伯南克公开课第三讲

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第二章中央银行的制度的类型和结构

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一、中央银行的权力分配结构
依据所在国家经济发展水平、国家体制以及历史传统等，中央银行的权力、职责和范围等也有所不同。中央银行在货币政策、中央银行业务方针和主要干部的人事任免以及规章制度方面的权力可以分为决策权、执行权和监督权，各国中央银行体制不同，如何行使上述权限可以分为高度集中和相对分离两种模式。

行政（总局）钞票（局）通讯（局）律师向执行局欧洲央行在华盛顿的代表经济学（总局）金融的稳定与监督（局）人力资源，预算及组织（总局）信息系统（总局）内部审计（局）国际与欧洲关系（总局）
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杜伊森贝赫
前任主席—任期 1998年6月1日-2003年10月31日
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（二）决策权、执行权和监督权相对分离的模式
在这种模式中，分别由不同的机构行使决策、执行和监督权。在世界主要国家中，日本、法国、德国采取这种模式。
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日本银行
日本银行的最高决策机构是日本银行政策委员会，其主要职责是：改变再贴现率和存款准备金比率；调整金融市场运行规则以及日本银行主要职能机构的变更等重要事项。日本银行政策委员会由9名委员组成，包括日本银行总裁和2名副总裁以及来自外部的6名委员，全部由内阁任命，国会批准，任期 5年。
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抢答题
中央银行国有化的原因？
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第二节中央银行制度的组织结构

中央银行的组织结构包括权力分配结构、内部职能结构和分支机构设置等方面
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最高权力机构设置的原则
（1）独立性原则。一是对商业银行的
超然；二是对政府特别是对财政保持一定独立。（2）对社会负责原则（3）决策科学化民主化原则

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第三讲美林投资时钟

第三讲美林投资时钟
一、美林的投资时钟概述
第三讲美林投资时钟
1、什么是投资时钟？
p 投资时钟的含义
Ø 美林的“投资时钟”是一种将经济周期与资产和行业轮动联系起来的一种直观的投资方法。时钟从左下角开始，沿顺时针方向依次经历衰退期、复苏期、过热期和滞涨期，并周而复始。
p投资时钟体现的是实体经济运行与投资策略的基本联系。
第三讲美林投资时钟
2、投资时钟的作用
（1）增长和通胀驱动投资钟，帮助我们预测市场的变动。
我们把投资钟画为圆圈的一个优点是:可以分别考虑增长率和通胀率变动的影响。经济增长率指向南北方向，通胀率指向东西方向。当经济受到海外因素影响或受到冲击时，如：“9/11”，投资钟不再简单地按照顺时针方向变换阶段，投资钟的这种画法可以帮助我们预测市场的变动。
Ⅳ 在滞胀阶段，GDP的增长率降到潜能之下，但通胀却继续上升，通常这种情况部分原因归于石油危机。产量下滑，企业为了保持盈利而提高产品价格，导致工资-价格螺旋上涨。只有失业率的大幅上升才能打破僵局。只有等通胀过了顶峰，中央银行才能有所作为，这就限制了债券市场的回暖步伐。企业的盈利恶化，股票表现非常糟糕。
第三讲美林投资时钟
p产出缺口与通胀的波峰和波谷 Ø 投资钟被重新画成一个圈(图3)。一个经典的繁荣-萧条周期始于左下方，沿顺时针方向循环。从一个阶段向下一个阶段的变换，可以通过产出缺口与通胀的波峰和波谷来识别。
第三讲美林投资时钟
图3：投资时钟
来源：美林全球资产配置小组。箭头表示在一个经典的繁荣萧条周期中的循环顺序。
第三讲美林投资时钟
p 欧元区的情况当然更糟。11月份各国的平均通胀率只有0.9%。这迫使瑞典和匈牙利慌忙再次将其利率水平再次削减到更低的水平。而且这也导致欧美日的央行在苦苦冥思，是否真正需要更低的利率水平？

伯南克第一课英文讲义

伯南克第一课英文讲义时间3月21日凌晨，美联储主席伯南克稍早时在乔治-华盛顿大学商学院进行了针对该院学生系列讲座的第一讲，题目为：美联储的基本使命。

以下是伯南克本次讲座的英文讲义全文。

(资料来源于美联储)The Federal Reserve and the Financial CrisisOrigins and Mission of the Federal Reserve, Lecture 1George Washington University School of BusinessMarch 20, 2012, 12:45 p.m。

