美国的太平洋世纪 America's Pacific Century

America’s Pacific Century美国的太平洋世纪Op-Ed by U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton美国国务卿希拉里·克林顿The future of politics will be decided in Asia, not Afghanistan or Iraq, and the United States will beright at the center of the action.未来的政治将决定于亚洲，而不是阿富汗或伊拉克。

美国将置身于行动的中心。

As the war in Iraq winds down and America begins to withdraw its forces from Afghanistan, theUnited States stands at a pivot point. O ver the last 10 years, we have allocated immense resourcesto those two theaters. In the next 10 years, we need to be smart and systema tic about where weinvest time and energy, so that we put ourselves in the best position to sustain our leadership,secure our interests, a nd advance our values. One of the most important tasks of Americanstatecraft over the next decade will therefore be to lock in a substa ntially increased investment —diplomatic, economic, strategic, and otherwise — in the Asia-Pacific region.随着伊拉克战争接近尾声以及美国开始从阿富汗撤军，美国现在处于一个转折点。

在过去10年中，我们向上述两个战区投入了巨大的资源。

在今后10年中，我们对在哪里投入时间和精力需要做到灵活并有系统性，从而让我们自己处于最有利的地位，以保持我们的领导作用，保障我们的利益，推进我们的价值观。

因此，今后10年美国外交方略的最重要的使命之一将是把大幅增加的投入——在外交、经济、战略和其他方面——锁定于亚太地区。

The Asia-Pacific has become a key driver of global politics. Stretching from the Indian subcontinentto the western shores of the Ameri cas, the region spans two oceans — the Pacific and the Indian— that are increasingly linked by shipping and strategy. It boasts almost half the world’spopulation. It includes many of the key engines of the global economy, as well as the largestemitters of greenhouse gas es. It is home to several of our key allies and important emergingpowers like China, India, and Indonesia.亚太地区已成为全球政治的一个关键的驱动力。

这个地区从印度次大陆一直延伸到美洲西海岸，横跨太平洋和印度洋两个大洋，由于交通运输和战略因素而日益紧密地联系在一起。

亚太地区的人口几乎占到世界总人口的一半。

这个地区拥有很多全球经济的重要引擎，也有最大的温室气体排放国。

该地区有我们的一些重要盟国，还有中国、印度和印度尼西亚等重要的新兴强国。

At a time when the region is building a more mature security and economic architecture topromote stability and prosperity, U.S. com mitment there is essential. It will help build thatarchitecture and pay dividends for continued American leadership well into this centu ry, just as ourpost-World War II commitment to building a comprehensive and lasting transatlantic network ofinstitutions and relatio nships has paid off many times over — and continues to do so. The time hascome for the United States to make similar investments as a Pacific power, a strategic course setby President Barack Obama from the outset of his administration and one that is already yielding benefits.在亚太地区建设一个更成熟的安全和经济架构以增进稳定和繁荣之时，美国对这个地区的承诺至关重要。

这将有助于建立起上述架构，同时使美国受益，让我们在整个世纪继续发挥领导作用，正如我国在二战过后致力于建立一个全面、持久的跨大西洋的机构和关系网络的努力已获得多倍收益，而且我们还在继续受益。

现在正是美国作为一个太平洋大国作出同样投入的时候，这条战略路线是巴拉克·奥巴马总统在本届政府就任之初便确定的，现在已经产生效益。

With Iraq and Afghanistan still in transition and serious economic challenges in our own country,there are those on the American poli tical scene who are calling for us not to reposition, but tocome home. They seek a downsizing of our foreign engagement in favor of our pressing domesticpriorities. These impulses are understandable, but they are misguided. Those who say that we canno longer afford t o engage with the world have it exactly backward — we cannot afford not to.From opening new markets for American businesses to cur bing nuclear proliferation to keeping thesea lanes free for commerce and navigation, our work abroad holds the key to our prosperity a ndsecurity at home. For more than six decades, the United States has resisted the gravitational pull ofthese “come home” debates and t he implicit zero-sum logic of these arguments. We must do soagain.由于伊拉克和阿富汗仍处于过渡时期，我们本国也面临着严重的经济挑战，美国政坛上有些人叫我们不要重新定位，而是掉头回家。

他们寻求减少我们的国外参与，主张优先解决紧迫的国内问题。

这些冲动是可以理解的，但也是受到误导的。

那些说我们不能再继续参与全球事务的人完全是本末倒置——不参与的后果远非我们所能承受。

从为美国企业打开新市场到遏制核扩散，再到保持商务和航运的自由通行，我们在国外的工作正是我们国内繁荣和安全的关键所在。

60多年来，美国顶住了此类“回家”论调的牵引力和这些论点所隐含的零和逻辑。

我们必须再次这样做。

Beyond our borders, people are also wondering about America’s intentions — our willingness toremain engaged and to lead. In Asia, th ey ask whether we are really there to stay, whether we arelikely to be distracted again by events elsewhere, whether we can make — an d keep — credibleeconomic and strategic commitments, and whether we can back those commitments with action.The answer is: We c an, and we will.在我们的边界之外，人们也在揣测美国的意图，不知道我们是否愿意继续参与并发挥领导作用。

在亚洲，他们问我们是否真的会长期驻留，我们是否有可能再次因别处发生的事件而转移注意力，我们是否能够作出——并保持——可信的经济和战略承诺，以及我们是否能够以行动来落实这些承诺。

答案是：我们能够而且一定会这样做。

Harnessing Asia’s growth and dynamism is central to American economic and strategic interestsand a key priority for President Obam a. Open markets in Asia provide the United States withunprecedented opportunities for investment, trade, and access to cutting-edge t echnology. Oureconomic recovery at home will depend on exports and the ability of American firms to tap intothe vast and growing co nsumer base of Asia. Strategically, maintaining peace and security acrossthe Asia-Pacific is increasingly crucial to global progress, whe ther through defending freedom ofnavigation in the South China Sea, countering the proliferation efforts of North Korea, or ensuringtr ansparency in the military activities of the region’s key players.利用亚洲的增长和活力是美国的经济和战略利益的核心，也是奥巴马总统确定的一项首要任务。