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地区旅游发展带动经济发展的看法英语作文

地区旅游发展带动经济发展的看法英语作文The Development of Regional Tourism and Its Impact on Economic GrowthTourism has long been recognized as a significant driver of economic development, particularly in regions with unique natural, cultural, or historical attractions. As the global tourism industry continues to expand, the role of regional tourism in shaping the economic landscape has become increasingly prominent. This essay will explore the ways in which the development of regional tourism can contribute to the overall economic growth of a given area.One of the primary benefits of regional tourism is its ability to generate employment opportunities. The tourism industry, by its very nature, requires a diverse workforce, from hotel and restaurant staff to tour guides, transportation providers, and retail workers. As a region's tourism sector expands, it creates a multitude of job openings, providing employment options for local residents and contributing to the reduction of unemployment rates. This influx of jobs not only improves the economic well-being of individuals but also strengthens the local community as a whole.Furthermore, the development of regional tourism can lead to the diversification of the local economy. Traditionally, many regions have relied on a limited number of industries, such as agriculture or manufacturing, to drive their economic growth. However, the introduction of a thriving tourism sector can help to broaden the range of economic activities, reducing the region's dependence on a single industry and making it more resilient to economic fluctuations. This diversification can lead to the emergence of new businesses, from specialty shops and artisanal workshops to adventure tourism operators and cultural venues, all of which contribute to the overall economic vitality of the region.Another significant impact of regional tourism is its ability to attract investment and infrastructure development. As a region becomes a more popular tourist destination, it often attracts the attention of investors and developers who recognize the potential for growth and profitability. This influx of investment can lead to the construction of new hotels, restaurants, transportation systems, and other tourism-related infrastructure, which not only enhances the visitor experience but also creates additional employment opportunities and generates tax revenue for the local government.Moreover, the development of regional tourism can have a positive impact on the preservation and promotion of a region's cultural and natural heritage. As tourists flock to a region to experience its uniqueofferings, there is a greater incentive for local authorities and communities to protect and maintain these assets. This can lead to the restoration of historic buildings, the conservation of natural environments, and the revitalization of traditional cultural practices, all of which contribute to the region's overall appeal and attractiveness as a tourist destination.In addition to these direct economic benefits, the development of regional tourism can also have indirect positive impacts on the local economy. For instance, the increased demand for goods and services generated by tourism can stimulate the growth of local businesses, from food producers to artisans, as they work to meet the needs of visitors. This, in turn, can lead to the creation of new jobs and the expansion of existing enterprises, further strengthening the regional economy.However, it is important to note that the development of regional tourism is not without its challenges. Rapid and uncontrolled tourism growth can lead to issues such as overcrowding, environmental degradation, and the displacement of local communities. It is crucial for regional authorities and stakeholders to carefully plan and manage the tourism development process, ensuring that the benefits are distributed equitably and that the region's unique character and resources are protected.In conclusion, the development of regional tourism can be a powerful driver of economic growth, generating employment opportunities, diversifying the local economy, attracting investment, and promoting the preservation of cultural and natural heritage. While there are challenges that must be addressed, the potential benefits of regional tourism development make it a compelling strategy for economic development in many parts of the world.。

乡村旅游和经济发展外文翻译文献

外文文献翻译(含：英文原文及中文译文)文献出处：Frederick M. Rural Tourism and Economic Development[J]. Economic Development Quarterly the Journal of American Economic Revitalization, 1993, 7(2):215-224.英文原文Rural Tourism and Economic DevelopmentM FrederickTourism is a popular economic development strategy. The author reviews three diverse books that study tourism from various social science perspectives ——economic, sociological, psychological, and anthropological. Ryan ’ s book is multidisciplinary in approach and covers all major topics of tourism; tourist experience; and marketing. Michal Smith details the negative affects of tourism development in rural areas of the southeastern United States. Finally, V alene Smith ’ s book presents international case studies that document cultural changes caused by tourism development. Despite their different focuses, all three books agree that tourism development has its benefits and costs and that changes to the destination areas are inevitable. Careful planning and marketing can lessen the harmful effects of tourism development.Tourism is an increasingly popular elixir to economic rural and urban underdevelopment. Its current prominence in the array of localeconomic development strategies can be traced to several features of the tourism industry. Tourism jobs are mostly low-skill jobs, which are a good fit with the job skills of many rural residents. Also, tourism has a potential for creating an export base that builds on favorable local advantages such as a pleasant climate or sites of historic or natural interest. More important, tourism strategies mesh with the current political philosophy and budget realities of minimizing government involvement and investment. The accommodations, restaurants, and entertainment activities that necessarily accompany tourism are assumed to be provided by the private sector. Critics of tourism as a development strategy cite its low-paying and dead-end jobs, its degradation of the local natural environment, and its potential corruption of local culture and customs. Further, not every jurisdiction in need of jobs and a tax base has tourism potential.The study of tourism, like much of the economic development literature, draws from a wide range of disciplines. The forte of economists is in addressing the affects of tourism on the local economy; however, economists fail to describe who tourists are or why they travel. Anthropologists ’ major contribution to defining and studying tourism is in examining the impacts of tourism on local culture. Psychologists are more likely to dwell on the motives for tourism, but they ignore the impacts. Clearly, the complete definition of tourism includes theeconomic, social, anthropological, and psychological viewpoints. One strength of Recreational Tourism: A social Science Perspective by Chris Ryan is its multidisciplinary approach to the study of tourism. In contrast, the case studies from around the world found in Hosts and Guests: The Anthropology of Tourism, edited by V alene Smith, dwell on tourism from the perspectives of history and anthropology, with its focus on the culture affects of tourism and tourism ’ s role in the acculturation process. Behind the Glitter: The Impact of Tourism on Rural Women in the Southeast, by Michal Smith, focuses on the economic and cultural effects of tourism in the rural Southeast.Benefits of tourismPerhaps chief among the advantages of tourism is that it is seen as obtainable, even for communities with minimal public resources. Most communities envision negligible public investments such as new roads, history markers, town cleanup, storefront rehabilitation, and marketing. The private sector is expected to provide hotels, motels, restaurants, entertainment, and other tourist accommodations.Second, tourism is a relatively easy-to-understand concept for the lay public and can, therefore, generate local support. Community pride leads residents to conclude that their home town has something to offer tourists. Tourism builds on perceived and existing local advantages or amenities, such as sites of historical interest, mountains and other placesof natural beauty, pleasant climates, or clean air. Tourism development uses these resources, which are “ free ” in the sense that the tourism industry has not paid for them. In some cases, these natural resources would have small economic value without tourism development. Mieczkowske cites the Alps, “ dying ” fishing or mill towns of New England and the Canadian Maritime provinces, and Caribbean islands as places where tourism has given economic value to natural amenities. Thus tourism can have a positive economic effect in such areas of otherwise low economic productivity.Third, decades of experience in smokestack chasing has been disappointing for many communities. The competition for manufacturing plants is intense and as long as manufacturing employment continues its downward trend, competition for the remaining plants will only increase. Also, tourism is perceived as a cleaner industry for the environment than is manufacturing.Fourth, rural tourism havens tend to be growth. This decade became known as the population turnaround as it was the first time in the history of the United States the population of rural areas grew at faster rates than urban areas. In Behind the Glitter, Smith found that 65 of the 84 rural tourism counties in her study of the Southeast had population growth equal to or exceeding the national rate of growth in the 1970s.,these nonmetropolitan counties grew 37.9% and in the 1980s, they grew at astill impressive rate of 24.6%.Fifth, tourism is a labor-intensive industry, creating large numbers of jobs that employ low-skill workers and youths, who may otherwise remain unemployed. The low-skilled nature of tourism jobs is ideal for economies with poorly educated or trained labor forces. These added jobs help cut welfare rolls and provide a source of tax revenue.Finally, tourism development means more income and profits for tourist-related businesses. Local income from tourist expenditures is mostly spent again in the local area, which leads to more local income, and perhaps, to more local jobs. Such indirect benefits of tourism are measured via regional economic impacts of tourism. Ryan’ s book has a section that introduces techniques used to measure the economic impacts of tourism. Many other studies also focus on measuring economic effects of tourism. In contrast, other sources of economic activity, particularly for remote counties, create relatively few direct and indirect benefits. For example, nuclear power plants, waste disposal sites, and many manufacturing plants create relatively few jobs and generate small amounts of local purchases.Aside from the fact that not all communities can be tourist havens, tourism development has its costs. It seems that every benefit of tourism development has a corresponding cost.中文译文乡村旅游和经济发展作者:弗雷德里克国籍:美国出处:SAGE 出版社旅游业是一种十分受欢迎的经济发展战略。

经济学论文外文翻译

经济学论文外文翻译In recent years, the global economy has undergone significant changes, with the rise of emerging markets and the increasing interconnectedness of financial markets around the world. These changes have led to a growing interest in understanding the factors that drive economic growth and development in different countries.One of the key factors that has been identified as a driver of economic growth is innovation. Innovation plays a crucial role in driving economic growth by creating new products, services, and technologies that can boost productivity and create new sources of wealth. Countries that are able to foster a culture of innovation and entrepreneurship are more likely to experience sustained economic growth and development over the long term.In addition to innovation, other factors such as human capital, infrastructure, and institutional quality also play important roles in driving economic growth. Human capital, in particular, is crucial for economic development as it allows countries to attract investment and talent from around the world. Investments in education and training can help to improve the skills and productivity of the workforce, leading to higher levels of economic growth.Infrastructure is another key factor that can have a significant impact on economic growth. Countries with well-developed infrastructure, such as transportation networks, communication systems, and energy supply, are better able to attract investment and support economic activity. Investing in infrastructure can also help to reduce costs, improve efficiency, and stimulate economicgrowth in the long term.Finally, institutional quality is an important determinant of economic growth. Countries with strong institutions, such as well-functioning legal systems, property rights protection, and effective governance, are more likely to attract investment and foster economic development. By creating a stable and predictable environment for businesses and investors, strong institutions can help to support economic growth and development.In conclusion, economic growth is driven by a complex interplayof factors, including innovation, human capital, infrastructure, and institutional quality. By understanding and promoting these factors, countries can create the conditions for sustained economic growth and development over the long term.。