[Applause]President Steve Knapp: Well, good afternoon. I think the students here may know who I am but for those who are watching the broadcast, I'm Steve Knapp, President of George Washington University. And it's really a pleasure to welcome you to today's first class in the series entitled Reflections on the Federal Reserve and its place in today's economy, featuring the Chairman of the Federal Reserve, Dr. Ben Bernanke. I'm pleased to acknowledge that we have with us two of the university's trustees, Nelson Carbonell and Mark Shenkman, and also a number of faculty members are here in the audience and some of them will be teaching later in the series. Today is the first university lecture series delivered by a sitting Chairman of the Federal Reserve. I think it does provide an extraordinary opportunity for the students who are here in the classroom, but also for those watching online. They have an opportunity to gain insight into the nation's central banking system and a wide range of issues that affect this country and the world. I do want to say that there are microphones available for the students, and certainly encourage you when the Chairman's lecture is over to avail yourself of those and we hope there'll be a lively exchange of questions and answers at the end of the lecture. It's now a distinct honor to introduce the Chairman of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, Dr. Ben Bernanke. Dr. Bernanke took office in 2006, and is now serving a second term as Chairman. He also serves as Chairman of the Federal Reserve's Open Market Committee. Before his appointment as Chairman, Dr. Bernanke was involved with the Federal Reserve in several roles as a Member of the Board of Governors, as a visiting scholar, and as a member of the Academic Advisory Panel at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York. He also served as Chairman of the President's Council of Economic Advisers from June 2005 to January 2006.Now Chairman Bernanke is no stranger to academia. He's been a faculty member at Princeton, Stanford and New York University, as well as the MassachusettsInstitute of Technology. He's held a Guggenheim and a Sloan Fellowship, and is a fellow of the Econometric Society and the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. Chairman Bernanke received a Bachelor of Arts from Harvard University and a PhD from MIT. Ladies and gentlemen, please join me in welcoming Chairman of the Federal Reserve, Dr. Ben Bernanke.[ Applause ]Chairman Ben Bernanke: Thank you very much, President Knapp. Gee, this is great. This is what I used to do before I got in this line of work for 23 years and I've always enjoyed engaging with college students. So thank you for being here, and I hope we do have a good conversation. Let me particularly thank President Knapp and Professor Fort and George Washington University. As everybody here knows, these lectures are part of a real course and after I get off the scene there will be other professors talking about other aspects of the Fed and you'll hear different points of view which is great. And you'll have to do some papers and all those kinds of things and I'm going to read a few of the paper. So, I look forward to doing that.So, I'll be talking from slides, which is in part for the purpose of making this available to others who might be interested. These slides will be posted on the Federal Reserve's website, , as we go through. And so, if you need extra copies, by all means do that. And as President Knapp said, I'm going to be talking for a while from the presentation but at the end, I hope we can have some questions and answers.So, let me get started. So what I want to talk about in these four lectures is the Federal Reserve and the financial crisis. Now, my thinking about this is very much conditioned by my experience as an economic historian. I think when you talk about the issues that just occurred of the last few years, it makes the most sense to think about it in the broader context of central banking as its taking place over the centuries. So, even though we're going to be focusing a good bit of the lectures, particularly next week, on the financial crisis and how the Fed responded. I think we need to go back and look at the broader context. So, as we talk about the Fed we'll be talking about the origin and mission of central banks in general, and we're looking at previous financial crises, most notably the Great Depression, and see how that informed the Fed's actions and decisions in the recent crisis. So let me just give you a roadmap of the four lectures. Today, lecture one, we won't touch on the current crisis at all. Instead, we'll talk about what central banks are, what they do, how central banking got started in the United States and we'll do some history. We'll talk about how the Fed engaged with its first great challenge, the Great Depression of the 1930s. The second lecture on Thursday, we'll take up the history. We'll review developments in central banking and with the Federal Reserve after World War II talking about the conquest of inflation, the great moderation and other developments that occurred after World War II. But we'll spend a good bitof time lecture two, in lecture two, talking about the build-up to the crisis and some of the factors that led to the crisis of 2008, 2009.Then next week, we'll get into the more recent events. In lecture three, we'll talk about the intense phase of the financial crisis, its causes, its implications, and particularly, the response to the crisis by the Federal Reserve and by other policymakers. And then, in the final lecture, lecture four, we'll look at the aftermath. We'll talk about the recession that followed the crisis, the policy response of the Fed including monetary policy, the broader response in terms of the changes in financial regulation, and a little bit of forward-looking discussion about how this experience will change how central banks operate and how the Federal Reserve will operate going forward. So this is our topic today is origins and missions of the Federal Reserve. So let's talk in general about what a central bank is. If you've had some background in economics you know that a central bank is not a regular bank, it's a government agency, and it stands at the center of the monetary and financial system of a country. Central banks are very important institutions, they have helped to guide the development of modern financial systems, modern monetary systems and they play a major role in economic policy. Now, we've had various arrangements over the years but today, virtually, all countries have central banks. The Federal Reserve in the United States, the Bank of Japan in Japan, Bank of Canada, and so on. The main exception is only cases where you have what's called a currency union where a number of countries collectively share a central bank. The most important example by far of that is the European Central Bank which is central bank to 17 European countries who share the common currency, the Euro. But even in that case, each of the participating countries does have its own central bank which is part of the overall system of the Euro. So central banks are now ubiquitous, even the smallest countries typically have central banks. Now, this is a very important theme here, what do Central Banks do? What is their mission? And as I'll discuss throughout the lectures, it's