that while the man on the street in the Soviet Union yearns for peace, the government is Communist. And those who run it are Communists, and that means we and they view such issues as freedom and h u m a n r i g h t s v e r y d i f f e r e n t l y . / p > p b d s f i d = " 7 2 " > 0 0 W e m u s t k e e p u p o u r g u a r d , b u t w e m u s t a l s o c o n t i n u e t o w o r k t o g e t h e r t o l e s s e n a n d e l i m i n a t e t e n s i o n a n d m i s t r u s t . M y v i e w i s t h a t P r e s i d e n t G o r b a c h e v i s d i f f e r e n t f r o m p r e v i o u s S o v i e t l e a d e r s . I t h i n k h e k n o w s s o m e o f t h e t h i n g s w r o n g w i t h h i s s o c i e t y a n d i s t r y i n g t o f i x t h e m . W e w i s h h i m w e l l . A n d w e ' l l c o n t i n u e t o w o r k t o m a k e s u r e t h a t t h e S o v i e t U n i o n t h a t e v e n t u a l l y e m e r g e s f r o m t h i s p r o c e s s i s a l e s s t h r e a t e n i n g o n e . W h a t i t a l l b o i l s d o w n t o i s t h i s . I w a n t t h e n e w c l o s e n e s s t o c o n t i n u e . A n d i t w i l l , a s l o n g a s w e m a k e i t c l e a r t h a t w e w i l l c o n t i n u e t o a c t i n a c e r t a i n w a y a s l o n g a s t h e y c o n t i n u e t o a c t i n a h e l p f u l m a n n e r . I f a n d w h e n t h e y d o n ' t , a t f i r s t p u l l y o u r p u n c h e s . I f t h e y p e r s i s t , p u l l t h e p l u g . I t ' s s t i l l t r u s t b u t v e r i f y . I t ' s s t i l l p l a y , b u t c u t t h e c a r d s . I t ' s s t i l l w a t c h c l o s e l y . A n d d o n ' t b e a f r a i d t o s e e w h a t y o u s e e . / p >。
美国总统里根经典演讲稿
美国总统里根经典演讲稿
在美国历史上，有许多杰出的总统，其中里根无疑是其中之一。
他的演讲在历
史上留下了深刻的印记，其中有一些经典的演讲稿至今仍然被人们传颂。
今天，让我们一起来回顾一下美国总统里根的经典演讲稿。
里根总统在1987年在柏林发表了一场著名的演讲，这场演讲被称为“撤除这
面墙”。
在演讲中，里根总统强调了自由和民主的重要性，他说，“先生们，把这面墙拆掉！”这句话成为了历史上的经典之作，激励了全世界对自由的追求和渴望。
里根总统的演讲充满了激情和力量，让人们深受感动。
除了柏林墙演讲，里根总统还有许多其他经典的演讲。
在他的任期内，他多次
强调了美国的核裁军政策，呼吁世界各国共同努力，推动核武器的裁减和消除。
他的演讲在当时引起了广泛的关注和讨论，为国际和平事业做出了重要的贡献。
此外，里根总统还在国内发表了许多关于经济和社会问题的演讲。
他提出了一
系列的改革措施，力图改善美国的经济状况和社会环境。
他的演讲充满了对美国人民的信心和鼓舞，激励着人们为实现美国梦而努力奋斗。
总的来说，里根总统的演讲在美国历史上留下了深远的影响。
他的言辞充满了
力量和激情，让人们深受感动和鼓舞。
他的演讲不仅在当时产生了巨大的影响，而且至今仍然被人们传颂，成为了历史上的经典之作。
通过回顾里根总统的经典演讲，我们可以更好地理解美国历史和文化，感受到里根总统对自由、民主和和平的不懈追求。
让我们铭记里根总统的演讲，传承他的精神，共同努力，创造美好的未来。
美国第40任总统里根告别演说（全文）3
美国第40任总统里根告别演说（全文）3常识还告诉我们，为了维护和平，我们必须在经历数年的软弱和混乱之后再次变得强大。
因此，我们重建了我们的防务——值此新年来临之际，我们为全球的和平而举杯。
事实上，超级大国不仅已开始削减真核武器储备一一甚至取得更大的进展的前景同样是明朗的一一而且令世界备感不安的地区冲突也即将结束。
波斯湾不再是交战地区，苏联正在从阿富汗撤离，越南即将撤出柬埔寨，而经美国斡旋而签署的一项协议，不久将使5万名古巴军人离开安哥拉回国。
当然，从所有这些事件中得出的教训是，由于我们是一个伟大的国家，因此我们面临的挑战是错综复杂的，并且将永远如此。
但是，只要我们牢记我们的基本原则，并且相信自己，那么，未来永远是我们的。
我们还懂得了：一旦你开始采取某项行动，那么就难以预料将何时结束。
我们只是要改变一个国家，却改变了整个世界。
世界各国正在归自由市场转型，开始允许言论自由——抛弃过去的意识形态。
对它们而言，80年代的大发现，瞧，是道德的政府也是富有成效的政府民主不仅是极其美好的，也是极具经济价值的。
在你们庆祝39岁生日的时候，你们能够休息片刻，回顾一下你们的人生，注视着时光在你们的面前流逝。
对于我来说，则犹如河中的树枝，正漂流至我生命旅程的中途。
我从未想过步入政坛：这也不是我年轻时的志向。
但是，我从小就接受这样的教诲，相信你自己必须为你所得到的恩赐付出代价。
我对从事演艺业感到满意，但是，我最终进入政界，是因为我要保护一些弥足珍贵的东西。
我们所经历的变革，是人类历史上“我们人民”真正改变了政府的演变进程的第一次革命。
“我们人民”告诉政府，而不是政府告诉“我们人民”该做什么。
“我们人民”是驾驶员一一而政府则是一辆汽车。
“我们人民”决定它行驶的方向、道路与速度。
世界上几乎所有国家的宪法都是告诉人民享有哪些特权。
而在我们的宪法中，“我们人的人民”是自由的。
这种信念，是我在过去8年里作出不懈努力的基础。
但是，回想60年代，当我开始投身政治时，我们似乎把一切都颠倒了——就是说，政府通过越来越多的法规和赋税条例，正在更多地剥夺我们的钱财、我们的选择权以及我们的自由。
美国第40任总统里根告别演说（全文）4
美国第40任总统里根告别演说（全文）470年代的缓和的基础不是行动，而是许诺。
他们许诺善待他们本国的世界各国的人民，但是古拉格还是古拉格，苏联依然是扩张主义国家，他们依然在非洲、亚洲和拉丁美训进行傀儡战争。
现在的情况已有所不同：戈尔巴乔夫在国内已着手进行某些民主改革，并已开始撤离阿富汗。
他还释放了我们每次会晤时我向他提供了其姓名的那些犯人。
但是，生活能够通过一些细节使你们回想起某些重要的事情。
在莫斯科峰会期间那些令人兴奋的日子里，一天上午，南希和我决定摆脱随行人员，独自去莫斯科主要购物区近旁的一条街一到阿尔巴特大街上的商店去逛逛。
尽管我们的到访出乎人们的意料，但是，那里的每一个俄罗斯人都立刻认出了我们，呼喊我们的名字，与我们握手。
我们几乎被这种热情所吞没——假如你们身临其境，那么你们可能也会有这种感觉。
但是，片刻过后，一队克格勃奋力朝我们挤来，并且开始推搡人群。
这是一个多么有趣的时刻，它提醒我，当苏联的大街上的人们渴望和平的时候，而该国的政府却是共产主义的一一这意味着在诸如自由、人权等问题上，我们与他们的观点是截然不同的。
我们必须保持警惕——但是，我们同样必须继续保持合作，减少并且消除紧张和不信任。
我认为，戈尔巴乔夫总统与以前的苏联领导人不同。
我认为，他了解苏联社会中存在的那些弊病，并且正在试图加以解决。
我们预祝他成功。
他们将继续努力，以确保在经历这一进程以后而获得新生的苏联将不再是一个咄咄逼人的国家。
