奥巴马总统在美中战略与经济对话上的致辞

奥巴马总统在美中战略与经济对话上的致辞 Part I
Remarks by the President at the US/CHINA Strategic and Economic Dialogue Ronald Reagan Building and International Trade Center
July 27, 2009
Good morning. It is a great honor to welcome you to the first meeting of the Strategic Economic Dialogue between the United States and China. This is an essential step in advancing a positive, constructive, and comprehensive relationship between our countries. I'm pleased that President Hu shares my commitment to a sustained dialogue to enhance our shared interests.
President Hu and I both felt that it was important to get our relationship off to a good start. Of course, as a new President and also as a basketball fan, I have learned from the words of Yao Ming, who said, "No matter whether you are new or an old team member, you need time to adjust to one another." Well, through the constructive meetings that we've already had, and through this dialogue, I'm confident that we will meet Yao's standard.
I want to acknowledge the remarkable American and Chinese leaders who will
co-chair this effort. Hillary Clinton and Tim Geithner are two of my closest advisors, and they have both obtained extraordinary experience working with China. And I know that they will have extremely capable and committed Chinese counterparts in State Councilor Dai and Vice Premier Wang. Thank you very much for being here.
I'm also looking forward to the confirmation of an outstanding US Ambassador to China, Governor Jon Huntsman, who is here today. (Applause) Jon has deep experience living and working in Asia, and —— unlike me ——he speaks fluent Mandarin Chinese. He also happens to be a Republican who co-chaired Senator McCain's campaign. And I think that demonstrates Jon's commitment to serving his country, and the broad, bipartisan support for positive and productive relations between the United States and China. So thank you, Jon, for your willingness to serve.
Today, we meet in a building that speaks to the history of the last century. It houses a national memorial to President Woodrow Wilson, a man who held office when the
20th century was still young, and America's leadership in the world was emerging. It is named for Ronald Reagan, a man who came of age during two World Wars, and whose presidency helped usher in a new era of history. And it holds a piece of the
Berlin Wall, a decades-long symbol of division that was finally torn down, unleashing a rising tide of globalization that continues to shape our world.
One hundred years ago ——in the early days of the 20th century —— it was clear that there were momentous choices to be made —— choices about the borders of nations and the rights of human beings. But in Woodrow Wilson's day, no one could have foreseen the arc of history that led to a wall coming down in Berlin, nor could they have imagined the conflict and upheaval that characterized the years in between. For people everywhere -- from Boston to Beijing -- the 20th century was a time of great progress, but that progress also came with a great price.
Today, we look out on the horizon of a new century. And as we launch this dialogue, it's important for us to reflect upon the questions that will shape the 21st century. Will growth be stalled by events like our current financial crisis, or will we cooperate to create balanced and sustainable growth, lifting more people out of poverty and creating a broader prosperity around the world? Will the need for energy breed competition and climate change, or will we build partnerships to produce clean power and to protect our planet? Will nuclear weapons spread unchecked, or will we forge a new consensus to use this power for only peaceful purposes? Will extremists be able to stir conflict and division, or will we unite on behalf of our shared security? Will nations and peoples define themselves solely by their differences, or can we find common ground necessary to meet our common challenges, and to respect the dignity of every human being?
We can't predict with certainty what the future will bring, but we can be certain about the issues that will define our times. And we also know this: The relationship between the United States and China will shape the 21st century, which makes it as important as any bilateral relationship in the world. That really must underpin our partnership. That is the responsibility that together we bear.
As we look to the future, we can learn from our past —— for history shows us that both our nations benefit from engagement that is grounded in mutual interest and mutual respect. During my time in office, we will mark the 40th anniversary of President Nixon's trip to China. At that time, the world was much different than it is today. America had fought three wars in East Asia in just 30 years, and the Cold War was in a stalemate. China's economy was cut off from the world, and a huge percentage of the Chinese people lived in extreme poverty.
Back then, our dialogue was guided by a narrow focus on our shared rivalry with the Soviet Union. Today, we have a comprehensive relationship that reflects the deepening ties among our people. Our countries have now shared relations for longer than we were estranged. Our people interact in so many ways. And I believe that we are poised to make steady progress on some of the most important issues of our times.
My confidence is rooted in the fact that the United States and China share mutual interests. If we advance those interests through cooperation, our people will benefit and the world will be better off ——because our ability to partner with each other is a prerequisite for progress on many of the most pressing global challenges.
Let me name some of those challenges. First, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in a lasting economic recovery. The current crisis has made it clear that the choices made within our borders reverberate across the global economy ——and this is true not just in New York and Seattle, but in Shanghai and Shenzhen, as well. That is why we must remain committed to strong bilateral and multilateral coordination. And that is the example we have set by acting aggressively to restore growth, to prevent a deeper recession and to save jobs for our people.
Going forward, we can deepen this cooperation. We can promote financial stability through greater transparency and regulatory reform. We can pursue trade that is free and fair, and seek to conclude an ambitious and balanced Doha Round agreement. We can update international institutions so that growing economies like China play a greater role that matches their greater responsibility. And as Americans save more and Chinese are able to spend more, we can put growth on a more sustainable foundation—— because just as China has benefited from substantial investment and profitable exports, China can also be an enormous market for American goods.
早上好。