convenient to talk about two broad aspects of what central banks do. The first is to try to achieve macroeconomic stability. And by that, I generally mean stable growth in the economy, avoiding big swings, recessions and the like, and keeping inflation low and stable. So that's the economic function of a central bank. The other function of central banks, which is going to get a lot of attention, obviously, in these lectures, is the financial stability function. Central banks try to keep the financial system working normally and in particular, they either, they try to prevent or if unsuccessful in preventing they try to mitigate financial panics or financial crises. And I'll talk more about what those are. Now what are the tools that central banks use to achieve these two broad objectives? Very, in very simple terms, there are basically two broad sets of tools. On the economic stability side, the main tool as I'm sure everyone knows is monetary policy. In normal times, the Fed, for example, can raise or lower short-term interest rates. It does that by buying and selling securities in the open market. And again, in normal times, if the economy is growing too slowly or inflation is falling too low, the Fed can stimulate the economy by lowering interest rates. Lower interest rates feedthrough to a broad range of other interest rates that encourages spending, acquisition of homes for example, construction, investment by firms, borrowing. It just generates more demand, more spending and more investment in the economy, and that creates more thrust in growth so that to stimulate an economy, you lower interest rates. And similarly, if the economy is growing too hot, if inflation is becoming a problem, then the normal tool of central bank is to raise interest rates. So by raising the overnight interest rate, known in the United States as the federal funds rate, higher interest rates feed through the system and help to slow the economy by raising the cost of borrowing, of buying a house, of buying a car, or of investing in capital goods and that will slow the economy and reduce pressure of overheating. So, monetary policy is the basic tool that central banks have used for many, many years to try to keep the economy at a more or less even keel in terms of both growth and inflation.Now, a little less familiar is the main tool of central banks in dealing with financial panics or financial crises. And that tool is the provision of liquidity. So to address financial stability concerns and for reasons I'll explain, one thing that central banks can do is make short-term loans to financial institutions. As I'll explain, providing short-term credit to financial institutions during a period of panic or crisis can help calm the market, can help stabilize those institutions and can help mitigate or bring to an end a financial crisis. So this activity which is an old one, as I'll discuss, is known as the lender of last resort tool. So again, if financial markets are disrupted, financial institutions don't have alternative sources of funding, then the central bank stands ready to service the lender of last resort providing liquidity to the system and thereby helping to stabilize the financial system.Now, there's a third tool which the Fed has had from the beginning and most central banks have which is financial regulation and supervision. Central banks usually play a role in supervising the banking system, assessing the extent of risk on their portfolios, making sure their practices are sound, and in that way, trying to keep the financial system healthy. To the extent that financial system can be kept healthy and its risk-taking within reasonable bounds, then the chance of a financial crisis occurring in the first place is reduced. However, this activity, and I will come back to it, this is something which is not unique to central banks. In the United States, for example, there are a number of different agencies, like the FDIC or the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency that work with the Fed in supervising the financial system. So this is not unique to central banks and so I'll be down playing this for the time being and focusing on the two principle tools, monetary policy and lender of last resort activities.Now, where do central banks come from? One thing people don't appreciate, I think, is that central banking is not a new development. It's been around for a very long time. The Swedes set up a central bank in 1668, three and a half centuries ago. TheBank of England was founded in 1694 and that of course for many decades or if not centuries was the most important and influential central bank in the world, and France in 1800. So, central bank theory and practice is, again, not a new thing. We have been thinking about these issues collectively as an economics profession and in other contexts for many, many years. Now, I've exaggerated slightly in a sense that, say, the Bank of England in 1694 wasn't set up from scratch, it's a full-fledged central bank, it was originally a private institution. And over time, it acquired some of the functions of a central bank such as issuing money or serving as lender of last resort. But over time, these central banks became essentially government agencies, government institutions as they all are today. Certainly, one important responsibility of central banks for much of the period that I'm talking about was to manage the gold standard to issue paper money that was backed by gold and I'll talk more about gold in a few moments.Now, the lender of last resort function, which I mentioned earlier, became important in the-- mostly in the 19th century. Early in the 19th century, the Bank of England was doing a lot of this type of activity and they became very good at it. And as we'll see, while the United States was suffering with banking panics in the latter part of the 19th century, banking panics in the United Kingdom were quite rare. So the Bank of England sort of set the pace in some sense. It was the most important central bank and it helped establish the practices and the approaches that we still use today. Now, I need to talk a little bit because it's less familiar about what a financial panic is. In general, a financial panic is sparked by a loss of confidence in an institution and I think the best way to explain this is to give a familiar example. How many of you have ever seen the movie "It's a Wonderful Life"? No? Less people are watching Christmas movies than they used to be, I guess [laughter]. Well, one of the problems that Jimmy Stewart runs into as a banker in “It’s a Wonderful Life” is a threatened run on his institution. And what is a run? Well, let's imagine a situation like Jimmy Stewart's situation before there was any deposit insurance, no FDIC. And imagine you have a bank on the corner, just a regular commercial bank, the first bank of Washington, D.C., and this bank makes loans to businesses and the like, and it finances itself by taking deposits from the public and deposits are demand deposits, which means that anybody can pull out their money anytime they want which is important because people use deposits for ordinary activities, like shopping.Now imagine what would happen if for some reason, a rumor goes around that this bank has made some bad loans and is losing money. As a depositor, you say to yourself, "Well, I don't know if this rumor is true or not。