证券市场发展与经济增长外文文献翻译中英文2020

证券市场发展与经济增长外文文献翻译中英文2020英文The relationship of renewable energy consumption to stock marketdevelopment and economic growth in IranSeyedeh Razmi，Bahareh Bajgiran，etcAbstractThis paper investigates the relationship of two types of renewable energy consumption (total hydropower, wind, solar and nuclear energies, and total combustible renewable and waste) to stock market value and economic growth in Iran. An autoregressive distributive lag (ARDL) model was used for data from 1990 to 2014 and results show that stock market value affects both groups of renewable energies in the long run. Growth rate significantly affects total hydropower, wind, solar, and nuclear energies in both the short and long run, although it is only significant in the short run for combustible renewable and waste energies. Neither type of renewable energy consumption affects growth in either the short or long run.Keywords：Renewable energy consumption，Stock market，Growth，ARDLSustainable development, as one of the main goals of every economy, encourages policymakers to use energy sources that emit the fewest pollutants to the environment. Today, renewable energy resources havebecome increasingly more important due to the fact that they have fewer negative impacts on the environment than other sources of energies and the growing limitations of fossil fuels. Most developed countries that are in agreement with the International Atomic Energy Agency and the Kyoto Protocol have established a framework to encourage greater usage of renewable energy sources Maji. Consequently, countries that are rich in non-renewable energies should consider ways to offset the economic slowdown that would be caused due to the loss of demand from developed countries. Apart from environmental issues, substituting domestic renewable energies also protects countries against external economic crises. As countries reduce fuel imports, their economies become less vulnerable to external crises. The importance of economic growth as the main objective of all economies has led a lot of studies towards finding the impact of renewable energies on economic growth. For example, one study using the ARDL method discovered that renewable energy and economic growth have a negative relationship in the long run in Nigeria, although an insignificant relationship exists in the short run. A negative impact of renewable energy on economic growth was also found in Turkey, South Africa, and Mexico by Ocal and Aslan. However, Destek found a positive relationship between the two variables was discovered for India. Aïssa et al tried to discover the relationship among renewable energy, output, and trade by using panel cointegrationof 11 African countries. They did not find any causality between renewable energy with output and trade in the short run. However, in the long run, Jebli and Youssef discovered the impact of renewable energy on output.Apergis and Payne employed panel cointegration for investigating the casual relationship between renewable energy consumption and economic growth for OECD countries. They found bidirectional causality between variables both in the short and long run. Similar results were discovered for Central American countries by Apergis and Payne. Using panel data, Chang et al found bidirectional causality between economic growth and renewable energy for G7 countries. However, these results were not approved for individual countries. Tugcu et al also discovered similar results for G7 countries. Using the panel cointegration method, Pao et al investigated the causal effect of clean and non-clean energies on economic growth for Mexico, Indonesia, South Korea, and Turkey. They found one-way causality running from renewable energy to economic growth in the long-run and two-way causality in short-run.Apart from economic growth, financial market development indexes are among the variables of interest to economists in energy studies. Financial market development can affect energy demand by influencing economic growth as well as reducing households’ constraints. Financial markets affect economic growth by transferring funds, determiningcapital prices, facilitating transactions, as well as distributing risk management. Facilitating consumer lending is another impact of financial markets on energy consumption, as easier access to financing for energy purchases increases consumer demand for energy. In other words, financial market development may increase energy consumption by reducing financial risk and lending costs and increasing access to financial investments and advanced technologies. Financial market development can also reduce the risks to consumers and businesses and thereby become an important factor in generating wealth in the economy. Therefore, the existence of financial market development is considered as a reliable lever for consumers and businesses which increases economic activity and energy demand.Kakar et al considered the relationship between financial market development, economic growth, and energy consumption in Pakistan in the 1980s. Using Johansen cointegration and Granger causality, the results showed the long-run effects of the financial market development on energy consumption, however its impact in the short run was negligible. Several studies have confirmed the relationship between financial development, energy consumption and economic growth. Stock market developments also play an important role in allocating funds for clean energy projects. Sadorsky stated that stock market developments would increase the demand for energy in emerging economies, whileChang indicated that the development of market capitalism in emerging countries would stimulate investment and energy consumption. This study investigates the relationship between renewable energy consumption, the stock market value,1 and GDP growth in Iran. It must be noted that, to the best knowledge of the authors, there have not been any studies on financial market development and renewable energies thus far; therefore, this research has referred to studies on total energy consumption and financial market development.Renewable energies can play an important role in reducing emissions of pollutants, such as carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases. Features such as environmental compatibility, fewer pollutive effects, renewability, and global reliability have led these types of energies to play an important role in the world's energy supply system on a day-to-day basis. Nowadays, Iran is suffering from air pollution, and the impact on public health is a well-known problem. Therefore, consuming renewable energies can be effective in both achieving clean air and increasing the overall health and well-being of the society. According to recent changes in Iran's energy consumption laws, governmental units such as the Ministry of Energy and the Ministry of Oil have been obliged to support clean energy consumption.Iran has many capacities in which to use hydro, wind, solar and other kinds of renewable energies due to its geographic environment.Despite its high potential for employing renewable resources, renewable energies have not yet been properly exploited. Renewable energy consumption in Iran is still less than 4% of total energy consumption. Therefore, Iran needs to devote particular attention to the various aspects of renewable energies to maintain its position as an energy supplier. Regarding foreign sanctions that have reduced the speed of foreign investment in non-renewable energy, the Iranian government also needs to increase its support to the private sector to attract more investment in renewable energies. This research helps policymakers in Iran and other countries meet their goals for using renewable energies by investigating the relationships of the three aforementioned variables.This study differs from other research on this issue as most papers in this field study economic growth, non-renewable energy consumption, and pollution (CO2) by panel data models. For our research objective, we make three key contributions. First, financial markets, especially the stock market, can help developing industries to raise and circulate capital within the broader economic system. While many studies have examined the relationship between financial development and economic growth with non-renewable energies, there is a gap in research pertaining to renewable energies. The study covers this gap by focusing on of renewable energy that have largely been ignored in prior research. Second, in contrast to the studies applying cross-country panel causality testing,especially in developed countries, we apply an ARDL model as a robust methodology for Iran's economy. Third, studies on renewable energies typically use one type of renewable energy source, while this study compares two groups of renewable energies: total hydropower, wind, solar, and nuclear energies and combustible renewable and waste energies. We examine the effect of economic growth on the two types of renewable energy consumption and conversely, the effect of the two types of renewable energy consumption on economic growth. This type of analysis has the potential to support future policy recommendations.For our estimation model we have carried out the following steps. First, after a thorough review of theoretical and empirical studies, we have selected our models. Next, we have verified the unit roots and integration tests for long-run relationships. Subsequently, we have applied two models for each of the long-run and short-run analyses. In each model, the dependent variables are: economic growth and renewable energy type. Finally, we have conducted diagnostic tests to confirm the reliability of the results.This paper examines the relationship between two types of renewable energy consumption, including consumption of hydro, solar, wind and nuclear energies as well as that of combustible renewables and waste energies, stock market value, and economic growth in Iran over the period 1990–2014 using the ARDL method. Such a study on Iran is verynecessary, as studies in this area are rare, and only small steps have been taken towards using renewable energies. The use of renewable energy in Iran is still less than 4% of the total energy consumption in the country. Therefore, more robust studies must be done regarding renewable energies. Results show the existence of short- and long-run relationships between variables in two models where the dependent variables are re (consumption of water, solar, wind and nuclear energies), gr (economic growth rate), and rec (consumption of combustible renewable and waste energies).The coefficient of st (stock market value) is insignificant for both re and rec as dependent variables in the short run, meaning that in the short run, financial markets have no effect on renewable energy consumption; however, it is positively significant in the long run for both groups. Therefore, the stock market value is an important positive factor affecting renewable energies in the long run. Growth rate significantly affects re in both the short and long run, although it is only significant in the short run for rec as a dependent variable. Neither type of renewable energy affects growth in the short run and long run. This result is similar to Dogan that found little effect of renewable energy consumption on economic growth in Turkey. Destek found negative effect of renewable energy consumption for South Africa and Mexico. However, Adams et al discovered positive effect of renewable energy consumption on economicgrowth in 30 Sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries.By examining the relationship among two groups of renewable energy consumption, stock market value, and economic growth, the results of this study highlight a few points for policymakers in Iran who are looking for ways to improve public health by using clean energies. First, stock market development in Iran has led to an increase in renewable energy consumption for total hydropower, wind, solar, and nuclear energies, while has not affected the consumption of combustible renewable and waste energies. The positive effect of stock market value on long-run economic growth shows that stock market development can increase renewable energy consumption in the long run. Second, economic growth can also lead to an increase in renewable energy consumption of the first group so policies towards increasing economic growth also lead to renewable energy consumption of first group. Third, given Iran's recent investments in the development and use of renewable energy technologies, the results of this research show that the country should continue to develop its renewable energy infrastructure in order to reap the full benefits.Responses to the following questions can be a guide for policymakers to achieve sustainable development and to increase the health and well-being of the society.•Do renewable energies have a positive effect on economic growth?•Does the value of the stock market have a positive effect on economic growth?•Does the value of the stock market have a positive effect on renewable energy?If the value of the stock market affects both economic growth and renewable energy consumption, it can serve as a stimulus for using renewable energy and achieving sustainable development. Economic policymakers can increase renewable energy consumption by better understanding the nuances of the effects of stock market value and economic growth on each group of renewable energy and use this knowledge to facilitate the development of the applicable renewable energies for the improvement and spread of clean air.中文证券市场发展和经济增长的关系伊朗可再生能源消费Seyedeh Razmi，Bahareh Bajgiran等摘要本文研究了伊朗两类可再生能源消耗（水电，风能，太阳能和核能总量以及可燃可再生和废物总量）与证券市场价值和经济增长之间的关系。

经济学英文论文及翻译范文

经济学英文论文及翻译范文Economics is a field that is constantly evolving and changing, and the study of economics involves a deep understanding of how individuals, businesses, and governments make decisions about how to allocate resources. This paper will explore the concepts of supply and demand, elasticity, and market structures, and their impact on the economy.The concept of supply and demand is a fundamental principle in economics, and it refers to the relationship between the quantity of a good that producers are willing to sell and the quantity that consumers are willing to buy. When demand for a good increases, the price tends to rise, and when demand decreases, the price tends to fall. On the other hand, when supply increases, the price tends to fall, and when supply decreases, the price tends to rise. This interaction between supply and demand determines the equilibrium price and quantity of a good in a market.Elasticity is a measure of how much the quantity demanded of a good responds to a change in price. The price elasticity of demand measures the responsiveness of the quantity demanded to a change in price, and it is calculated as the percentage change in quantity demanded divided by the percentage change in price. If the price elasticity of demand is greater than 1, it is considered to be elastic, meaning that a small change in price leads to a relatively large change in quantity demanded. Conversely, if the price elasticity of demand is less than 1, it is considered to be inelastic, meaning that a change in price leads to a relatively small change in quantity demanded.Market structures refer to the characteristics of a market that affect the behavior of firms and the outcomes of the market. There arefour main types of market structures: perfect competition, monopolistic competition, oligopoly, and monopoly. In a perfectly competitive market, there are many small firms selling identical products, and there are no barriers to entry or exit. Monopolistic competition is similar to perfect competition, but firms sell differentiated products. In an oligopoly, a few large firms dominate the market, and there are significant barriers to entry. A monopolyis a market with only one seller, and there are high barriers to entry. In conclusion, the concepts of supply and demand, elasticity, and market structures play a crucial role in shaping the economy. Understanding how these concepts interact and influence eachother is essential for policymakers and businesses to make informed decisions that can lead to a more efficient allocation of resources and a more prosperous economy.翻译范文如下：经济学是一个不断发展和变化的领域，经济学的研究涉及对个人、企业和政府如何做出关于资源配置的决策有着深刻的理解。

区域经济社会发展英语

区域经济社会发展英语Regional Economic and Social DevelopmentThe progress of any nation is intricately linked to the balanced growth and development of its various regions. Regional economic and social development refers to the concerted efforts aimed at enhancing the economic prosperity, social well-being, and overall quality of life within a specific geographical area.In the context of globalization, regional development has become increasingly important as it contributes to the overall competitiveness of a country. By focusing on the unique strengths and resources of each region, countries can create specialized economic zones that attract investment, foster innovation, and generate employment opportunities.Moreover, regional development is crucial for bridging the economic and social divides that often exist within countries. Inequitable distribution of resources and opportunities can lead to feelings of alienation and discontent among certain sections of the population, which can, in turn, hamper the country's progress. By ensuring that all regions have access to basic infrastructure, education, healthcare, and other essential services, countries can create a more inclusive and harmonious society.Furthermore, regional development also plays a pivotal role in addressing environmental challenges. With the increasing urgency of climate change and other environmental issues, it is essential to adopt sustainable development practices that prioritize the protection of the environment while also promoting economic growth. By encouraging the use of renewable energy sources, implementing eco-friendly building practices, and promoting sustainable agriculture, regions can contribute to mitigating the impact of climate change and preserving the planet for future generations.。