我很荣幸能欢迎你们前来参加首轮美中战略与经济对话会议。

这是对推动两国建立积极、富有建设性和全面的关系至关重要的一步。

胡锦涛主席和我均致力于开展旨在增进双方共同利益的可持续性对话，对此我感到十分高兴。

胡主席和我都认为，一个良好的开端对发展两国关系至关重要。

当然，作为一名新上任的总统，同时还是一个篮球迷，我从姚明的话中受到了启发，他说：“无论你是老队员还是新队员，你都需要时间与其他队员磨合。

” 我深信，通过我们此前举行的富有建设性的会晤和即将进行的对话，我们一定能够达到姚明提出的标准。

我要感谢将共同主持本次对话的美中两国卓越的领导者。

希拉里•克林顿和蒂姆•盖特纳是我最亲密的两位顾问，他们均有丰富的对华工作经验。

据我所知，他们将要面对的是中方能力出众、责任心极强的戴秉国国务委员和王岐山副总理。

我对你们今天的出席表示感谢。

我还期待着我们才华横溢的乔恩•亨茨曼（即洪博培）州长出任美国驻华大使的提名能获得批准。

他今天也在场。

（掌声）乔恩有着丰富的在亚洲生活和工作经验。

与我不同的是，他能讲一口流利的汉语。

碰巧他还是一位共和党人，曾任麦凯恩参议员竞选团队的共同主席。

我认为，这反映出乔恩服务国家的决心以及两党对发展积极且富有成效的美中关系的广泛支持。

谢谢你，乔恩，感谢你同意担当这一重任。

今天，我们在一栋曾见证上世纪历史的大楼里开会。

这里设有伍德罗•威尔逊总统国家纪念馆。

威尔逊在20世纪初叶当选为美国总统，当时，美国刚刚开始引领世界。

这座大楼以罗纳德•里根的名字命名。

里根在两次世界大战期间长大，并在总统任期内开创
了美国历史的新纪元。

这座大楼里还陈列着一小块柏林墙的石头，柏林墙的拆除结束了东西德几十年的分裂，引发了至今仍左右世界发展的全球化潮流。

100年前，即20世纪初叶，很明显那个时代需要人们做出一些极其重要的抉择——关于国界和人权的选择。

但是，在伍德罗•威尔逊时代，谁也无法预见历史变迁能导致柏林墙倒塌，更无法想象这段历史所特有的冲突与动荡。

无论是波士顿还是北京，对世界各国人民而言，20世纪是一个取得了重大的进步，也为此付出沉重代价的时代。

今天，我们眺望新世纪的地平线。

在开展此次对话时，我们有必要对影响未来21世纪的问题进行回顾和反思。

是让当前金融危机之类的事件拖累经济停滞不前，抑或通过我们之间的合作，创造均衡和可持续发展，帮助更多的人摆脱贫困并创造更为普遍的繁荣？是让对能源的需求导致竞争和气候变化，抑或通过建立伙伴关系生产清洁能源来保护我们的地球？是让核武器无限制扩散，抑或达成新的共识，把核能仅用于和平目的？是让极端主义者煽动冲突和分裂的图谋得逞，抑或团结一致，共保安全？是仅根据差异来定义不同国家和民族，抑或找到必要的共同点，应对共同挑战并给予每一个人应有的尊严？
我们无法确切地预测未来，但我们可以肯定哪些问题将会决定我们的时代。