现代西方哲学讲义

现代西方哲学讲义2015.06第一讲现代西方哲学概论 (2)第二讲新黑格尔主义之鲍桑葵 (4)第三讲意志主义之叔本华 (8)第四讲意志主义之尼采（1） (12)第五讲意志主义之尼采（2） (17)第六讲生命哲学之柏格森 (20)第七讲精神分析学之弗洛伊德 (25)第八讲实用主义之詹姆斯 (31)第九讲科学哲学之波普尔 (35)第十讲现象学之胡塞尔 (40)第十一讲存在哲学之海德格尔（一） (44)第十二讲存在哲学之海德格尔（二） (51)第十三讲：存在哲学之萨特 (57)第十四讲分析哲学之维特根斯坦 (62)政治哲学之罗尔斯 (65)第十六讲哲学的终结与后哲学 (70)第一讲现代西方哲学概论三、现代西方哲学（一）西方哲学的发展线索1. 柏拉图主义与亚里士多德主义：柏拉图和亚理士多德哲学奠定了整个西方哲学的传统和基本走向。

实际上，西方哲学一直有两条线，分别由柏拉图和亚理士多德开启。

前者重概念和先天，后者重具体事物和经验。

2. 唯实论与唯名论：中世纪早期主要以柏拉图主义为其思想资源，后期则转向亚里士多德主义。

基于共相与殊相关系的唯名论与唯实论之争也源于柏拉图和亚里士多德的思想分歧：唯实论是柏拉图哲学的产物，唯名论则与亚里士多德有不解之缘。

3. 理性主义与经验主义：近代哲学中的唯理论延续了柏拉图路线，经验论则是亚里士多德的后裔。

康德看到了唯理论和经验论各自的优势和局限性，于是对二者加以综合，形成了他的批判哲学体系。

4. 大陆哲学与分析哲学：19世纪晚期，穆勒基于德法两国和英国哲学家对康德的不同回应，首次在欧洲大陆哲学和英国哲学之间做出区分，后来这种区分逐渐被双方的哲学家所采纳和加强，形成了两种风格迥异的哲学传统，从而构成了20世纪以来西方哲学的一道独特的风景。