地区旅游发展带动经济发展的看法英语作文

地区旅游发展带动经济发展的看法英语作文In the modern era, tourism has emerged as a significant driver of economic development, particularly in regionsthat possess unique cultural and natural resources. The impact of tourism on economic growth is multifaceted, encompassing job creation, infrastructure development, and the promotion of local culture and heritage. This essay explores the notion that regional tourism development can serve as a powerful catalyst for economic progress.Firstly, tourism creates employment opportunities, which are crucial for economic growth. As the tourism industry expands, it generates jobs in various sectors, including accommodation, catering, transportation, and tourism guidance. These jobs not only provide income for individuals but also contribute to the overall economic well-being of the region. For instance, in rural areas with scenic landscapes or historical sites, tourism can provide an alternative source of income for local residents, who might otherwise rely solely on agriculture or other traditional industries.Secondly, the development of tourism infrastructure, such as hotels, roads, and visitor attractions, stimulates economic activity. The construction of these facilities requires investment, which in turn generates demand for goods and services, stimulating economic growth. Additionally, the improvement of infrastructure enhances the accessibility and attractiveness of the region, attracting more tourists and further boosting the tourism industry.Moreover, tourism can promote the preservation and promotion of local culture and heritage. As tourists visit a region, they become exposed to the local culture, traditions, and history. This exposure can foster a sense of pride and appreciation among locals for their own cultural identity, leading to efforts to conserve and promote these values. Cultural tourism, in particular, has the potential to create unique and attractive experiences for tourists, differentiating a region from its competitors and adding value to the tourism product.However, it is crucial to acknowledge that tourism development must be sustainable to ensure long-termeconomic benefits. Overdevelopment can have negativeimpacts on the environment and local communities, eroding the resources that underlie the tourism industry'sviability. Therefore, a balanced approach is necessary, prioritizing environmental protection, community engagement, and cultural authenticity.In conclusion, regional tourism development holds significant potential as a catalyst for economic growth. By creating employment opportunities, stimulatinginfrastructure development, and promoting local culture and heritage, tourism can contribute significantly to economic progress. However, it is essential to approach tourism development in a sustainable manner, ensuring that its benefits are shared equitably among all stakeholders. By doing so, regions can harness the power of tourism to build a more prosperous and sustainable future.**地区旅游发展带动经济发展的看法**在现代社会，旅游已成为推动经济发展的重要力量，尤其是在那些拥有独特文化和自然资源的地区。

城市规划文献翻译

<文献翻译一：原文>Planning, Governing, and the Image ofthe City1THE SEPARATION OF KNOWLEDGE FROM ACTION,AND THE IMAGE AS A TIE THAT BINDS THEMPlanning theory has tended to emphasize the separation of knowledge from action, as evidenced by the subtitle of a main text, Planning in the Public Domain: From Knowledge to Action (Friedmann 1987). Doing so has perpetuated a long line of enlightenment thinking that nourishes the epistemological roots of endeavors such as planning and design. Hannah Arendt (1958) identified knowledge with command and action with obedience to command. Thus she was able to claim that the separation of knowing and doing is the root of domination. Arendt was influenced by Martin Heidegger who, in his famous essay "The Question Concerning Technology," questioned how society questions technology (1977). What he achieved by this was a radical rethinking of what technology is, and how society mediates thought and action by technology. For Heidegger, technology is not limited to machines nor popular ascriptions like means and tools. For him the essence of technology is enframing. Technology enframes the real and transforms it into a standing reserve. Everything lies in wait to be used and transformed by technology. In this sense institutions are a technology that turns agents and ideas into objects subject to institutional technology. This places agents and ideas in a subordinate relation to the institution. In Heidegger's analysis, knowledge is both subordinate to institutional action and superordinate to the power that enables the institution to act. In contrast, Arendt's analysis of the individual person places knowledge in a position superior to action.The separation of knowledge from action, object from subject, being from doing, and command from obedience is picked up in the historical studies of Michel Foucault and his theorizing on power and knowledge (Foucault 1978, 1979, 1980). Juirgen Habermas is also sympathetic to Arendt's treatment of knowledge and action (1974, 1979).These fecund lines of thought opened up a host of pathways for critical social, political, philosophical, and professional analyses. Not in the least, they helped bring the institution back in, to paraphrase Theda Skocpol (1985).1． Michael Neuman．Planning, Governing, and the Image ofthe City [D]．Current Issue，（J）：December 2012．In the sphere of planning, Friedmann's "knowledge before action" can be traced back to Patrick Geddes's survey before plan，if not earlier (Geddes 1915). Friedmann (1987) cloaked a rational model similar to the choice theory put forth by Davidoffand Reiner a generation earlier (1962) in radical transactive garb. Friedmann underscored the link that politics makes between scientific/technical knowledge and societal guidance. He ironically set up a consulting capacity for planners in which they advise decision makers. If planners are cast into this advisory role, they can do nothing but fulfill the dichotomy signalled by the phrase "from knowledge to action" (emphasis added).Moreover, in his prescription for radical planning, references to vision, images, and institutions do not appear, if one excepts macro-institutions such as the market, government, and society.The divorce of knowledge from action, of content from process, is nearly complete in planning theory. The primacy of process is held firm under the grip of theories of communicative action. The communicative paradigm has unearthed fertile soil for a cadre of theorists using rubrics suchas discourse, consensus building, debate, story telling, equity planning, and interactive planning (Innes 1995). But to remove images in any of their forms from discourse results in a partial analysis, and will eventually result in communicative theories coming to a standstill. Not only are images and plans important to planning and governing, images are critical parts of and influences on daily life. "Pervasive images" is a pleonasm. Is it not our responsibility as scholars to come to grips with this phenomenon? Rodowick, for one,claimed that "electronic and digital arts are rapidly engendering new strategies of creation and simulation, and of spatial and temporal ordering, that linguistic philosophies are ill-equipped to understand" (Rodowick 1991, 12,quoted in Boyer 1994, 490).Boyer, writing on North American city planning, claimed "the past failures of the architect-planner to build images of the city reflect the refusal to allow the past to be experienced with the present in a new constellation. In consequence our modern cityscapes show little awareness of their historical past" (1983, 286). We can add that the present failures of planning theorists to build theories incorporating images and plans reflect the refusal to allow planning's past to be experienced with its present. We can rest somewhat easier knowing that practice has gone ahead of theory by reincorporating the image and rediscovering the plan (Neuman 1996).<文献翻译一：译文>规划、指导、形象和城市理论与实践的分离形象作为其纽带如《不受限制的规划：从知识到实践》(Friedmann 1987 年)的标题所言，规划理论已倾向于将知识从实践分离出来。

经济外文翻译外文文献英文文献产业集群中的竞争和合作应用于公共政策

外文翻译之一Competition and Cooperation in Industrial Cluster: TheImplication for Public PolicyDavid NewlandsEnglishEuropean Planning Studies, , (2003)2. Industrial Clusters: A Critical Reading of Different TheoriesAgglomeration Theory, From Marshall OnwardsMarshall, in his writings on Sheffield, Lancashire and other British regions, viewed the main source of external economies as the ‘commons’, the infrastructure and other services from which each individual firm in an industrial district might draw (Marshall, 1921). Examples include, in modern terminology, improved job search and job matching, more favorable access to capital finance and inter-firm labor migration. The availability of such common resources to a number of firms then enhances their size and diversity as both capital and labor are attracted to such areas to exploit the larger markets for their services. This in turn leads to reductions in factor prices and/or increases in factor productivities. These are the ways in which the external benefit to firms of a location in the industrial district manifests itself. Unit production costs will be lower within the industrial district than out with it.Parallel to his studies of industrial organization, in the various editions of his Principles of Economics, Marshall (1890, 1920) helped develop what was to become standard agglomeration theory. This was then built upon subsequently by a number of writers. For example, Scitovsky (1954) identified a further category of ‘pecuniary external economies’, Perroux (1955) contributed his famous theory of growth poles, and Chinitz (1961) applied the notion of agglomeration economies to the economic development of New York and Pittsburgh. More recently, Krugman (1991, 1995) has emphasized the importance of increasing returns as a favorable condition for the development of external economies. Porter (1990) can also be understood as belonging to this lineage in the sense that external economies make up many of the keyrelationships within his famous ‘diamond’.Standard agglomeration theory provides an explanation of why firms might cluster together, sharing a ‘commons’ of business services and a diversified labour force, and forming extensive local linkages with other firms. However, it conforms to neo-classical theory in that local economies are viewed as collections of atomistic businesses, aware of one another solely through the intermediation of price/cost signals. Firms continue to compete with each other although Marshall was keen to warn of the risks that fir ms’ collaboration, in the development of shared inputs, risked blunting competitive forces.Transaction Costs: The ‘Californian School’In the writings of the ‘Californian school’, the disintegration of productive systems leads to an increase in firms’ tr ansaction costs (Scott & Storper, 1986; Scott, 1988; Storper, 1989). Changes in market and technological conditions have led to increased uncertainty and greater risks of over capacity (of labour and capital) and of being locked into redundant technologies.The response of deepening the organizational division of labour leads to an increase in the number of formal market transactions external to the firm. There may also be an increase in the unpredictability and complexity of transactions. The costs of carrying out certain types of transaction—especially those where tacit knowledge is important or trust is required and thus complete contracting is impossible—varies systematically with distance. Thus, agglomeration is the result of the minimization of these types of transactions costs in a situation where such minimization outweighs other production cost differentials.The Californian school sought to explain observed agglomerations of economic activity. The argument centered on the localization of traded interdependencies—or simple input–output relations—but this is at best only a partial explanation, not least in being unable to distinguish convincingly between ‘good’ and ‘bad’ agglomerations. Agglomerations have been found in high wage, technologically advanced industries and low wage technologically stagnant ones alike while there are technologically dynamic agglomerations which lack the dense inter-firm linkages and coordinating institutions of a ‘new industrial district’.Nor is it clear whether markets will succeed in coordinating transactions within clusters (Cooke & Morgan, 1993). The management of traded interdependencies is exactly what we think of as the business of markets but there may nevertheless be market failure. Thus, certain “transactions—in labor markets, in inter-firm relations, in innovation and knowledge development—tended to have points of failure in the absence of appropriate institutions” (Storper,1995, p. 199). With this concern for the institutional arrangements within clusters, the ‘Californian school’ came to share certain of the arguments of the flexible specialization theorists who are discussed next and the institutional and evolutionary economists who are considered shortly.Flexible Specialization, Trust and Untraded InterdependenciesWhile neo-classical economics views firms as atomistic businesses, aware of one another only through formal market signals, modern industrial district theory emphasizes the interdependence of firms, flexible firm boundaries, and the importance of trust in creating and sustaining collaboration between economic actors within the districts.These themes arose first in the literature on flexible specialization in the ‘Third Italy’(Brusco, 1982) but was later extended to Baden-Wu¨rtemberg and other regions (Piore & Sabel, 1984). The sources of flexibility lay in collaborative networks of (mostly) small firms and supporting institutions. These networks permitted the establishment of trust between actors, a crucial argument within most contemporary approaches to clusters. The reasoning is that firms within networks of trust benefit from the reciprocal exchange of information—particularly tacit information that cannot be codified—but are simultaneously bound by ties of obligation which regulate behavior. Trust thus reinforces mutually beneficial relationships between firms. The implicit assumption is that trust is more likely to be sustained in geographically concentrated networks than more dispersed ones (Belussi, 1996).Firms may cooperate in seeking to get new work and may bid together on large projects. They may form consortia to access cheaper finance. They may jointly purchase materials and conduct or commission joint research. They may plan together and receive technical, financial and other services from the ‘commons’. However, despite all these examples of cooperative relationships, founded on or reinforced by trust, because they remain privately ownedbusinesses, firms within clusters continue to compete, with one another and with other firms, often more on quality than price.The embedding of economic relations into a wider social framework appears to be most common where business activity is conditioned by local politics, religion and close kinship and friendship relationships. Thus, “it is probably not a coincidence that the most successful districts have tended to be the most racially and culturally homogeneous” (Harrison, 1992,p. 479). Equally, national (or other broader) economic, legal and policy traditions are relevant. The development of inter-firm cooperation is more likely in some countries, such as Italy, than in others, such as the UK, because of differences in the operation of labor markets and competition policy.According to theorists such as Granovetter (1985), trust arises from the ‘digestion’ of experience. Trust accumulates from repeated interactions between firms and other actors in which they contract and recontract, formally and informally, strike deals, and help each other out at times of crisis. Trust results from a process of learning through experience which actors can be relied upon. Personal contact facilitates such repeated interactions and this in turn is likely to depend on proximity. This focus on untraded interdependencies is very different to the transactions costs approach to agglomeration. The latter concerns the cost minimization of traded relations while untraded interdependencies point to wider processes of the optimization of non-market or non-contract exchanges (Raco, 1999).Finally, it is important to note that untraded interdependencies can not only facilitate effective collective learning and action but also impede it. Especially where familiar conventions become well established, ‘sclerosis’ can set in. Areas can become locked into outdated and inferior technologies and institutions.Innovative Milieux: The GREMI GroupThere have been various schools of thought on the relationship between innovation, high technology industry and regional development. One line of enquiry has focused on the conditions for the establishment and growth of such high technology complexes as Silicon Valley and Route 128. While many factors have been identified, the most discussed is the role of local research intensive universities, Stanford in the case of Silicon Valley and MIT in thecase of Route 128. A large literature on the relationship between innovation, research universities and regional development has been spawned (Saxenian, 1985; Castells & Hall, 1994; Storper, 1993).Another direction of research has been in pursuit of the notion of an innovative milieu, the key theoretical concept of the GREMI (Groupement Europe′en des Milieux Innovateurs) group of regional economists (Aydalot & Keeble, 1988; Camagni, 1995). Clustering enables firms to benefit from a ‘collective learning process’, operating “through skilled labor mobility within the local labor market, customer–supplier technical and organizational interchange, imitation processes …and informal ‘cafeteria’effects”(Camagni, 1991, p. 130). This processdraws upon “an intricate network of mainly informal contacts among local actors …made up of personal face-to-face encounters, casual information flows, customer–supplier cooperation and the like” (Camagni, 1991, p. 131).However, there is a certain ambiguity as to what precisely milieux are. By some readings, a milieu is a set of institutions, practices and rules which provide a framework for development which guides and coordinates the activities of innovators. By other readings, a milieu is a network, of firms, research institutes and policy-makers, which provides the necessary coordination for successful innovation.These different interpretations, together with the very intangibility of milieux, are the sources of major intellectual problems. Thus, the GREMI group “has never b een able to identify the economic logic by which a milieu fosters innovation. There is circularity: innovation occurs because of a milieu, and a milieu is what exists in regions where there is innovation … they do not specify the potential mechanisms and processes by which such milieux function” (Storper, 1995, p. 203).Institutional and Evolutionary EconomicsA further approach derives from institutional and evolutionary economics (Nelson & Winter, 1982; Amin & Thrift, 1992; Amin, 1999). Technological change is seen as path dependent since it involves sequenced, and not simultaneous, choices which are often irreversible. There is a spatial dimension to such choices with interdependencies between organizations being both traded and untraded. The latter include rules and conventionswhich shape the development and communication of knowledge between local actors. Given that there are strong irreversibilities, observed clusters are to some extent accidents of history, reflecting the impact of past choices, although their development is also influenced by the appearance and growth of reinforcing institutions.This approach is potentially very fruitful in understanding the nature of competition in contemporary capitalism (Dosi et al., 1987). Standard economic theory conceptualizes competition as the location on a production possibility frontier that maximizes a firm’s comparative advantage given an existing set of factor prices. Competition is a state, characterized by the absence or minimization of monopoly rents (Nickell, 1996). In contrast, drawing upon an Austrian perspective, institutional and evolutionary economics views competition as a process of economic change, spurred by constant technological change. Thus, if innovation is the driver of competition, a firm (or locality) may possess technologies which are superior to those of others regardless of the level of factor prices.This distinction has come to be known as that between ‘weak’ competition and ‘strong’ or Schumpeterian competition (Hudson, 1999). Weak competition involves the search for lower cost means of producing existing goods with existing technologies. Strong competition is a strategy which involves the creation of new goods or of new technologies to produce existing goods.产业集群中的竞争和合作：应用于公共政策David Newlands英国《欧洲策略研究》，2003年第11期2.产业集群：对不同理论的批判性解读标准的集聚理论——从马歇尔（Marshall）开始马歇尔在他关于Sheffield, Lancashire等其他英国地区的著作中认为外部经济的主要来源是共同的，即个体企业在一个产业地区可能享有的基础设施和其他服务等（Marshall, 1921）。