我们还知道：美中关系将深刻地影响21世纪，其重要性不亚于世界上任何一种双边关系，这必定是我们伙伴关系的基石，亦是我们肩负的共同责任。

我们应以史为鉴，面向未来——历史告诉我们，互利互敬，合作共盟使两国受益。

在我任职期间，我们将迎来尼克松总统访华40周年纪念日。

当时的世界与今天大不相同。

在短短30年间，美国就在东亚打了三场战争，而冷战则陷入僵局。

当时，中国经济与世隔绝，大部分中国人生活极端贫困。

当时的美中对话是建立在共同对抗苏联的狭隘基础之上的。

今天，美中建立了全面的合作关系，反映出两国人民之间的联系正不断加深。

迄今为止，美中两国合作交流的时间比过去彼此疏远的时间更长久，且两国人民交往的形式丰富多彩。

我相信，我们有望在当代最重要的一些问题上取得稳步进展。

我的信心源于一个事实，即美中两国存在共同利益。

如果我们通过合作发展这些共同利益，两国人民将从中受益，世界将变得更加美好──只有我们互相合作，才能在当今许多迫在眉睫的全球性问题上取得进展。

我来列举一些我们所面临的挑战。

第一，我们可以在旷日持久的经济复苏期开展合作，以增进双方的共同利益。

当前的危机清楚地表明，各国的内部决策会引发全球经济的连锁反应──不仅在纽约和西雅图如此，在上海和深圳也是一样。

因此，我们必须继续致力于强有力的双边和多边协作。

我们在积极恢复增长、防止经济凋敝加剧和保障就业方面树立了典范。

展望未来，我们能够深化合作。

我们可以通过增加透明度和改革监管体制来提高金融稳定性。

我们可以开展自由公平的贸易，力争达成目标远大且照顾到各方利益的多哈回合协议。

我们可以改进国际机制，使包括中国在内的发展中国家能发挥更大作用，履行更大责任。

而当美国人增加储蓄而中国人增加消费时，经济增长就有了可持续发展的基础。

因为中国不仅可以从实质性投资和营利性出口中获益，也可以成为进口美国商品的巨大市场。

奥巴马总统在美中战略与经济对话上的致辞 Part II
Second, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interest in a clean, secure, and prosperous energy future. The United States and China are the two largest consumers of energy in the world. We are also the two largest emitters of greenhouse gases in the world. Let's be frank: Neither of us profits from a growing dependence on foreign oil, nor can we spare our people from the ravages of climate change unless we cooperate. Common sense calls upon us to act in concert.
Both of our countries are taking steps to transform our energy economies. Together we can chart a low carbon recovery; we can expand joint efforts at research and development to promote the clean and efficient use of energy; and we can work together to forge a global response at the Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen and beyond. And the best way to foster the innovation that can increase our security and prosperity is to keep our markets open to new ideas, new exchanges, and new sources of energy.
Third, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in stopping the spread of nuclear weapons. Make no mistake: The more nations acquire these weapons, the more likely it is that they will be used. Neither America nor China has an interest in a terrorist acquiring a bomb, or a nuclear arms race breaking out in East Asia. That is why we must continue our collaboration to achieve the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, and make it clear to North Korea that the path to security and respect can be traveled if they meet their obligations. And that is why we must also be united in preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon, and urging the Islamic Republic to live up to its international obligations.
This is not about singling out any one nation —— it is about the responsibility of all nations. Together, we must cooperate to secure all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world, which will be a focus of our Global Nuclear Summit next year. And together, we must strengthen the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty by renewing its basic bargain: countries with nuclear weapons will move towards disarmament; countries without nuclear weapons will not acquire them; and all countries can access peaceful nuclear energy. A balance of terror cannot hold. In the 21st century, a strong and global regime is the only basis for security from the world's deadliest weapons.
And fourth, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in confronting transnational threats. The most pressing dangers we face no longer come from competition among great powers —— they come from extremists who would murder
innocents; from traffickers and pirates who pursue their own profits at the expense of others; from diseases that know no borders; and from suffering and civil wars that breed instability and terror. These are the threats of the 21st century. And that is why the pursuit of power among nations must no longer be seen as a zero-sum game. Progress —— including security ——must be shared.
Through increased ties between our militaries, we can diminish causes for dispute while providing a framework for cooperation. Through continued intelligence-sharing, we can disrupt terrorist plots and dismantle terrorist networks. Through early warning and coordination, we can check the spread of disease. And through determined diplomacy, we must meet our responsibility to seek the peaceful resolution of conflict ——and that can begin with a renewed push to end the suffering in Darfur, and to promote a comprehensive peace in Sudan.