大陆哲学与分析哲学不是两种不同的哲学思潮，而是“做哲学”的两种不同的风格。

“二十世纪的哲学史是刺猬与狐狸的历史，是那些努力想认识一件大事物的哲学家与那些只满足于认识许多小事物，甚或只是一件小事物的哲学家的历史。

在桥边2014 经典实用公开课

伯尔的小说创作，从1947至 1951年，主要取材于第二次世界大战，它们揭露和批判法西斯侵略战争，以被迫充当炮灰的普通德国士兵的遭遇，反映了德国人民的苦难。 1953至1965年，伯尔的创作主题从批判战争转为批判战后的西德社会，小商贩、小职员、孤儿寡妇等小人物的社会遭遇成了他作品的主要内容。
为了后者这一艰难的重建工程，不少刚刚从战争和死亡的阴影下解脱出来的年轻人，昨天的士兵或联军俘虏，拿起了企盼已久的笔，释放出压抑积累多年的所思所想，表现出九死一生和灵魂震撼之后的人性悲悯和不妥协的批判精神。
1924年至1928年，伯尔在天主教市民学校学习。此后转入国立的威廉皇帝高中。1937年中学毕业后，他开始在位于波恩的书商那里当学徒。在十一个月之后因故中断。在此期间，他开始了最初的文学写作尝试。1938年，伯尔服了一年帝国自愿服务。1939年夏，他进入科隆大学，学习日尔曼语言学和经典哲学，同时开始写作第一部小说，《教堂边缘》，但是在夏末时他被征召入伍。此后一直在军中服役，直到1945年4月被美军俘虏，并在同年9月被释放。
他始终认为重要的是从日常生活中提取社会状况，并关注那些公众舆论不重视的东西。指出， “要了解一个国家的人道情况应该去看它所废弃的东西，看这个国家把哪些日常的，哪些还可以用的，哪些诗意的东西视为应该丢弃和被消灭的”。
七十年代，伯尔连续发表了三部重要作品，通过小人物的不幸遭遇，展现德国战前、战争年代以及当前人们的生活风貌，揭露西德社会的弊端，使其文学成就达到了新的高峰。
我的乱数：象征着我对现状的不满和无声的反抗；心爱的姑娘：象征着精神和理想；坚持漏数姑娘：文化失落大背景下对精神和梦想的坚守；缝补假腿和数过桥人、马车、汽车数量的差事：物质意义上的抚恤

美联储的起源和使命--伯南克乔治华盛顿大学公开课

美联储的起源和使命--伯南克乔治华盛顿大学公开课广义央行：央行是政府机关，它处于一个国家货币和财政系统的中心地位，它帮助规范现代财政和货币系统的发展，在经济政策中起主要作用.央行的功能：1、（经济功能）促进宏观经济的稳定，即稳定经济增长，防止大的浮动和衰退，保持低而稳定的通胀率。

2、（财政稳定功能）央行尽力保持财政系统的正常运作，央行尤其尽力阻止，若未能阻止就尽力缓解金融恐慌或金融危机。

央行实现这两大目标所使用的工具：第一个工具--货币政策：在稳定经济方面，在常态下，央行主要的货币工具是提高或降低短期利率，通过在开放市场上买进或卖出证券.在常态下，如果经济增长缓慢，或是通胀降至过低，美联储将通过降低利率来刺激经济，低储蓄率将馈通（传导）其他各种利率，这将鼓励消费，例如购置房产，鼓励建设，公司投资，贷款，也就是将引发更多的需求，更多的消费，更多的在经济上的投资，也就拉动了经济增长。

因此要刺激经济，就降低利率；如果经济增长过快，如果通胀过高而成为问题，央行通常的应对是提高利率，通过提高隔夜利率（美国称为联邦基金利率），更高的利率馈通金融系统，这又助于减缓经济,通过提高买房的借贷成本、生产资料投资借贷成本,这将减缓经济过热的压力，因此，货币政策是基本工具，以将经济保持在一个增长和通胀都基本平稳的状态;第二个工具--最后贷款者行为：而我们更不熟悉的工具是央行应对金融恐慌和金融危机的主要工具，即流动性供给，为了解决对金融稳定笥的担忧，以及其他我将解释的原因，央行能做的就是向金融机构提供短期贷款，我将解释在恐慌或危机时期，向金融机构提供短期贷款能稳定市场，稳定金融机构，帮助缓解或结束金融危机，这并不是一个新方法，这种方法被称为“最后贷款者”。