一带一路战略研究外文文献翻译

一带一路战略研究外文文献翻译This article focuses on the "One Belt And One Road" (OBOR) initiative。

XXX discusses the background。

objectives。

and potential impact of OBOR on the global economy and nal ns.XXX Asia。

Europe。

XXX trade and investment。

The initiative includes two main components: the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road.The Silk Road Economic Belt is a land-based economic corridor that connects China with Central Asia。

Russia。

and Europe。

It includes the n of railways。

highways。

XXX trade and investment。

The 21st Century Maritime Silk Road is a sea-based economic corridor that connects China with Southeast Asia。

South Asia。

the Middle East。

and Africa。

It involves the development of ports。

shipping routes。

XXX.The OBOR initiative has the potential to promote economic growth and development in participating countries。

外文翻译--宏观经济政策与现实

本科毕业论文外文翻译原文外文题目：Theme: Macro Economic Policy and Reality——Deepening Rural Financial Markets: Macroeconomic, Policy and Political Dimensions 出处：Rural Finance Program作者：Claudio Gonzalez-Vega原文：Policies for rural financial deepeningA contemporary perspective acknowledges the urgency to adopt new policies, develop the necessary physical and institutional infrastructure, improve and disseminate new financial technologies, and design and build new organizations, which would allow a more efficient, sustainable, and broadly-based provision of rural financial services in the developing world and economies in transition.Policies refer to public actions –government and donor interventions– needed to create an environment conducive to rural financial market development. Key policy interventions may require revisions of legal systems (e.g., property rights, borrower and lender rights, contract design, judicial enforcement), new financial policies (e.g., interest rates, exchange rates, reserve requirements), and new regulatory frameworks (e.g., entry and exit of financial organizations, degrees of market competition, prudential regulation and supervision).These policies, legal systems, and regulatory frameworks are part of the institutional infrastructure needed for the efficient and stable operation of rural financial markets . At best, the development of this infrastructure has been neglected; frequently in the past, interventionist policies actually repressed financial market development.Reforms of non-financial policies that constrain the profitability of client businesses and public investments and that reduce transaction costs for all market participants also contribute to an expansion of both the demand and the supply of rural financial services.The development of supporting institutional mechanisms (e.g., property registries, credit bureaus and rating agencies) is also critical for rural financial marketexpansion. Because many of these supporting tools may be public goods, state intervention may be needed in order to accelerate their provision.Getting prices, policies and institutions right is a necessary but not a sufficient condition for rural financial deepening in developing countries and economies in transition. This goal will not be reached unless new, cost-effective lending and deposit-taking technologies are developed and implemented, in ways that allow an expansion of the supply of a broad range of financial services, delivered to wide segments of the rural population, at appropriate costs and risks for both the clients and the organizations that offer these services. That is, these costs would allow the clients to undertake projects that generate marginal rates of return at least as high as those being generated elsewhere in the economy and would allow the organizations to deliver those services in a sustainable and profitable manner.Because of externalities in the market for information and, in particular, in the market for innovations, private initiatives may not be sufficient to bring about the desired level of experimentation and adoption. Although state intervention may be needed to promote technological change, the choice of how to accomplish this matters. Resources are scarce and successful loci of innovation are unknown before hand. Moreover, knowledge of appropriate financial technologies will not be sufficient, either, for the sustainable expansion of rural financial markets. The organizations that supply these services must possess the required resources (human capital, leadership, networking, information capital, and access to funds), and they must implement business plans that successfully pursue a mission to serve this market segment in combination with a vocation for sustainability.Such organizations are in short supply in the rural areas of developing countries and economies in transition. They are key to the effort, however. Robust and creative organizations will undertake a major part of the innovation required and will be in better position to adopt and adapt knowledge and practices developed elsewhere. In contrast, the right policies and new technologies will be irrelevant, if the organizations that offer rural financial services are inefficient and not sustainable.Finally, assembling all of these ingredients in a coherent system requires that the structure of incentives engendered by the ownership structure and governance designof the organization be compatible with its outreach and sustainability objectives. An inconsistent mission and incompatible incentives will be a recipe for failure. Moreover, the legal and regulatory framework within which these organizations operate influences their ownership and governance structures. These structures must also be well-matched with the characteristics of the financial technologies adopted. The construction of this system and the acquisition of the resources needed will require deliberate institution building efforts, which may be facilitated by government and donor assistance.Promoting the Expansion of the Demand for Rural Financial ServicesOptimum intervention in the promotion of rural financial deepening calls for a precise diagnosis, namely the identification of actually binding constraints to rural financial transactions (what are the nature and extent of the problem?). Optimum intervention also requires the choice of policy tools that effectively overcome those constraints (what are the best instruments for the intervention?). Usually, the best instrument is an intervention that directly addresses the specific nature of the problem. The failure of many past interventions may be attributed to violations of this matching rule.First, failure reflected a misunderstanding of the true nature of finance, which resulted in attempts to use financial services when finance was not the appropriate instrument to address the problem or achieve the objectives of the authorities. Despite the best intentions, these interventions turned out to be unexpectedly harmful for the particular segments of the rural population they had ostensibly set out to help.Second, the failure of earlier interventions resulted from an incorrect diagnosis of the difficulties encountered in rural financial deepening. Rural financial market shortcomings were attributed to evil exploitation by informal moneylenders or to the indifference of private bankers. The state was then asked to take responsibility for expanding the supply of rural financial services, but the difficulties to be overcome could not be eliminated by decree. The mistake was to attempt a political solution to what is essentially the technical problem of producing financial services in this market segment at sufficiently low costs and risks.The challenge of promoting rural financial deepening is therefore complex, asthe obstacles that must be overcome permeate all dimensions of the market. This section classifies constraints as binding on either the demand side or the supply side of the market. Both dimensions matter for rural financial deepening.Promoting the Expansion of the Supply of Rural Financial ServicesGovernment and donor interventions are also needed to increase the supply of rural financial services. The supply of rural financial services is constrained by:(a) high transaction (operating) costs for lenders, which increase the costs of lendingwell above the opportunity cost of the funds and which can only be recovered with high intermediation margins;(b) high transaction (operating) costs incurred in mobilizing deposits, which increase the cost of funds for the financial intermediary well above the returns that must be offered to the depositors to attract their funds;(c) additional costs of mobilizing deposits that emerge from the need to meet the regulatory requirements for deposit mobilization (e.g., reserve requirements, minimum safety requirements, internal control);(d) high credit risks for lenders, which threaten with losses of income in case of arrears and losses of equity capital in case of default;(e) high liquidity risks in deposit mobilization, which make it necessary to keep liquid, less attractively remunerated reserves and which require additional financial costs in case of unexpected deposit withdrawals;(f) imperfections of information about the ability and willingness to repay loans ofapplicants, which increase both the operating costs and the losses from default of lenders;(g) inability to raise interest rates as a rationing device, due to adverse selection problems, which leads to non-price credit rationing;(h) absence of compatibility of the incentives that guide the behavior of potential borrowers and lenders, creating spaces for moral hazard (opportunistic borrower behavior), and thereby raising the operating costs and risks of lenders;(i) absence of compatibility of the incentives that guide the behavior of deposittakers and potential depositors, creating spaces for moral hazard (opportunistic behavior of deposit-takers), and thereby raising the risks for depositors;(j) absence, deficiencies, and high costs of formal contract enforcement mechanisms, which increase the credit risks and operating costs of lenders and the risks of depositors;(k) the attenuated property rights and inefficient governance structures of many rural financial intermediaries, which do not generate sufficient internal control or the adoption of business plans focused on outreach and sustainability;(l) the destruction of social capital (e.g., a culture of repayment) that accompanies the politicized pardoning and rescheduling of loans, weakening the credibility of contract threats and obligations;(m) market distortions introduced by non-private intermediaries that refuse to operate on market terms, thereby undermining the operations of serious competitors ;(n) the high covariance of cash flows of potential rural depositors and borrowers, which creates significant seasonal challenges for the management of liquidity;(o) the high covariance of incomes and of the outcomes of the productive efforts of borrowers, which reduces opportunities for portfolio diversification as a tool to manage risk by lenders;(p) the small size and low density of the clientele in local markets, which reduces the opportunities to dilute the fixed costs of any financial infrastructure;(q) the public good nature of the information generated by an expansion of the supply of rural financial services, which keeps the rate of private investment in experiments to develop innovations in lending technology and the expansion of these services below the socially optimum rate of expansion.Most of these difficulties are typical of all financial markets; the problem is that they are more acutely present in rural areas, thereby frequently raising the associated costs and risks to prohibitive levels. As a result, rural financial markets do not emerge.Clearly, the provision of the same basic public goods (roads, communications, literacy, safety) that would reduce transaction costs and would facilitate theemergence of a demand for financial services will also contribute to an expansion of supply. The extent to which the development of this physical and institutional infrastructure can contribute to rural financial deepening cannot be overemphasized. Financial policies have a powerful influence on the supply of rural financial services.Two types of actions are needed. On the one hand, it is indispensable to further reform policies, in order to reduce or eliminate the financial repression introduced by earlier interventions or to prevent the reintroduction of protectionist repressive approaches. On the other hand, it is necessary to develop a policy and regulatory framework that reduces the costs and risks for suppliers of rural financial services.Promoting Financial InnovationRural financial deepening fundamentally depends on innovations in financial technologies that make it possible to reach broader clienteles. Existing lending and deposit mobilization technologies do not allow cost-effective responses to the information, incentive, and contract enforcement barriers that curb financial transactions in rural areas. Innovation, however, requires investments in experimentation, development, transfer, adoption, adaptation, and learning of the new technologies. These investments are risky, costly, and usually require long gestation periods before any returns are observed.Typically, the incentives for private investment to undertake these efforts are insufficient, given the significant externalities that emerge. Once the new technologies are developed, competitors may find it attractive to imitate their features and can thereby undermine the profitability of the initial investment, by charging less, because they have not paid for all the costs of research and development. Moreover, competitors who have not incurred the costs of training and learning by doing can also acquire the new technologies embodied in the loan officers and other staff of the organization, by offering more attractive wages. Because of the nature of knowledge as a public good, these externalities discourage private innovation.State intervention in financial innovation, however, is problematic. Both the development and adoption of new financial technologies encounter significant difficulties. In effect, adaptation of a given practice to the features of a specific market segment is not a trivial task.First, this effort requires a flexible framework for experimentation. Indeed, it has been their vast flexibility in exploring alternative solutions to the problems of financial transactions that has allowed microfinance organizations and credit unions to develop their notable innovations. Continuity of efforts is also needed. Specific donor assistance, frequently delivered through internationally based organizations that possess comparative advantages in institution building, have supported these innovations. Most likely, a multiplicity of experiments is needed, as the appropriate solutions to specific problems are not known ahead of time. If would be inappropriate, for example, to support only organizations that work with group credit or only those that offer individual loans.Second, financial development is intensive in local information and requires long learning processes. Donors can assist in several ways. One is to offer access to the international pool of knowledge about new financial technologies. A clear understanding of general principles, lessons, and best practices is a critical starting point, but it is not sufficient. Finance is essentially about the evaluation of risks, the management of information, and the creation of lender borrower relationships that carry incentives for the protection of the relationship. The exact nature of these risks and the precise structures of incentives that sustain these relationships vary from market segment to market segment. The accumulation of information needed to reduce costs occurs locally and gradually, as the organization learns about its clients, about the market where it operates, and about the sources of threats of default. The success of microfinance organizations has ensued only after long processes of learning by doing, usually accompanied by close interaction with an international provider of technical assistance. This usually requires a long-term donor commitment to the institution-building exercise.Innovation is also required, moreover, with respect to the institutional design of rural financial organizations. In the end, policies will not be enacted, procedures will not be revised, technologies will not be adopted, if those who have to make the decisions do not find it in their interest to do so. The institutional design of organizations (ownership, control, governance) constrains individual behavior and creates the structures of incentives that guide the decisions that determineperformance. The financial organizations that currently have a presence in the rural areas of developing countries have institutional designs that frequently do not promote outreach and sustainability.Unfortunately, the role of donors in influencing the institutional design of these organizations is not clearly and sufficiently understood.Donor choices about investing in, lending to, and making grants for technical assistance and other purposes to particular types of organizations will influence the course of institutional development. These issues will pose the greatest dilemmas and challenges to donors and governments in the development of rural financial markets.译文：主题:宏观经济政策与现实——深化农村金融市场: 宏观经济、政策和政治维度一、深化农村金融政策用发展的角度看待问题，必须采用新政策，发展必要的物质和制度基础设施，改善和传播新的金融技术,设计和建造新组织, 这将允许在发展中国家和转型期经济中提供一个更有效率的、可持续的、广泛的农村金融服务业。