归结起来就是：我希望继续保持这种新型的密切关系。
如同我们表明的那样，我们将始终视他们是否以一种有益的方式行事，来决定我们将采取何种行动。
如果一旦他们并非如此，那么，首先好言相劝，如果他们执迷不悟，那么不妨就动真格。
我们之间仍然是互相信任的——但需要得到证实。
游戏还得玩下去——但必须重新开始。
我们还要密切关注事态的发展一一-并且不惧怕面满所目睹的一切。
曾经有人问我，是否有遗憾之处。
有的。
如赤字就是其中之一。
里根葬礼致词
US President Bush's eulogy at funeral service for President ReaganTHE PRESIDENT: Mrs. Reagan, Patti, Michael, and Ron; members of the Reagan family; distinguished guests, including our Presidents and First Ladies; Reverend Danforth; fellow citizens:We lost Ronald Reagan only days ago, but we have missed him for a long time. We have missed his kindly presence, that reassuring voice, and the happy ending we had wished for him. It has been ten years since he said his own farewell; yet it is still very sad and hard to let him go. Ronald Reagan belongs to the ages now, but we preferred it when he belonged to us.In a life of good fortune, he valued above all the gracious gift of his wife, Nancy. During his career, Ronald Reagan passed through a thousand crowded places; but there was only one person, he said, who could make him lonely by just leaving the room.America honors you, Nancy, for the loyalty and love you gave this man on a wonderful journey, and to that journey's end. Today, our whole nation grieves with you and your family.When the sun sets tonight off the coast of California, and we lay to rest our 40th President, a great American story will close. The second son of Nell and Jack Reagan first knew the world as a place of open plains, quiet streets, gas-lit rooms, and carriages drawn by horse. If you could go back to the Dixon, Illinois of 1922, you'd find a boy of 11 reading adventure stories at the public library, or running with his brother, Neil, along Rock River, and coming home to a little house on Hennepin Avenue. That town was the kind of place you remember where you prayed side by side with your neighbors, and if things were going wrong for them, you prayed for them, and knew they'd pray for you if things went wrong for you.The Reagan family would see its share of hardship, struggle and uncertainty. And out of that circumstance came a young man of steadiness, calm, and a cheerful confidence that life would bring good things. The qualities all of us have seen in Ronald Reagan were first spotted 70 and 80 years ago. As a lifeguard in Lowell Park, he was the protector keeping an eye out for trouble. As a sports announcer on theradio, he was the friendly voice that made you see the game as he did. As an actor, he was the handsome, all-American, good guy, which, in his case, required knowing his lines -- and being himself.Along the way, certain convictions were formed and fixed in the man. Ronald Reagan believed that everything happened for a reason, and that we should strive to know and do the will of God. He believed that the gentleman always does the kindest thing. He believed that people were basically good, and had the right to be free. He believed that bigotry and prejudice were the worst things a person could be guilty of. He believed in the Golden Rule and in the power of prayer. He believed that America was not just a place in the world, but the hope of the world.And he believed in taking a break now and then, because, as he said, there's nothing better for the inside of a man than the outside of a horse.Ronald Reagan spent decades in the film industry and in politics, fields known, on occasion, to change a man. But not this man. From Dixon to Des Moines, to Hollywood to Sacramento, to Washington, D.C., all who met him remembered the same sincere, honest, upright fellow. Ronald Reagan's deepest beliefs never had much to do with fashion or convenience. His convictions were always politely stated, affably argued, and as firm and straight as the columns of this cathedral.There came a point in Ronald Reagan's film career when people started seeing a future beyond the movies. The actor, Robert Cummings, recalled one occasion. "I was sitting around the set with all these people and we were listening to Ronnie, quite absorbed. I said, 'Ron, have you ever considered someday becoming President?' He said, 'President of what?' 