All of these issues are rooted in the fact that no one nation can meet the challenges of the 21st century on its own, nor effectively advance its interests in isolation. It is this fundamental truth that compels us to cooperate. I have no illusion that the United States and China will agree on every issue, nor choose to see the world in the same way. This was already noted by our previous speaker. But that only makes dialogue more important ——so that we can know each other better, and communicate our concerns with candor.
For instance, the United States respects the progress that China has made by lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty. Just as we respect China's ancient and remarkable culture, its remarkable achievements, we also strongly believe that the religion and culture of all peoples must be respected and protected, and that all people should be free to speak their minds. And that includes ethnic and religious minorities in China, as surely as it includes minorities within the United States.
Support for human rights and human dignity is ingrained in America. Our nation is made up of immigrants from every part of the world. We have protected our unity and struggled to perfect our union by extending basic rights to all our people. And those rights include the freedom to speak your mind, to worship your God, and to choose your leaders. These are not things that we seek to impose—— this is who we are. It guides our openness to one another and to the world.
China has its own distinct story that shapes its own worldview. And Americans know the richness of China's history because it helped to shape the world and it helped to shape America. We know the talent of the Chinese people because they have helped to create this great country. My own Cabinet contains two Chinese Americans. And we know that despite our differences, America is enriched through deeper ties with a country of 1.3 billion people that is at once ancient and dynamic —— ties that can be forged through increased exchanges among our people, and constructive bilateral relations between our governments. That is how we will narrow our divisions.
Let us be honest: We know that some are wary of the future. Some in China think that America will try to contain China's ambitions; some in America think that there is something to fear in a rising China. I take a different view. And I believe President Hu takes a different view, as well. I believe in a future where China is a strong, prosperous and successful member of the community of nations; a future when our nations are partners out of necessity, but also out of opportunity. This future is not fixed, but it is a destination that can be reached if we pursue a sustained dialogue like the one that you will commence today, and act on what we hear and what we learn.
Thousands of years ago, the great philosopher Mencius said: "A trail through the mountains, if used, becomes a path in a short time, but, if unused, becomes blocked by grass in an equally short time." Our task is to forge a path to the future that we seek for our children -- to prevent mistrust or the inevitable differences of the moment from allowing that trail to be blocked by grass; to always be mindful of the journey that we are undertaking together.
This dialogue will help determine the ultimate destination of that journey. It represents a commitment to shape our young century through sustained cooperation, and not confrontation. I look forward to carrying this effort forward through my first visit to China, where I hope to come to know better your leaders, your people, and your majestic country. Together, I'm confident that we can move steadily in the direction of progress, and meet our responsibility to our people and to the future that we will all share.
Thank you very much. (Applause.)
第二，我们可以通过合作，发展清洁、安全和繁荣的未来能源，增加共同利益。

美中两国是世界上最大的能源消费国，也是最大的温室气体排放国。

坦率地说，对外国石油依赖日渐加深的状况不利于任何一方，双方只有通过合作才能使两国人民免受气候变化之灾。

这种共识要求我们做到行动一致。

目前，我们两国均采取措施，转变能源型经济。

通过共同努力，我们能够开辟一条低碳复兴之路；能够扩大研发的合作范围，推广清洁高效的能源利用；还能在哥本哈根气候变化会议以及其他领域携手合作，打造全球性应对机制。

创新能够增加安全并促进繁荣，而推动创新的最佳途径就是让市场对新思想、新交流和新能源充分开放。

第三，我们可以通过合作，共同遏制核武器扩散，增进共同利益。

毫无疑问，掌握核武器的国家越多，使用核武器的可能性就越大。

恐怖分子谋取核弹或东亚地区爆发的核军备竞赛既不符合美国的利益，亦不符合中国的利益。

因此，我们必须继续加强合作，实现朝鲜半岛无核化，并向朝鲜表明：只有履行义务，才能走上通往安全和受人尊重的道路。

同样，我们必须联合起来，防止伊朗获取核武器，并敦促其履行国际义务。

这并非是把矛头指向某一个国家——而是要求所有国家共同承担责任。

我们必须共同努力，保障世界各地所有敏感核材料的安全，这将成为于明年举办的全球核问题峰会的一个重要议题。

我们还必须共同强调《不扩散核武器条约》，重申其基本观点：拥有核武
器的国家应向削减核武器数量的目标迈进；没有核武器的国家不应谋取核武器；所有国家都可以和平利用核能。