5、外文文献翻译(附原文)产业集群,区域品牌,Industrial cluster ,Regional brand

外文文献翻译（附原文）外文译文一：产业集群的竞争优势——以中国大连软件工业园为例Weilin Zhao,Chihiro Watanabe，Charla-Griffy-Brown[J]. Marketing Science,2009(2):123-125.摘要：本文本着为促进工业的发展的初衷探讨了中国软件公园的竞争优势。

产业集群深植于当地的制度系统，因此拥有特殊的竞争优势。

根据波特的“钻石”模型、SWOT模型的测试结果对中国大连软件园的案例进行了定性的分析。

产业集群是包括一系列在指定地理上集聚的公司，它扎根于当地政府、行业和学术的当地制度系统，以此获得大量的资源，从而获得产业经济发展的竞争优势。

为了成功驾驭中国经济范式从批量生产到开发新产品的转换，持续加强产业集群的竞争优势,促进工业和区域的经济发展是非常有必要的。

关键词：竞争优势；产业集群；当地制度系统；大连软件工业园；中国；科技园区；创新；区域发展产业集群产业集群是波特[1]也推而广之的一个经济发展的前沿概念。

作为一个在全球经济战略公认的专家,他指出了产业集群在促进区域经济发展中的作用。

他写道：集群的概念,“或出现在特定的地理位置与产业相关联的公司、供应商和机构，已成为了公司和政府思考和评估当地竞争优势和制定公共决策的一种新的要素。

但是，他至今也没有对产业集群做出准确的定义。

最近根据德瑞克、泰克拉[2]和李维[3]检查的关于产业集群和识别为“地理浓度的行业优势的文献取得了进展”。

“地理集中”定义了产业集群的一个关键而鲜明的基本性质。

产业由地区上特定的众多公司集聚而成,他们通常有共同市场、,有着共同的供应商,交易对象,教育机构和其它像知识及信息一样无形的东西，同样地,他们也面临相似的机会和威胁。

在全球产业集群有许多种发展模式。

比如美国加州的硅谷和马萨诸塞州的128鲁特都是知名的产业集群。

前者以微电子、生物技术、和风险资本市场而闻名,而后者则是以软件、计算机和通讯硬件享誉天下[4]。

经济学毕业论文英文文献及翻译1

The green barrier to free tradeC. P. ChandrasekharJayati GhoshAs the March 31 deadline for completing the "modalities" stage of the proposed new round of negotiations on global agricultural trade nears, hopes of an agreement are increasingly waning. In this edition of Macroscan, C. P. Chandrasekhar and Jayati Ghosh examine the factors and the players constraining the realisation of such an agreement.AT THE END of the latest round of meetings of the agricultural negotiations committee of the WTO, the optimism that negotiators would meet the March 31 deadline for working out numerical targets, formulas and other "modalities" through which countries can frame their liberalisation commitments in a new full-fledged round of trade negotiations has almost disappeared. That target was important for two reasons.First, it is now becoming clear, that even more than was true during the Uruguay Round, forging an agreement in the agricultural area is bound to prove extremely difficult.Progress in the agricultural negotiations was key to persuading the unconvinced that a new `Doha Round' of trade negotiations is useful and feasible.Second, the Doha declaration made agricultural negotiations one part of a `single undertaking' to be completed by January 1, 2005. That is, in a take `all-or-nothing' scheme, countries had to arrive at, and be bound by, agreements in all areas in which negotiations were to be initiated in the new round. This means that if agreement is not worked out with regard to agriculture, there would be no change in the multilateral trade regime governing industry, services or related areas and no progress in new areas, such as competition policy, foreign investment and public procurement, all of which are crucial to the economic agenda of the developed countries.The factors making agriculture the sticking point on this occasion are numerous. As in the last Round, there is little agreement among the developed countries themselves on the appropriate shape of the global agricultural trade regime.There are substantial differences in the agenda of the US, the EU and the developed countries within the Cairns group of agricultural exporters. When the rich and the powerful disagree, a global consensus is not easy to come by.But that is not all. Even if an agreement is stitched up between the rich nations, through manoeuvres such as the Blair House accord, getting the rest of the world to go along would be more difficult this time.This is because the outcomes in the agricultural trade area since the implementation of the Uruguay Round (UR) Agreement on Agriculture (AoA) began have fallen far short of expectations. In the course of Round, advocates of the UR regime had promised global production adjustments that would increase the value of world agricultural trade and an increase in developing country share of such trade.As Chart 1 shows, global production volumes continued to rise after 1994 when the implementation of the Uruguay Round began, with signs of tapering off only in 2000 and 2001. As is widely known, this increase in production occurred in the developed countries as well.Not surprisingly, therefore, the volume of world trade continued to rise as well after 1994 (Chart 2). The real shift occurred in agricultural prices which, after some buoyancy between 1993and 1995, have declined thereafter, and particularly sharply after 1997. It is this decline in unit values that resulted in a situation where the value of world trade stagnated and then declined after 1995, when the implementation of the Uruguay Round began.As Table 1 shows, there was a sharp fall in the rate of growth of global agricultural trade between the second half of the 1980s and the 1990s, with the decline in growth in the 1990s being due to the particularly poor performance during the 1998 to 2001 period.Price declines and stagnation in agricultural trade values in the wake of the UR Agreement on Agriculture were accompanied and partly influenced by the persisting regionalisation of world agricultural trade.The foci of such regionalisation were Western Europe and Asia, with 32 and 11 per cent of global agricultural trade being intra-Western European and intra-Asian trade respectively (Chart 3). What is noteworthy, however, is that agricultural exports accounted for a much higher share of both merchandise and primary products trade in North America and Western Europe (besides Latin America and Africa) than it did for Asia.Thus, despite being the developed regions of the world, agricultural production and exports were important influences on the economic performance of North America and Western Europe.It is, therefore, not surprising that Europe is keen on maintaining its agricultural sector through protection, while the US is keen on expanding its role in world agricultural markets by subsidising its own farmers and forcing other countries to open up their markets. The problem is that the US has been more successful in prising open developing country markets than the large EU market.Thus, out of $104 billion worth of exports from North America in 2001, $34 billion went to Asia and $15 billion to Latin America, whereas exports to Europe amounted to $14 billion.The Cairns group of exporting countries (Argentina, Australia, Bolivia, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Guatemala, Indonesia, Malaysia, New Zealand, Paraguay, the Philippines, South Africa, Thailand and Uruguay), for some of whom at least agricultural exports are extremely important, want world market to be freed of protection as well as the surpluses that result from huge domestic support in the US and the EC.We must note that $35 billion of the $63 billion of exports from Latin America went to the US and the EU. More open markets and less domestic support in those destinations is, therefore, crucial for the region.The fact that Europe has been successful in its effort at retaining its agricultural space with the help of a Common Agricultural Policy that both supports and subsidises its agricultural producers is clear from Chart 4, which shows that intra-EC trade which accounted for 74 per cent of EU exports in 1990, continued to account for 73 per cent of total EU exports in 1995 and 2001.But North America, with far fewer countries in its fold, has also been quite insular. Close to a third of North American exports are inter-regional. Little has changed since the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture.It is widely accepted that three sets of actors account for this failure of the AoA:First, in order to push through an agreement when there were signs that the Uruguay Round was faltering, the liberalisation of agricultural trade in the developed countries was not pushed far enough;Second, is the ability to use "loopholes", especially those in the form of inadequately well-defined Green and Blue Box measures, in the AoA, to continue to support and protect farmers on the grounds that such support was non-trade distorting; andFinally, there are violations of even the lax UR rules in the course of implementation, which have been aided by the failure of the agreement to ensure transparency in implementation.Not surprisingly, some countries, especially the Cairns group of exporting countries, have proposed an ambitious agenda of liberalisation in the agricultural area.Tariffs are to be reduced sharply, using the "Swiss formula", which would ensure that the proportionate reduction in the tariffs imposed by a country would be larger, the higher is the prevailing bound or applied tariff in that country.中文翻译：题目：自由贸易中的绿色壁垒作者：C. P. Chandrasekhar 、Jayati Ghosh在A完自由化的承诺在其最新一轮会议的农业谈判委员会，世界贸易组织，乐观地认为，谈判的框架将在3月31日最后期限为制定数字指标，公式和其他“方式，哪些国家可以”通过新的全面谈判回合贸易几乎已经消失。