'President of the United States,' I said. And he said, 'What's the matter, don't you like my acting either?'" (Laughter.)The clarity and intensity of Ronald Reagan's convictions led to speaking engagements around the country, and a new following he did not seek or expect. He often began his speeches by saying, "I'm going to talk about controversial things." And then he spoke of communist rulers as slavemasters, of a government in Washington that had far overstepped its proper limits, of a time for choosing that was drawing near. In the space of a few years, he took ideas and principles that weremainly found in journals and books, and turned them into a broad, hopeful movement ready to govern.As soon as Ronald Reagan became California's governor, observers saw a star in the West -- tanned, well-tailored, in command, and on his way. In the 1960s, his friend, Bill Buckley, wrote, "Reagan is indisputably a part of America, and he may become a part of American history."Ronald Reagan's moment arrived in 1980. He came out ahead of some very good men, including one from Plains, and one from Houston. What followed was one of the decisive decades of the century, as the convictions that shaped the President began to shape the times.He came to office with great hopes for America, and more than hopes -- like the President he had revered and once saw in person, Franklin Roosevelt, Ronald Reagan matched an optimistic temperament with bold, persistent action. President Reagan was optimistic about the great promise of economic reform, and he acted to restore the reward and spirit of enterprise. He was optimistic that a strong America could advance the peace, and he acted to build the strength that mission required. He was optimistic that liberty would thrive wherever it was planted, and he acted to defend liberty wherever it was threatened.And Ronald Reagan believed in the power of truth in the conduct of world affairs. When he saw evil camped across the horizon, he called that evil by its name. There were no doubters in the prisons and gulags, where dissidents spread the news, tapping to each other in code what the American President had dared to say. There were no doubters in the shipyards and churches and secret labor meetings, where brave men and women began to hear the creaking and rumbling of a collapsing empire. And there were no doubters among those who swung hammers at the hated wall as the first and hardest blow had been struck by President Ronald Reagan.The ideology he opposed throughout his political life insisted that history was moved by impersonal ties and unalterable fates. Ronald Reagan believed instead in the courage and triumph of free men. And we believe it, all the more, because we saw that courage in him.As he showed what a President should be, he also showed us what a man should be. Ronald Reagan carried himself, even in the most powerful office, with a decency and attention to small kindnesses that also defined a good life. He was a courtly, gentle and considerate man, never known to slight or embarrass others. Many people across the country cherish letters he wrote in his own hand -- to family members on important occasions; to old friends dealing with sickness and loss; to strangers with questions about his days in Hollywood. A boy once wrote to him requesting federal assistance to help clean up his bedroom. (Laughter.)The President replied that, "unfortunately, funds are dangerously low." (Laughter.) He continued, "I'm sure your mother was fully justified in proclaiming your room a disaster. Therefore, you are in an excellent position to launch another volunteer