相互威慑的局面不可能长期维持。

在21世纪，只有以强有力的全球性制度为基础，才能防范世界上最致命武器的威胁。

第四，我们可以在应对跨国威胁方面开展合作，增进共同利益。

我们所面临的最紧迫的危险不再是来自大国之间的竞争——而是来自滥杀无辜的极端主义分子，来自损人利己的不法商贩和盗版商，来自不分国界的疾病疫情，来自滋生动荡和恐怖的种种苦难和内战。

这些都是我们在21世纪所面临的威胁。

因此，我们绝不能再将各国对强权的追求视为零和游戏。

我们必须追求包括安全在内的共同进步。

我们可以通过加强我们两军之间的联系来减少冲突的根源并提供一个合作框架。

我们可以通过不间断的情报共享来挫败恐怖分子的阴谋，摧毁恐怖主义网络。

我们可以通过预警和协作来遏制疾病的传播。

我们必须通过遵循坚定不移的外交政策，履行自身职责，寻求以和平方式解决冲突。

作为开端，我们可以继续努力结束达尔富尔地区的苦难，促进苏丹的全面和平。

上述所有问题都源于这样一个事实：任何一个国家都无法凭一己之力应对21世纪的挑战，更无法在闭关自守的情形下有效增进发展自身利益。

正是这一基本事实促使我们展开合作。

我并不幻想美中两国能就所有议题达成一致，或拥有同样的世界观。

刚刚那位演讲者已经阐明了这一点。

但这会凸显对话的重要性——只有通过对话，我们才能加深相互了解，开诚布公地讨论我们所关注的问题。

例如，美国尊重中国在帮助亿万民众摆脱贫困方面所取得的进步。

我们尊重历史悠久和光辉灿烂的中华文明以及中国所取得的举世瞩目的成就。

同样，我们深信各民族的宗教和文化应受到尊重与保护，每一个人都能够畅所欲言，其中包括中国的少数民族和少数派宗教团体，当然也包括美国的少数族裔和少数派宗教团体。

在美国，人们对人权与人类尊严的拥护根深蒂固。

美国是一个由来自世界各地的移民组成的国家。

我们保障所有公民的基本权利，维护国家统一并努力使我们的合众国尽善尽美。

这些权利包括言论自由、宗教信仰自由和选举自由。

但我们并不寻求将自己的民族特性强加给别人。

它能引导我们对彼此打开心扉，向世界敞开胸怀。

中国以其独特的经历形成了自己的世界观。

美国人民了解中国丰富的历史底蕴，因为它对塑造世界、塑造美国做出了贡献。

我们了解中国人民的聪明才智，因为他们参与创建了美国这个伟大的国家。

我的内阁中就有两位美籍华人。

我们知道，拥有13亿人口的中国历史悠久且充满活力。

尽管我们两国之间存在分歧，但随着两国人民日益频繁的交流，政府间建设性双边关系的不断增强，两国关系不断深入，这使美国获益匪浅。

在此基础上，我们之间的分歧将会缩小。

请允许我直言不讳，我们知道有些人对未来心存警惕。

一些中国人认为美国会竭力遏制中国的雄心壮志，一些美国人则对中国的崛起表示担忧。

我对上述看法并不认同。

我相信胡主席也不会同意他们的观点。

我所相信的未来是——中国是国际社会中强大、繁荣和成功的一员；美中两国将成为合作伙伴，而这不仅是出于需要，更是机遇使然。

虽然未来无法确定，但是只要我们坚持进行像今天这样即将开始的对话，并依照我们的所见所闻采取行动，我们的目标就一定能实现。

几千年前，伟大的哲学家孟子曾说过：“山径之蹊间，介然用之而成路。

为间不用，则茅塞之矣。

”我们的任务就是要开辟一条造福子孙后代的未来之路，防止因彼此缺乏信任或目前不可避免的分歧使这条蹊径沦为茅塞，永远铭记我们携手走过的旅程。

此次对话将有助于确定这一旅程的最终目的地。

它代表的是一种承诺，即通过持续合作而非对抗来塑造我们所在的新世纪。

我期待着能够在首次访华期间推进双方合作，加深对中国领导人、中国人民和中国这一伟大国度的了解。

我深信，只要我们携起手来，就能朝着既定目标稳步前进，履行我们对两国人民以及我们共同的未来所肩负的责任。

谢谢大家。

（掌声）。