中国西部经济问题探讨中英文对照外文翻译文献

(文档含英文原文和中文翻译)中英文资料对照外文翻译China western economy problem discussWestern economy in recent years has made great development, GDP year average growth rate up, but the overall level of development is still in a relatively backward state, western economic development is not only related to the western region of the people's living standards, but also related to the national stability and unity. This article from the economic resource element to set out, through the population, capital, resources present situation analysis, focused on the macroscopic policy of the government, a description of the development of western economic necessity, and try to explain its economy to develop the reason of lag and the existing problems.China western area, because of geographical, climate, history, humanities, and many other reasons, resulting in its economic development compared to the eastern region is serious lag, although sincereforming and opening, western region economy development to a certain extent, but the local economic development remains slow, especially as Tibet, Xinjiang and other minority Autonomous region. Therefore, the concrete will from the following several aspects carries on the analysis discussion.A western region economy development situation and characteristic.On Resources -- the advantage of rich resources has not been transformed into real economic dominant position.1 natural resources: western grassland, forest, water, mineral, energy is very rich in natural resources. This is western economic development favorable conditions. It has been found that the mineral is amounted to 100 a variety of, reserves of ascertain mineral products ranks the top five have a dozen, but due to transportation, energy, technology and other aspects, the development and utilization of mineral resources is not enough.2 energy resources: most of the western region, high elevation and low latitude, intense solar radiation, total radiation values close to the maximum, in the world after sub-Saharan Africa, the wealth of the development and utilization of solar energy has great potential. In addition, the western land resource large area ranks first in the nation; energy reserves in the forefront of the country; the forest resources, plant resources, animal resources are of inestimable prospect, but these advantages have not yet into the advantages of industry development.3 human resources: human resources include a variety of cultural resources, such as language, dress, music, drama, religious and rich historical and cultural resources. For example, Tibet has spread throughout the rich ethnic characteristics of traditional cultural resources, in order to Tibetan Buddhist culture as the core of the national traditional culture. The world cultural heritage -- Potala Palace, Jokhang Temple, Buddhist temple and traditional Tibetan style is the Tibet cultural industries relying on resources. But because the infrastructure is backward, especially the traffic condition is poor, the cultural resources development utilization rate is low, the cultural industry has just begun sprouting.4: the central government policy resources always will be the West as a national special poor areas to care and support, for western developed a series of policies and flexible measures. As one of China's five ethnic autonomous regions are located, West enjoy many preferential policies and treatment. Only in the reform and development in thirty years since, the central has several held western development work conference, western has formulated a series of preferential policies. In addition, the West also has a strong policy of flexible space, there are conditions to develop and implement some special policies, such as the western people development production has good mobility and promoting effect. In the mainland provinces ( area), can enjoy these preferential policies for the treatment of the only western area.Two. Education resources shortage, low labor quality.Western although the area natural resources is very rich, but the social resource is lacked very however, causing the main reason is western area 's level of education, education resources and education system of general lag. From the roots to illustrate the problem, western area with much land and few people, productivity level is low in the East, is not conducive to the promotion of the city, this will result in local government cannot concentrate advantage power in quality education base. To this, the central and local governments should strengthen western area population density, the initial formation of town dimensions, concentrate advantage resource construction of high quality teaching base, the central and local governments should give support energetically. At the same time, we should strengthen the occupation education, improve the quality of laborer; in large and medium-sized city, colleges and universities should be listed as an important support object, increase scientific research expenditure, the students' study and life to grant, form a complete set of perfect talent training mode, strengthen western the foundation of big development resources -- human resources development and improvement.Three. The extensive economic development mode should transition to intensive model of economic development.Since the founding of the PRC, western economy although there is a certain degree of development, but in the economic development behind, there is a resource exploitation utilization and serious destruction of ecological environment, to this, we should be rational knowledge to, GDP growth behind, most of them are false, we should use the " green GDP" method to measure a region's economic development level, the western region industry structural adjustment and economic transition be imperative, to carry out the sustainable development strategy, this is not only in conformity with the requirements of the scientific outlook on development, but also accords with the benefit of the future generations of requirements. Therefore, specifically from the following several aspects of economic restructuring and adjustment:1 strengthen the examination of various industrial sewage to discharge, did not meet the enterprises should limit for rectification, the rectification is not qualified to be ordered to shut down. At the same time, the government should intensify efforts to control the environment, environmental awareness, consciously cultivate the habit of protect environment is very high, people's awareness of environmental protection.2 to strengthen the development of high and new technology enterprises. The local government should reduce the access threshold of high-tech enterprises, and in the circumstances allow proper tax reduction or exemption, good business development of logistics, it is not only conducive to the development of our country's high-tech industry, but also can promote western economic ring to maintain growth, full employment.3 rational development and utilization of wind, solar, geothermal energy and other natural resources. The area has be richly endowed by nature 's natural resources, if local government in this respect, pay attention to the development and utilization, its economic benefits, environmental benefits are very considerable.Four. The problem of industrial structure presence and adjustment measures.Adjust industrial structure, stimulative economy grows the change of means, it is implementation western economy society spans type development strategy choice. In the center of western informal discussion of job put forward clearly to western economy grows main task: the stable development of the first industry, focusing on the development of the second industry, vigorously develop the tertiary industry, prosperity and social undertakings, to lay a good foundation for the long-term development.For example, since the founding of the PRC, Tibet autonomous region industrial structure evolution is composed of the following characteristics:In 1 the tertiary industry the proportion in GDP has been on the rise. In 2002 exceeded 50%, reaching 51% in 2003. Look from countrywide circumstance, the tertiary industry in 2002 more than 50% only Beijing, Shanghai and Tibet. According to the general law of the development of the industry, the tertiary industry accounted for GDP accounted for more than 50%, is generally considered to enter a more developed economy society's symbol, is the so-called " hind industrial society " feature, this and Tibet's actual development level does not match.2 of second industries in Tibet three industrial development process had high speed growth. According to the three law of the development of industries, the first is the development of the first industry, followed by the development of the second industry, namely, industrialized process, and then in the first and second industry, the full development of the tertiary industry development based on the. Tibet's situation is the second industry peaked in 1979, 27.7%, 1988 second industry in the three industry in the proportion fell to the lowest level since 1959 11.9%. Tibet economy not formed the "two or three, " or "two, three, " the industrial structure, the second industry never played as the first.3 the first industry declined. According to the trend of change of structure of industry, along with the growth of GDP per capita, the first industry the proportion in GDP declined. In 1984 Tibet the first industry basically stable dropped below 50% in 1997, later reduced to 40%, 2001 to drop to below 30% in 2003, the proportion of the first industry has been ranked third. From the three times industry adjustment proportion, agricultural structural adjustment already obtained corresponding achievement.Now the western economic industrial structure, although the basic form of benign development pattern, but the three industrial structure interior not coordinate. The data indicates that the tertiaryindustry, the increase in the value of the 60% or so from the central finance allowance, not only that, the tertiary industry in Tibet with apparent consumption, extensive features, to a national economy pulling effect is not obvious. Three big industry second industry in the western region in recent years, mainly to the construction, the construction industry in the proportion of the 60% above, this is central to western investment mainly concentrated in infrastructure construction to reflect, more western industrial development serious deficiencies in the performance of. Western industrial structure is unreasonable also performed in, industrial structure is not directly reflect the western area advantage, resource advantage and characteristics. Industrial structure adjustment should be based on this, in the consolidation and development of the first industry energetically on the foundation of the development of the second industry and the tertiary industry, especially in the characteristics of the product processing production should be somewhat greatly, but that is not the case, that the name of economic development to a certain extent is also dependent on the first industry, industrialized process also is very long.Relative to the East, the western area development pattern is too monotonous, mainly rely on an industry -- agriculture. As everyone knows, the western area of barren land, rely on agriculture to the development of the local economy is an utterly inadequate measure, not to the economic development of the target, and the two industry -- industry in the western region development is lag, in view of this, the central government should actively guide the local government to develop the tertiary industry, tourism is the main industry in the development of the tourism industry, once developed, other three industries -- transportation industry, catering industry and so on will soon drive up, therefore, the local government should from the following aspects to:1 the development of local cultural characteristics. The area has very much the minority, the local government should guide the minority areas develop their own national culture, so in retain their nationality essence and attract tourists visit, tourism, promoting the three industry development.2 to strengthen the protection and development of natural landscape. The area has many of China's natural landscape and the world intangible cultural heritage, if the energy of these scenic landscape protection and development, for the development of tourism is a very broad prospect.3 three times to accelerate industrial development, the government should solve western region economy development bottleneck problem, namely the government should accelerate the improvement of the infrastructure construction in west.In five, western region economy gross low, farming herdsman income growth is slow, urban and rural difference is pulled big.In Tibet and Xinjiang autonomous regions, with the mainland and the widening of the income gap, Tibet area farming herdsman income is lower than the national average, and the income of urban residents in Tibet are higher than the national average, 2004 countrywide town dweller yearaverage income is 6907 yuan, and the corresponding period of Tibet town dweller year average income is as high as 7912 yuan, is the 114% of national average level, the income gap between urban and rural areas is not only significant in Tibet and more than the national average, and this difference still is continueing to pull big, therefore, the market mechanism can't adjust economy and occurs in a variety of problems, need government carries out the following necessary control:1, accelerate western area rural development, accelerate urban and rural economic integration, the western region to reduce and eliminate " two yuan of structure of urban and rural economy ", realize economic modernization, must be based on the combination of urban and rural, complementary advantages, mutual service, the principle of coordinated development of urban and rural economy two yuan, breaking the boundaries, execute unified program, unified industry policy, unified and coordinated management, reasonable division of labor and cooperation, and gradually realize the integration of urban and rural economy, industrialization and city change synchronous development. In 2 the government should use more fiscal policies to control, through tax, all kinds of relief subsidies of transfer payments rise western rural residents disposable income.3 introduced the relevant benefit farming policy Huimin to solve urban and rural difference plays big phenomenon.Six, about the money. The government should help energetically western area, the formation of the western economy "hematopoiesis " mechanism, so that the rapid economic growth.1 when the western economy is underdeveloped, the country should increase the investment of the west, not to move or retreat carry out carry out " western big development " strategic thought, eliminate the bottleneck that economy grows effect, rise western area residents' welfare level, and increase social total demand.2 similar reconstruction after Wenchuan earthquake experience -- eastern provinces counterparts in disaster aid method, namely eastern developed provinces and municipalities to make aid western underdeveloped provinces and autonomous regions.3 in line with sustainable development under the guidance of the idea, the central government can to the west the area increases the introduction of foreign capital to the development of local economy. Seven, the development of border trade.Western area with more than 10 countries border on, and there is a long line of terrestrial border land, mineral resources, water resources, biological resources and tourism resources are relatively rich, but economy is relatively backward, therefore, should make great efforts to open, the opening of the gold zone, as open to the outside world frontier, efforts to develop border trade, including the development of border economic development strategy planning, do a good job in port construction, establishing trade base, do well the trade products production, strengthen trade management, exert oneself through the border trade to promote western border area transportation, information, tourismdevelopment.Eight, coordinating development of economy and society, material civilization and spiritual civilization construction to pay equal attention to.Economy and society is in the western region of the two subsystems, both and mutual promote, indispensable. Economic development is the foundation of social development, science and technology, education, instead, medical, cultural career revitalize, ideological and political work, moral education, democracy and legal education, strengthening population control and other social development and support and promote economic development. Therefore, in the actual construction should adhere to the harmonious development of economy and society, material civilization and spiritual civilization progress jointly.To sum up, the implementation of the western development strategy, accelerate the development of the western region, to expand domestic demand, spur economic growth, enhance national power, contractible area difference, promote common prosperity, strengthening the national unity and social stability, consolidating frontier defense, and enhance China's international status has an important significance and far-reaching impact. Therefore, in the process of western great development, western, Eastern and central to the three forces to form resultant force, in order to achieve the desired effect. Western development is the most fundamental force is on the western region of the vast number of cadres and the masses of the people, therefore, western area people should establish master thought, independent, self-reliance, to carry forward the spirit, work hard and perseveringly rely through one's own efforts. At the same time, in the development of Western mentioned above, in some aspects of the condition is poorer, and eight, ninety in the eastern development period compared with big development, the task is more formidable, need longer. The eastern region of the cadres and the masses should establish overall situation concept, actively support, improve and strengthen the targeted aid and various forms of cooperation, mutual benefit, common development. The central government should take " the market mechanism, economic means " mode and " plan mechanism, administrative means " model of combining, appropriate concentration of financial resources, increase right western area finance move to pay strength, expand western region public investment scale, developed to support the western development policy, various departments of the central government shall adopt various forms to help and support, accelerate western area politics, economy, cultural development. At the same time, the western development process, should pay attention to implementation population, resource, environment and economy, the coordinated development of society, the fragile ecological environment of western region, along with the development of industry, the pollution of the environment can not be ignored. Therefore, in the development construction must implement a sustainable development strategy.中国西部经济问题的探讨西部经济近几年有了很大的发展，GDP年平均增长率加快，但其总体发展水平仍处于相对落后状态，西部经济的发展不仅关系着西部地区人民的生活水平的提高，同时也关系着国家的安定团结。