program in our nation. Congratulations." (Laughter.)Sure, our 40th President wore his title lightly, and it fit like a white Stetson. In the end, through his belief in our country and his love for our country, he became an enduring symbol of our country. We think of his steady stride, that tilt of a head and snap of a salute, the big-screen smile, and the glint in his Irish eyes when a story came to mind.We think of a man advancing in years with the sweetness and sincerity of a Scout saying the Pledge. We think of that grave expression that sometimes came over his face, the seriousness of a man angered by injustice -- and frightened by nothing. We know, as he always said, that America's best days are ahead of us, but with Ronald Reagan's passing, some very fine days are behind us, and that is worth our tears.Americans saw death approach Ronald Reagan twice, in a moment of violence, and then in the years of departing light. He met both with courage and grace. In these trials, he showed how a man so enchanted by life can be at peace with life's end.And where does that strength come from? Where is that courage learned? It is the faith of a boy who read the Bible with his mom. It is the faith of a man lying in an operating room, who prayed for the one who shot him before he prayed for himself. It is the faith of a man with a fearful illness, who waited on the Lord to call him home.Now, death has done all that death can do. And as Ronald Wilson Reagan goes his way, we are left with the joyful hope he shared. In his last years, he saw through a glass darkly. Now he sees his Savior face to face.And we look to that fine day when we will see him again, all weariness gone, clear of mind, strong and sure, and smiling again, and the sorrow of his parting gone forever.May God bless Ronald Reagan, and the country he loved.。
里根总统最后一次演讲 无与伦比精彩
『经济论坛』 [经济杂谈]里根总统最后一次演讲(无与伦比精彩)(转载)点击：365 回复：2 作者：清理FF专用号发表日期：2009-1-17 10:24:00美国前总统里根在主政八年下任之前，于1988年10月15日在共和党代表大会上，以总统身份作了著名的《最后一次演说》。
在这篇短短的演讲中，里根谈历史、话人生、摆成就、鼓士气、纵横捭阖，气势激荡，逻辑严密，感情充溢，在美国发表后，受到强烈反响。
瑞士著名社交活动评论家劳尔·威廉斯说：这是一篇传世佳作。
南希和我今晚应邀出席这次大会，与大家共度这一特殊时刻感到很荣幸，我以总统身份在共和党大会上发表讲话，这是最后一次了。
因此，我十分感谢在座的诸位。
每当我听到有人说我是在1981年1月20日成为总统的，我就觉得我必须予以纠正。
因为我并不是自己成为美国总统，我只是受权暂时管理一个叫做总统制的机构，而这个机构是属于人民的。
我曾多次祷告，感谢所有给予我这一信任的美国人，今晚，请再次接受我们——南希和我——的由衷的感谢，感谢你们赋予我们一生中这一特殊的时刻。
刚才，你们又用一篇感人肺腑的颂词给这种荣誉锦上添花，我只不过是个普通人，因此听到别人称赞我们取得的成就，也不免有点沾沾自喜。
但是今晚，我们首先要记住，真正值得称颂的是两亿四千五百万美国公民，是他们构成了我们宪法开宗明义的头四个字，也是美国最伟大的四个字：我们人民。
美国人民承受过巨大的挑战，把我们从民族灾难的深渊中拯救出来，建立了我们强大的经济实力，重振了我国在国际上的声誉，他们是出类拔萃的人，也就是人们所说的美国人。
所以，如果今晚要向谁表示敬意的话，那就应该向遍布这块土地的英雄豪杰们致敬，他们是实干家、梦想家和新生活的建设者。
没有他们，我们在民主制度下的光辉实践将一事无成。
最近我们常听到有人说现在是改革的时代了。
女士们、先生们，我再善意地提醒一下，我们就代表着改革。
我们从1981年1月起就卷起袖子大干起来，我们满怀希望，从不灰心丧气，我们向过去失败的政策挑战，因为我们相信，一个社会所以伟大，并不在于其政府做出多少许诺，而仅仅在于其人民取得了进步，这就是我们进行的改革。
美国第40任总统里根告别演说（全文）1
美国第40任总统里根告别演说（全文）1美国第40任总统里根告别演说(全文)时间：1989年1月11日地点：白宫同胞们，这是我第34次，也是最后一次在椭圆形办公室向你们讲话。
我们在一起共事至今已有8年，我卸任的时刻即将到来。
但是，在此之前，我愿与你们共享某些思想，其中一些我已酝酿很久了。
成为你们的总统，是我终身的光荣。
过去几周，你们中的许多人来信表示谢意，但是，我更要向你们说声谢谢。
南希和我感谢你们给了我们为美国效力的机会。
作为一名总统，一个特殊之处就在于我总是多少有点与世隔绝之感。
我花费许多宝贵的时间乘坐在一辆由别人驾驶的轿车里，透过染色玻璃注视着人们——抱着孩子的父母，窗外的人流一晃而过。
多少次，我想让司机停车，从车窗后面伸出于来，与人们作一番交流，或许，今晚我能够实现这一心愿。
有人问我离去的感受，离去当然是“如此甜蜜而又令人伤感”。
甜蜜的地方是回到加利福尼亚，在牧场上漫步，享受自由的时光。
那么何谓伤感呢？当然是离别，是离开这美丽的地方。
如你们所知，走下大厅，再从这间办公室走上楼梯，就是白宫中供总统及其家人居住的地方。
楼上有几扇精美的窗子。
我喜欢在黎明时分伫立着眺望窗外的景色。
从这里眺望过去，是华盛顿纪念碑，然后是林荫大道，杰斐逊纪念堂。
在晴朗的早晨，越过杰斐逊纪念堂，你能够看到一条洞流——波托马克河租弗吉尼亚海滨。
人们传说，这就是当年林肯在注视从布尔伦河战场也腾起的烟雾时所见到的景色。
我见到的景色更为平淡：河岸上的草地，早晨上班途中的车辆和行人，以及河面上偶尔飘过的一叶帆船。
我时常在那扇窗子旁苦苦思考。
我时常反省着过去的8年和现在究竟意味着什么。
进入脑海的是一幅被一再描绘的画面——一个关于一艘船、一个难民和一位水兵的故事。
回顾80年代初，当时，从印度支那乘船出逃的难民正达到高潮，而在南中国海巡航的中途岛号航母上，这名水兵正在勤劳地干着活。
这名水兵像大多数美国军人一样，年轻、聪明、敏锐。
水兵们发现，在遥远的地平线上有一艘小船正在波涛中沉浮——船上挤满了渴望去美国的印支难民。
里根演讲稿中英
里根演讲稿中英Ladies and gentlemen,。
It is a great honor for me to stand here today and address you all. Today, I would like to share with you the famous speech delivered by President Ronald Reagan at the Brandenburg Gate in West Berlin on June 12, 1987. This speech, commonly known as the "Tear down this wall" speech, is a powerful and iconic moment in history, and it continues to resonate with people around the world.In his speech, President Reagan spoke directly to the leader of the Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev, and called for the dismantling of the Berlin Wall, which had divided East and West Berlin for nearly three decades. He boldly declared, "Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!" This simple yet powerful statement captured the hearts and minds of people who longed for freedom and unity.President Reagan's speech was a testament to the enduring spirit of democracy and the unyielding belief in the power of freedom. He emphasized the importance of individual liberty and the fundamental rights of all people to live in freedom and prosperity. His words were a rallying cry for those who yearned for a world without barriers and divisions.Furthermore, President Reagan's speech demonstrated his unwavering commitment to standing up against tyranny and oppression. He spoke with conviction and courage, refusing to back down in the face of adversity. His resolute stance sent a clear message to the world that the United States would not waver in its support for those who sought to break free from the chains of oppression.Moreover, President Reagan's speech was a testament to the enduring strength of the human spirit. He spoke of the resilience and determination of the people of Berlin, who had endured years of hardship and separation. His words served as a beacon of hope, inspiring people to believe in the possibility of a brighter future.In conclusion, President Ronald Reagan's speech at the Brandenburg Gate remains a powerful symbol of courage, determination, and the unbreakable human spirit. His call to "tear down this wall" continues to inspire people to strive for a world free from division and oppression. Let us remember his words and work together to build a future where freedom and unity prevail.Thank you.。
里根发言稿
里根发言稿尊敬的各位嘉宾、朋友们：大家好！非常荣幸能够在这里与诸位共同出席今天的活动。
我是美国第40任总统罗纳德·威尔逊·里根，今天，我想与大家分享一些我作为总统时的发言稿。
四十年前的今天，我站在总统职位上，承诺要为美国人民带来一片更加繁荣、自由和安宁的未来。
作为一个国家的领导者，我意识到一切优秀的事物都需要一个坚实的基础。
对于美国来说，这个基础就是我们坚守的价值观和信念，以及我们对自由和正义的承诺。
在二战后的许多年里，美国人民付出了巨大的努力，使我们的国家变得更加强大和繁荣。
然而，我们也面临着许多挑战。
经济的衰退、政府的庞大和失控、还有社会上的分歧和紧张都是我们面临的问题。
作为总统，我认为我的首要任务是恢复美国人民的信心和自信。
我相信，只有通过引导人民回归价值观和信念，帮助他们重新找到自己的目标和目标，我们才能实现国家的繁荣和幸福。
我们的核心信念之一，就是相信个人的能力和创造力。
在美国，个人努力和奋斗的精神是得到高度尊重和赞扬的。
我们相信，只要每个人都能拥有平等的机会，就能够施展自己的才能，实现自己的梦想。
为了实现这一目标，我提出了一系列的政策和改革，以促进经济增长和创造就业机会。
我们大幅度削减了税收和精简了政府机构，以降低企业和个人的负担，并激发创新和创造力。
我们也提出了一系列的教育改革方案，旨在提高公众教育水平，以使每个人都有机会接受高质量的教育。
在国际事务上，美国始终秉持着自由和正义的信念，致力于维护全球和平与稳定。
当时，世界正陷入冷战的漩涡，国际关系紧张不安。
作为美国总统，我坚信我们应该坚定地对抗那些试图侵犯我们价值观和自由的力量。
在我执政期间，美国采取了各种措施来保护我们国家的安全。
我们加强了军事实力和战略防御能力，加强了我们与盟国的合作，共同抵抗那些试图破坏国际秩序的势力。
然而，面对这些挑战和改革，我们也遇到了许多困难和阻力。
有些人认为我们的改革措施过于激进，有些人则担心我们的国家价值观和信念正在受到侵蚀。
里根演讲稿
演讲全文：ronald reagan: the space shuttle challenger tragedy address ladies and gentlemen, id planned to speak to you tonight to report on the stateof the union, but the events of earlier today have led me to change those plans. todayis a day for mourning and remembering. nancy and i are pained to the core by the tragedyof the shuttlechallenger. we know we share this pain with all of the people of our country.this is truly a national loss. nineteen years ago, almost to the day, we lost three astronauts in a terrible accident on the ground. but weve never lost an astronaut in flight. wevenever had a tragedy like this. and perhaps weve forgotten the courage it took for the crew of the shuttle. but they, the challenger seven, wereaware of the dangers, but overcame them and did their jobs brilliantly. we mourn seven heroes: michael smith, dick scobee, judith resnik,ronald mcnair, ellison onizuka, gregory jarvis, and christa mcauliffe. we mourn theirloss as a