国外发展现状文献翻译

国外发展现状文献翻译The Current Development Situation AbroadIn recent years, the development of many countries abroad has been gaining momentum, particularly in areas such as technology, economy, and infrastructure. This can be attributed to various factors such as government policies, technological advancements, and strong international collaborations.Firstly, many countries have focused on technological advancements as a means to drive development and improve the lives of their citizens. For instance, several countries have implemented national programs to promote innovation and research in key sectors such as artificial intelligence, biotechnology, and renewable energy. These efforts have not only led to the creation of cutting-edge technologies but also provided a significant boost to their economies. The development of technologies like 5G networks, autonomous vehicles, and smart cities has become a top priority for many nations, as they believe it will enhance their overall competitiveness and position them as leaders in the global economy.Secondly, the economy has been a major focus for many countries, leading to significant growth and development. Foreign investment has played a crucial role in bolstering the economies of various nations. Many countries have actively sought to attract foreign direct investment by creating favorable business environments, reducing bureaucratic obstacles, and offering incentives to foreign investors. As a result, these countries have witnessed an increase in foreign direct investment, which has helped stimulate economicgrowth, create employment opportunities, and foster technological advancements.Additionally, the development of infrastructure has become a key priority for many countries abroad. Developing efficient transportation networks, modernizing existing infrastructure, and building new structures have been fundamental in improving connectivity, promoting economic activities, and enhancing the overall quality of life. Many countries have undertaken large-scale infrastructure projects such as high-speed rail networks, subway systems, and airports to support their economic growth and facilitate the movement of goods and services.Moreover, international collaborations between countries have been instrumental in driving development abroad. Countries have recognized the importance of cooperation in addressing global challenges and utilizing shared resources. Collaborative efforts in areas such as scientific research, climate change, and trade have resulted in significant advancements. For instance, joint research programs have accelerated technological breakthroughs, international trade agreements have boosted economic activities, and international efforts to combat climate change have resulted in the adoption of sustainable practices.In conclusion, the development of many countries abroad in recent years has been progressing at a rapid pace across various sectors such as technology, economy, and infrastructure. Governments' focus on technological advancements, attracting foreign investments, developing infrastructure, and fostering internationalcollaborations have played a significant role in driving their development and positioning them as global leaders.。

乡村旅游和经济发展外文翻译文献

乡村旅游和经济发展外文翻译文献乡村旅游和经济发展外文翻译文献Rural Tourism and Economic DevelopmentTourism is a popular economic development strategy. The author reviews three diverse books that study tourism from various social science perspectives——economic, sociological,psychological,and anthropological.Ryan’s book is multidisciplinary in approach and covers all major topics of tourism;tourist experience;and marketing.Michal Smith details the negative affects of tourism development in rural areas of the southeastern United States.Finally,Valene Smith’s book presents international case studies that document cultural changes caused by tourism development. Despite their different focuses, all three books agree that tourism development has its benefits and costs and that changes to the destination areas are inevitable. Careful planning and marketing can lessen the harmful effects of tourism development.Tourism is an increasingly popular elixir to economic rural and urban underdevelopment. Its current prominence in the array of local economic development strategies can be traced to several features of the tourism industry. Tourism jobs are mostly low-skill jobs, which are a good fit with the job skills of many rural residents. Also, tourism has a potential for creating an export base that builds on favorable local advantages such as a pleasant climate or sites of historic or natural interest. More important, tourism strategies mesh with the current political philosophy and budget realities ofminimizing government involvement and investment. The accommodations,restaurants,and entertainment activities that necessarily accompany tourism are assumed to be provided by the private sector. Critics of tourism as a development strategy cite its low-paying and dead-end jobs, its degradation of the local natural environment, and its potential corruption of local culture and customs. Further, not every jurisdiction in need of jobs and a tax base has tourism potential.The study of tourism, like much of the economic development literature, draws from a wide range of disciplines. The forte of economists is in addressing the affects of tourism on the local economy;however,economists fail to describe who tourists are or why they travel.Anthropologists’major contribution to defining and studying tourism is in examining the impacts of tourism on local culture. Psychologists are more likely to dwell on the motives for tourism, but they ignore the impacts. Clearly, the complete definition of tourism includes the economic,social,anthropological,and psychological viewpoints. One strength of Recreational Tourism: A social Science Perspective by Chris Ryan is its multidisciplinary approach to the study of tourism. In contrast, the case studies from around the world found in Hosts and Guests:TheAnthropology of Tourism, edited by Valene Smith, dwell on tourism from the perspectives of history and anthropology, with its focus on the culture affects of tourism and tourism’s role in the acculturation process. Behind the Glitter: The Impact of Tourism on Rural Women in the Southeast, by Michal Smith, focuses on the economic and cultural effects of tourism in the rural Southeast.Benefits of tourismPerhaps chief among the advantages of tourism is that it is seen as obtainable, even for communities with minimal public resources. Most communities envision negligible public investments such as new roads, history markers, town cleanup, storefront rehabilitation, and marketing. The private sector is expected to provide hotels, motels, restaurants, entertainment, and other tourist accommodations.Second, tourism is a relatively easy-to-understand concept for the lay public and can, therefore, generate local support. Community pride leads residents to conclude that their home town has something to offer tourists.Tourism builds on perceived and existing local advantages or amenities, such as sites of historical interest, mountains and other places of natural beauty,pleasant climates,or clean air.Tourismdevelopment uses these resources, which are “free” i n the sense that the tourism industry has not paid for them. In some cases, these natural resources would have small economic value without tourism development.Mieczkowske cites the Alps,“dying” fishing or mill towns of New England and the Canadian Maritime provinces,and Caribbean islands as places where tourism has given economic value to natural amenities. Thus tourism can have a positive economic effect in such areas of otherwise low economic productivity.Third, decades of experience in smokestack chasing has been disappointing for many communities.The competition for manufacturing plants is intense and as long as manufacturing employment continues its downward trend, competition for the remaining plants will only increase.Also,tourism is perceived as a cleaner industry for the environment than is manufacturing.Fourth, rural tourism havens tend to be growth. This decade became known as the population turnaround as it was the first time in the history of the United States the population of rural areas grew at faster rates than urban areas. In Behind the Glitter, Smith found that 65 of the 84 rural tourism counties in her study of the Southeast had population growth equal toor exceeding the national rate of growth in the 1970s.,these nonmetropolitan counties grew 37.9% and in the 1980s, they grew at a still impressive rate of 24.6%.Fifth, tourism is a labor-intensive industry, creating large numbers of jobs that employ low-skill workers and youths, who may otherwise remain unemployed. The low-skilled nature of tourism jobs is ideal for economies with poorly educated or trained labor forces. These added jobs help cut welfare rolls and provide a source of tax revenue.Finally, tourism development means more income and profits for tourist-related businesses.Local income from tourist expenditures is mostly spent again in the local area, which leads to more local income, and perhaps, to more local jobs. Such indirect benefits of tourism are measured via regional economic impacts of tourism. Ryan’s book has a section that introduces techniques used to measure the economic impacts of tourism. Many other studies also focus on measuring economic effects of tourism. In contrast, other sources of economic activity, particularly for remote counties, create relatively few direct and indirect benefits. For example, nuclear power plants, waste disposal sites, and many manufacturing plantscreate relatively few jobs and generate small amounts of local purchases.Aside from the fact that not all communities can be tourist havens, tourism development has its costs. It seems that every benefit of tourism development has a corresponding cost.乡村旅游和经济发展作者：弗雷德里克国籍：美国出处：SAGE 出版社旅游业是一种十分受欢迎的经济发展战略。