nation together. for the families of the seven, we cannot bear, as you do, the full impact of thistragedy. but we feel the loss, and were thinking about you so very much. your lovedones were daring and brave, and they had that special grace, that special spirit that says, give me a challenge, and ill meet it withjoy. they had a hunger to explore the universe and discover its truths. they wishedto serve, and they did. they served all of us. weve grown used to wonders in this century. its hard to dazzle us. but fortwenty-five years the united states space program has been doing just that. weve grownused to the idea of space, and, perhaps we forget that weve only just begun. werestill pioneers. they, the members of the challenger crew, were pioneers. and i want to say something to the schoolchildren of america who were watchingthe live coverage of the shuttles take-off. i know its hard to understand, butsometimes painful things like this happen. its all part of the process of explorationand discovery. its all part of taking a chance and expanding mans horizons. the futuredoesnt belong to thefainthearted; it belongs to the brave. the challenger crew was pulling us intothe future, and well continue to follow them. ive always had great faith in and respect for our space program. and what happenedtoday does nothing to diminish it. we dont hide our space program. we dont keep secretsand cover things up. we do it all up front and in public. thats the way freedom is,and we wouldnt change it for a minute. well continue our quest in space. there will be more shuttle flights and moreshuttle crews and, yes, more volunteers, more civilians, more teachers in space.nothing ends here; our hopes and our journeys continue.i want to add that i wish i could talk to every man and woman who works for nasa,or who worked on this mission and tell them: your dedication and professionalism havemoved and impressed us for decades. and we know of your anguish. we share it. the crew of the space shuttle challenger honored us by the manner in which theylived their lives. we will never forget them, nor the last time we saw them, thismorning, as they prepared for their journey and waved goodbye and slipped the surlybonds of earth to touch the face of god. thank you.篇二：1981年里根就职演讲稿-中英文对照first inaugural address of ronald reagan里根第一任总统就职演说tuesday, january 20, 1981 第40任总统(1981年-1989年) （一）senator hatfield, mr. chief justice, mr. president, vice president bush,vicepresident mondale, senator baker, speaker oneill, reverend moomaw, and my fellow citizens: to a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion;and yet,authority as called for in the constitution routinely takes place as it has foralmost twocenturies and few of us stop to think how unique we really are. in the eyes ofmany in theworld, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than amiracle.议员海特菲尔德先生、法官先生、总统先生、副总统布什、蒙代尔先生、议员贝克先生、发言人奥尼尔先生、尊敬的摩麦先生，以及广大支持我的美国同胞们：今天对于我们中间的一些人来说，是一个非常庄严隆重的时刻。
【推荐下载】里根演讲-范文模板 (10页)
本文部分内容来自网络整理，本司不为其真实性负责，如有异议或侵权请及时联系，本司将立即删除！== 本文为word格式，下载后可方便编辑和修改！ ==里根演讲篇一：里根演讲Ronald ReaganRemarks on the 40th Anniversary of D-DayWe're here to mark that day in history when the Allied armies joinedin battle toreclaim this continent to liberty. For four long years, much of Europe had been under a terrible shadow. Free nations had fallen, Jews cried out in the camps, millions cried out for liberation. Europe was enslaved and the world prayed for its rescue. Here, in Normandy, the rescue began. Here, the Allies stood and fought against tyranny, in a giant undertaking unparalleled in human history.We stand on a lonely, windswept point on the northern shore of France. The air is soft, but forty years ago at this moment, the air was dense with smoke and the cries of men, and the air was filled withthe crack of rifle fire and the roar of cannon. At dawn, on the morning of the 6th of June, 1944, two hundred and twenty-five Rangers jumped off the British landing craft and ran to the bottom of these cliffs.Their mission was one of the most difficult and daring of the invasion: to climb these sheer and desolate cliffs and take out the enemy guns. The Allies had been told that some of the mightiest of these guns were here, and they would be trained on the beaches tostop the Allied advance.The Rangers looked up and saw the enemy soldiers at the edge of the cliffs, shooting down at them with machine guns and throwing grenades. And the American Rangers began to climb. They shot rope ladders over the face of these cliffs and began to pull themselves up. When one Ranger fell, another would take his place. When one rope was cut, aRanger would grab another and begin his climb again. They climbed, shot back, and held their footing. Soon, one by one, the Rangers pulled themselves over the top, and in seizing the firm land at the top of these cliffs, they began to seize backthe continent of Europe. Two hundred and twenty-five came here. After two days of fighting, only ninety could still bear arms.And behind me is a memorial that symbolizes the Ranger daggers that were thrust into the top of these cliffs. And before me are the men who put them there. These are the boys of Pointe du Hoc. These are the men who took the cliffs. These are thechampions who helped free a continent. And these are the heroes who helped end a war. Gentlemen, I look at you and I think of the words of Stephen Spender's poem. You are men who in your "lives fought for life and left the vivid air signed with your honor."I think I know what you may be thinking right now -- thinking "we were just part of a bigger effort; everyone was brave that day." Well everyone was. Do you remember the story of Bill Millin of the 51st Highlanders? Forty years ago today, British troops were pinned down near a bridge, waiting desperately for help. Suddenly, they heard the sound of bagpipes, and some thought they were dreaming. Well, they weren't. They looked up and saw Bill Millin with his bagpipes, leading the reinforcements and ignoring the smack of the bullets into the ground around him.Lord Lovat was with him -- Lord Lovat of Scotland, who calmly announced when he got to the bridge, "Sorry, I'm a few minutes late," as if he'd been delayed by a traffic jam, when in truth he'd just come from the bloody fighting on Sword Beach, which he and his men had just taken.There was the impossible valor of the Poles, who threw themselves between theenemy and the rest of Europe as the invasion took hold; and the unsurpassed courage of the Canadians who had already seen the horrors of war on this coast. They knew what awaited them there, but they would not be deterred. And once they hit Juno Beach, they never looked back.All of these men were part of a roll call of honor with names that spoke of a pride as bright as the colors they bore; The RoyalWinnipeg Rifles, Poland's 24th Lancers, the Royal Scots' Fusiliers, the Screaming Eagles, the Yeomen of England's armoreddivisions, the forces of Free France, the Coast Guard's "Matchbox Fleet," and you, the American Rangers.Forty summers have passed since the battle that you fought here. You were young the day you took these cliffs; some of you were hardly more than boys, with the deepest joys of life before you. Yet you risked everything here. Why? Why did you do it? What impelled you to put aside the instinct for self-preservation and risk your lives to take these cliffs? What inspired all the men of the armies that met here? We look at you, and somehow we know the answer. It was faith and belief. It was loyalty and love.The men of Normandy had faith that what they were doing was right, faith that they fought for all humanity, faith that a just God would grant them mercy on thisbeachhead, or on the next. It was the deep