城市化进程和经济增长中英文外文文献2017年

本科毕业设计（论文）中英文对照翻译(此文档为word格式,下载后您可任意修改编辑!)文献出处：Davy Haw. The urbanization process and economic growth: The so-what question[J]. Journal of Economic Growth, 2017, 1(8): 47-71.原文The Urbanization Process and Economic Growth: TheSo-What QuestionDavy HawIntroductionThere is an enormous literature on the urbanization process that occurs with development (see Davis and Henderson, 2003 for a review). There are two key aspects to the process. One is urbanization itself andthe other is urban concentration, or the degree to which urban resources are concentrated in one or two large cities, as opposed to spread over many cities. Part of the interest in the urbanization process arises because urbanization and growth seem so interconnected. In any year, the simple correlation coefficient across countries between the percent urbanized in a country and, say, GDP per capita (in logs) is about 0.85. The reason is clear. Usually economic development involves the transformation of a country from a rural agricultural based economy to an industrial service based economy (as well as releasing labor from agriculture, as labor-saving technologies are introduced). That transformation involves urbanization, as firms and workers cluster in cities to take advantage of Marshall's (1890) localized external economies of scale in manufacturing and services (Henderson, 1974; Fujita and Ogawa, 1982; Helsley and Strange, 1990; Duranton and Puga, 2001). Economists have tended to focus on the issue of urban concentration, rather than urbanization per se. The literature that does exist on urbanization examines rural versus urban bias in the transformation process. Governments may favor the urban-industrial sector with trade protection policies, infrastructure investments, or capital market subsidies or they may discriminate against the rural sector with agricultural price controls (Renaud, 1981; O, 1993), both leading workers to migrate to cities. But there can be a bias towards inhibiting urbanization. For example, former planned economies tend toexhibit a rural bias, in the sense of discouraging rural-urban migration, but not necessarily industrial development (Ofer, 1977; Fallenbuchl, 1977). The more extensive literature on the degree of urban concentration and changes in that degree which occurs as urbanization and growth proceed has a variety of strands. Countries and international policy officials worry about whether key cities are too big or too small (Renaud, 1981; UN, 1993; WDR, 2000) and over the years various countries such as Egypt, Brazil, Korea, Mexico, and China have pursued medium size city programs designed to forestall the growth of larger cities (Henderson, 1988; Ades and Glaeser, 1995). International agencies presume that many of the world's mega-cities are overpopulated, at considerable cost to those economies. The UN (1993) asks how bad "the negative factors associated with very large cities" need to get "before [it is in the] self interest of those in control to encourage development of alternative centers." The same report warns of "unbalanced urban hierarchies" and the crime, congestion and social inequality in mega-cities. The World Development Report (2000) has a chapter (7) on the grim life of people in mega-cities in developing countries. And the Economist in one of its special surveys has posed the question directly (July 29, 1995): Do the splendors of large cities outweigh their dark side?The Effects of Urban Concentration on Growth Development In this section, I examine the effect of urban concentration on productivitygrowth. I start with urban concentration, or primacy, because that examination yields the key results. The examination also develops the methodology that is then applied to the examination of the effect of urbanization on growth. The first issue is how to measure urban concentration. There are three measures that people use. First, Wheaton and Shishido (1981) and Henderson (1988) use the standard Hirschman-Herfindahl index of concentration which in an urban context is the sum of squared shares of every city in a country in national urban population. Second, Rosen and Resnick (1981) use the Pareto parameter looking at the distribution of city sizes within a country, which measures how quickly size declines as we move from top to bottom in the size distribution, or the overall degree of disparity in the size distribution. In these papers, both measures were constructed for just one year for a limited sample of mostly larger countries in the world; they are not available for a larger group of countries over the time span that we look at, 1960-1995.The key question is why urban concentration affects productivity growth. Losses from excessive or deficient primacy in static urban models come from GDP losses from resource misallocation, where, for example, under excessive primacy where urban development is concentrated in just one or two primate cities, these cities are subject to exhausted scale economies, excessive congestion, and excessive percapita infrastructure costs, while smaller cities have unexploited scale economies and often deficient capital investment (e.g., Tolley et al., 1979; Fujita, 1989; Henderson and Becker, 2000; Au and Henderson, 2002). In Black and Henderson (1999) building on Lucas (1988), in an endogenous growth model of a system of cities, city size affects positively the degree of local information spillovers, which interactively affects local knowledge accumulation, promoting productivity growth. However, cities of excessive size draw resources away from investment and innovation in productive activity to try to maintain quality of life in a congested local environment.From the urban literature, there are promising micro-foundations for these ideas in Duranton and Puga (2001). In that paper, primate cities are urban areas of experimentation, in deriving appropriate product designs. Relatively under-sized primate cities result in environments that have too little experimentation, affecting productivity nationally. Relatively over-sized primate cities have people devoting excessive amounts of time to commuting and other "wasteful" activities, drawing resources away from experimental activity. In principle, one could adapt the Duranton and Puga dynamic model to a growth context where under-concentration in an economy results in lower knowledge accumulation due to lack of experimentation and over-concentration siphons resources away from experimental activity, similarly inhibitingproductivity growth. Then primacy affects growth in a continuous non-linear fashion. But in this context, given the Williamson (1965) hypothesis, we would expect the effect of urban concentration to depend on a country's level of development, representing national scarcity of knowledge accumulation and economic infrastructure. All these statements cry out for a comprehensive growth model that captures these specific considerations, but that is simply beyond the scope of this paper. Whatever the precise model, the empirics with cross-country data are going to come down to asking the so-what question-to what extent does primacy affect growth?Basic Primacy ResultsWith these results in mind, I now turn to the primacy variable. The raw data do not tell us much. There is a modest negative correlation between either d ln（Y=N）and primacy or dd ln （Y=N）and dprimacy. Controls and a non-linear specification to the effect of primacy are needed to sort out what is going on.The basic econometric results are in Table 2, columns (1)-(4) where there is a quadratic form to primacy and it is interacted with output per worker to allow best primacy to vary with output per worker. Before analyzing those results, I note that a simple linear primacy term has a negative coefficient. Second, in columns (5) and (6) of Table 2, I reporton a simple quadratic, to make the point that there is a best degree of primacy. In columns (5) and (6) and in all other reported results in the paper, OLS and instrumental variable results on primacy do differ. OLS tends to give lower best primacy values with less curvature to the f(.) function. In column (5), under OLS the best primacy value is 0.20, while under instrumental variables estimation (GMM) the best degree primacy has a high point estimate of 0.46, with strong and significant coefficients. From the best level of primacy, a one-standard deviation (0.13) increase in primacy leads productivity growth to be 0.12 less over five years, a huge effect, albeit for a large change in primacy. However, the best degree of primacy should vary with level of development, under the Williamson hypothesis.The Effect of Urbanization on GrowthExamining the effect of urbanization on productivity is difficult, in the sense of the ability to isolate meaningful results. I start by discussing three reasons for this difficulty. First, rapid urbanization in African countries in particular over the last 30 years has occurred in the face of negative and low-income growth. This in itself suggests urbanization is a result of a variety of factors related to changes in national output composition and social conditions, not a force promoting growth per se. Second, urbanization is a transitory process, where with economic growth all countries eventually "fully urbanize". At some middle-income level,urbanization tops off or ceases when a country is in the 65-85 percent urbanized category; and almost 50 percent of our countries fall into a fully urbanized category by 1990. Finally, urbanization definitions vary widely across countries, making it very difficult to quantify any best degree of urbanization, since that would depend on how the country counts urban.Focusing on the definition of urbanization for a moment, fully urbanized for Switzerland, Austria and Finland means 60-65 percent urbanized; for the USA it is just over 70 percent (with minuscule full-time employment in agriculture); and for countries like Argentina, Chile, and Brazil, fully urbanized is 80-85 percent urbanized. A lot of these differences depend on how low density non-agricultural populations are treated in defining urban, especially around the fringes, or ex/peri-urban areas of metropolitan areas. For example, while China is officially 30 percent urbanized, about 70 percent of its population live within "municipal" boundaries (jurisdiction of the city). With these problems in mind, I econometrically explore the relationship between growth and urbanization. As with primacy, we hypothesize that for any income level, there is a best degree of urbanization. Even if "urbanization promotes growth", presumably no one would argue that low-income countries, with high degrees of semi-subsistence farming and high illiteracy rates, should switch to being fully urbanized over night.To examine the urbanization-growth, I use an function of the form corresponding to equation (4) and columns (2) of Table 3, although the national scale variable is unimportant. In this formulation, or any other, there are no significant results to the f（.）function for the whole sample. To get any results with an optimal degree of urbanization, it is necessary to restrict the sample to potentially urbanizing countries. Here I define that as the set of countries period by period that are less than 70 percent urbanized; an alternative restriction is to eliminate all countries that are high-income in 1965. For this restricted sample, OLS and instrumental variable (GMM) results are reported in Table 6, columns (1) and (2). The instrumental variable results suggest (1) country size is not a factor in determining an optimal degree of urbanization and (2) that there is potentially an optimal degree of urbanization. But beyond that, the results are perverse, in the sense that the effect of output per worker growth is to reduce the ``best degree'' of urbanization. That is the best degree of urbanization declines, as output per worker rises, a completely implausible result.Moreover, results deteriorate when I put urbanization and primacy in the same estimating equation. For that estimation, I interact national scale with primacy but not urbanization given results in column (2) of Table 6 and column (2) of Table 3. Results are in column (3) of Table 6. While the basic best primacy patterns persist, the notion that there is a best degreeof urbanization evaporates, albeit in a much more limited sample size in estimation (requiring for any period-country urbanization 5 0.7 and for primacy data to be available). In those instrumental variable results in column (3) of Table 6, in fact, urbanization would appear to have a negative effect on growth over most output per worker ranges. In summary, these results suggest that urbanization per se, at least as measured across countries, does not directly affect productivity growth. ConclusionThis paper argues that urbanization represents sectoral shifts within an economy as development proceeds, but is not a growth stimulus per se. However, the form that urbanization takes, or the degree of urban concentration, strongly affects productivity growth. Urban concentration is affected by national policies and institutions, reflecting the extent to which a particular city (e.g., a national capital such as Bangkok or Mexico City) is favored. For any country size and level of development, there is a best degree of urban concentration, which balances the gains from enhanced concentration such as local knowledge accumulation against the losses such as resources diverted to shoring up the quality of life in crowded mega-cities. That best degree of concentration declines with country size and level of development.译文城市化进程和经济增长研究Davy Haw引言大量的文献对城市化进程的发生与发展作出了研究(戴维斯和亨德森,2003年)。

地区旅游发展带动经济发展的看法英语作文

Tourism Development as a Driver for Economic Growth in Regional Contexts Tourism has emerged as a pivotal force in drivingeconomic growth, particularly in regional contexts. Therise of tourism not only generates significant revenue butalso creates employment opportunities, enhancesinfrastructure, and fosters cultural exchange. This essaydelves into the intricate relationship between tourismdevelopment and economic growth, exploring the variousfacets of this dynamic interaction.Firstly, tourism acts as a revenue generator forregional economies. With the influx of tourists, there is acorresponding increase in spending on accommodation,transportation, dining, and entertainment. This spendingdirectly contributes to the gross domestic product (GDP) ofthe region, boosting economic activity and enhancingoverall prosperity. In addition, tourism also generatesindirect revenue through taxes and fees imposed on tourism-related businesses, further augmenting government revenues. Secondly, tourism development creates employment opportunities. The tourism industry is labor-intensive,requiring a diverse range of skills from hotel managementto tourism guidance. This creates jobs not only for locals but also attracts skilled workers from other regions, leading to an increase in the region's population and economic activity. The multiplier effect of tourism employment is significant, as it leads to increasedspending in local communities, further stimulating the economy.Moreover, tourism development enhances infrastructure. To cater to the needs of tourists, regions invest in improving transportation systems, upgrading accommodation facilities, and developing tourist attractions. These investments not only enhance the quality of life for locals but also attract more tourists, creating a virtuous cycleof growth. Improved infrastructure also makes the region more accessible, attracting even more investors and businesses.Additionally, tourism fosters cultural exchange. As tourists visit different regions, they bring their own cultures and traditions, which blend with the local culture, creating a rich cultural mosaic. This cultural exchangeenriches the lives of both tourists and locals, promoting understanding and mutual respect. Cultural tourism, in particular, has become a popular trend, attracting tourists interested in exploring the unique cultural heritage of a region.However, it is worth noting that tourism development should be sustainable. Over-tourism can lead to environmental degradation, cultural erosion, and social issues. Therefore, it is crucial to balance tourism development with environmental protection and cultural preservation. This can be achieved through responsible tourism practices, such as promoting eco-tourism, encouraging local participation, and ensuring that tourism activities align with the values and needs of the local community.In conclusion, tourism development is a potent forcefor economic growth in regional contexts. It generates revenue, creates employment, enhances infrastructure, and fosters cultural exchange. However, to ensure sustainable growth, it is crucial to adopt responsible tourism practices that prioritize environmental protection andcultural preservation. By harnessing the power of tourism, regions can achieve economic prosperity while preserving their unique cultural and environmental heritage.**地区旅游发展带动经济发展**旅游业已成为推动经济增长，特别是地区经济发展的关键力量。

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