knowledge -- and pray God we have not lost it -- that there is a profound moral difference between the use of force forliberation and the use of force for conquest. You were here to liberate, not to conquer, and so you and those others did not doubt your cause. And you were right not to doubt.You all knew that some things are worth dying for. One's country is worth dying for, and democracy is worth dying for, because it's the most deeply honorable form of government ever devised by man. All of you loved liberty. All of you were willing to fight tyranny, and you knew the people of your countries were behind you. The Americans who fought here that morning knew word of the invasion was spreading through the darkness back home. They fought -- or felt in their hearts, though they couldn't know in fact, that in Georgia they were filling the churches at4:00 am. In Kansas they were kneeling on their porches and praying. And in Philadelphia they were ringing the Liberty Bell.Something else helped the men of D-day; their rock-hard belief that Providence would have a great hand in the events that would unfold here; that God was an ally in this great cause. And so, the night before the invasion, when Colonel Wolverton asked his parachute troops to kneel with him in prayer, he told them: "Do not bow your。
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美国前总统里根在主政八年下任之前，于1988年10月15日在共和党代表大会上，以总统身份作了著名的《最后一次演说》。
但是我要对你们说，如果火光暗淡了，我愿留下我的电话号码和地址，一旦你们需要一名小卒，只须说一声，我召之即来——只要一息尚存，只要我们可爱的国家在这个最辉煌的时刻还在不断地进取求新。
让火光一直熊熊地燃烧下去吧！这样，当我们要见上帝的时候，回首往昔，我们就可以无愧地说，我们做了我们所能做的一切，从来不遗余力
最近我们常听到有人说现在是改革的时代了。女士们、先生们，我再善意地提醒一下，我们就代表着改革。
我们从1981年1月起就卷起袖子大干起来，我们满怀希望，从不灰心丧气，我们向过去失败的政策挑战，因为我们相信，一个社会所以伟大，并不在于其政府做出多少许诺，而仅仅在于其人民取得了进步，这就是我们进行的改革。
这就是我的想法，我感谢上帝保佑我活得很好，而且活得很长，但是当我在华盛顿收拾离任前的行装时，不要以为我喜欢人们谈论我已是时届暮年近黄昏。
黄昏？美国没有黄昏。
我们这里，每天都是旭日东升，到处都是崭新的机会，可以编织各种梦想。
黄昏？那是不可能的，因为我坦白承认有时我觉得我还是个小伙子，在和弟弟比赛，看谁先从山上跑到罗克河铁路桥下可以游泳的小水湾。
我知道以前我也这样说过，但是我相信，是上帝把这块土地放在了两个大洋之间，让世界各地的特殊人物发现了它，致使这些人因酷爱自由而远离故土云集到这片土地上，使之成为一束夺目的自由之光照亮了整个世界。
富有想象力是我们的天赋，我要告诉你们一个小男孩的想法，他在我就职后不久给我寄了一封信，信中写道“我爱美国，因为在美国只要愿意谁都可以参加童子军。在美国随便信仰什么都行，而且只要有能力，就能够成为你想要成为的那种人。我爱美国，还因为我们有大约二百种不同味道的冰激凌。”
我曾多次祷告，感谢所有给予我这一信任的美国人，今晚，请再次接受我们——南希和我——的由衷的感谢，感谢你们赋予我们一生中这一特殊的时刻。
刚才，你们又用一篇感人肺腑的颂词给这种荣誉锦上添花，我只不过是个普通人，因此听到别人称赞我们取得的成就，也不免有点沾沾自喜。但是今晚，我们首先要记住，真正值得称颂的是两亿四千五百万美国公民，是他们构成了我们宪法开宗明义的头四个字，也是美国最伟大的四个字：我们人民。美国人民承受过巨大的挑战，把我们从民族灾难的深渊中拯救出来，建立了我们强大的经济实力，重振了 我国在国际上的声誉，他们是出类拔萃的人，也就是人们所说的美国人。所以，如果今晚要向谁表示敬意的话，那就应该向遍布这块土地的英雄豪杰们致敬，他们是实干家、梦想家和新生活的建设者。没有他们，我们在民主制度下的光辉实践将一事无成。
要知道，哪一天也比不上新的一天更美好，因为在我们的国家，它意味着在你身上会发生某种奇迹。
在我身上就确实发生了某种奇迹。
几年前，我们点燃了一场燎原烈火，我们将激昂的思想和执著的信念作为燃料，决心让它烧遍全美国，那是多么美好时光啊！
我们曾经在一起为我们热爱的事业而战斗，但是我们绝不能让火焰熄灭，或者退出战斗，因为战斗永远不会结束，我们必须一次又一次地捍卫我们的自由，一次又一次！
这就是小孩子眼里的真理。结社自由、信仰自由、满怀希望和获得机会的自由。此外还可以追求幸福——对这个孩子而言，就是在二百种味道不同的冰激凌中进行挑选。
这就是美国，每个人不分男女都幻想着能给人以希望的美国。正因为如此，我们对全世界来说就像一块磁铁，吸引人们冒着被子弹击中的危险以生命为代价越过柏林墙来到这里，吸引人们冒着九死一生的危险乘一叶扁舟渡过波涛汹涌的大洋来到这里。
我们相信，要实现持久和平，只能靠实力而不能靠我们对手的善意。
我们对政府持正当的怀疑态度，以制止它采取过分的行动，但在它帮助改善我国公民生活时，我们也乐于利用它的力量。
我们强烈地感到，增加税收不是联邦政府固有的权力，我们认为通货膨胀对穷人、年轻人和老年人是冷酷无情的。
这块土地和土地上的人民，能在这里兑现的梦想以及使之结为一体的自由——就是这些使美国能够高高地飞翔，一直飞到可以看见自由和希望的万里云天。
当我们的子孙后代追寻我们一生的踪迹时，我希望他们会明白，我们是想把国家尽可能完美地传给他们。在这个国家里崇尚正直、宽容、慷慨、忠实、勇敢、知识、公正和虔诚。
今天，我们签署了有史以来世界上第一个旨在销毁美苏拥有的整个一类核导弹的条约，我们正在加强战略防御计划，以保护我们自己和我们的盟国免遭核恐怖之苦，第二次世界大战以来美苏关系从没有像现在这样好。
我们共和党维护人类的自由，主张全面实现对我们的存在至关重要的自由权利，为了维护自由，使之展现在全世界千百万渴望自由的人面前，我们绝不逃避我们的责任。
ห้องสมุดไป่ตู้
在这篇短短的演讲中，里根谈历史、话人生、摆成就、鼓士气、纵横捭阖，气势激荡，逻辑严密，感情充溢，在美国发表后，受到强烈反响。瑞士著名社交活动评论家劳尔·威廉斯说：这是一篇传世佳作。
南希和我今晚应邀出席这次大会，与大家共度这一特殊时刻感到很荣幸，我以总统身份在共和党大会上发表讲话，这是最后一次了。因此，我十分感谢在座的诸位。每当我听到有人说我是在1981年1月20日成为总统的，我就觉得我必须予以纠正。因为我并不是自己成为美国总统，我只是受权暂时管理一个叫做总统制的机构，而这个机构是属于人民的。
我们尊重把我们结合成一个家庭和一个国家的价值观点。
这就是我们的理想。你们在座的诸位、以及今晚你们一样也在注视和聆听这次大会的人，都在为实现这个理想而献身。你们不是半途而废的懦夫，你们的行动不仅仅是为了竞选，而是为了一个事业，你们代表着一种人，一种我所熟悉的为自由政府而奋斗的最杰出的斗士。
我们说了一些令人震惊的话。我们说应该减税，而不是增税。现在除了百分之五高收入者要交付高税额外，千百万低收入者已根本不用交所得税。我们走出了困境，创造了1750万人良好的就业机会。通货膨胀问题也已发生了变化，我们已把通货膨胀率从1980年的百分之十八降到百分之三点五。大多数家庭夫妇终于能够松口气了。