如果金融市场崩溃，金融机构没有其他资金来源，这时央行将随时准备，作为最后贷款者来向系统提供流动性，从而帮助稳定金融系统。

第三个工具：美联储从最初就有的、大多数央行也有的是金融监管，央行通常起监管银行系统的作用，评估其证券投资组合风险程度，保障其行为的合理可靠，从而保持金融系统的健康。

chapter3 John DonnePPT课件

Chapter3
English Literature during the English Bourgeois Revolution and the Restoration
Historical Background
The English Revolution: The death of Queen Elizabeth ends the collaboration between the monarchy and the bourgeoisie. With the accession of CharlesⅠ to the throne in 1625, the conflict became more acute between the monarch and the Parliament composed of solid middle-class country gentry and merchants, nearly all puritans. The clash led to a civil war in 1642 between the Royalists troops and the Parliamentary forces under the command of Oliver Cromwell. The Parliamentary forces, though suffered some setbacks in the beginning, decisively defeated the Royalists in Naseby in1645. The Civil War ended with the capture and execution of CharlesⅠ in 1649 and a republic under the name of the Commonwealth of England was founded with Cromwell as Lord Protector.

金融的本质读后感范文

金融的本质读后感金融的本质读后感范文看完一本名著后，大家一定对生活有了新的感悟和看法，这时候，最关键的读后感怎么能落下！可是读后感怎么写才合适呢？以下是小编收集整理的金融的本质读后感范文，希望对大家有所帮助。

金融的本质读后感篇1《金融的本质》完整记录了伯南克所作全部四讲讲座，第一讲美联储的起源与使命，第二讲二战后的美联储，第三讲美联储应对金融危机的政策反应，第四讲危机的后遗症。

媒体讨论较多是第三讲和第四讲，因为这两讲重点介绍了美联储在次贷危机期间政策制定的考量因素和决策程序，在某种程度也被视为是伯南克对其危机处理措施批评意见的辩解和回应，具有“揭秘”效应，自然也十分吸引眼球。

剖析和反省次贷危机的作品早已汗牛充栋，伯主席的评点虽然精道但新意不多，通读《金融的本质》全书，反倒是前两讲关于央行职能和美联储历史这些看似ABC的内容，通过伯南克深入浅出、举重若轻的解读，更引发我的兴趣。

在市场经济体系中，中央银行具有货币发行权、市场规则制定权和监管权，因而成为金融市场的“首脑机关”。

一般认为，央行应当具有独立性，最好不受政府的微观干预，目前美联储和欧洲央行也确实具有很大的政策自主权。

长期以来，一种批评声音认为我国央行缺少与主要经济体央行一样的独立性，货币政策掣肘过多，金融部门成为政府意志的附庸。

也有很多研究认为，政府干预央行决策并不能提高经济政策的效率，相反还会造成社会福利损失。

我国货币政策始终与财政政策配合使用，两者搭配关系大致根据经济增速和通货膨胀水平决定。

这种“两手抓”的经济治理模式似乎是十分奏效的，最好的证据是我国经济建设取得的巨大成功。

但是，随着经济结构转型深入，市场化程度提升和政府在经济活动中的角色异化，缺少可预测性和独立性的货币政策在效果上越来越表现出难以驾驭的复杂性，如同是一个正处于青春期的孩子，性格中多了叛逆的成分。

货币政策的影响需要通过特定的渠道层层传导，大家最熟悉的传导渠道是利率渠道，也就是央行通过调整市场关键利率(在我国主要是一年期存、贷款基准利率)影响资金价格，进而影响市场长短期流动性水平。

哈佛公开课-公正课中英字幕第三节

制作人：心舟 QQ：1129441083 欢迎交流公正课\N迈克尔·桑德尔教授主讲第三讲《给生命标价》上节课我们讨论了\Last time, we argued about女王诉达德利和斯蒂芬斯案\the case of Queen versus Dudley and Stevens,即救生艇的案例\the lifeboat case,海上食人惨案\the case of cannibalism at sea.带着对救生艇上发生事件的讨论\And with the arguments about the lifeboat in mind,即对达德利和斯蒂芬斯行为赞同与否的讨论\the arguments for and against what Dudley and Stephens did in mind,让我们再回归\let's turn back to the philosophy,杰里米·边沁的功利主义哲学\the utilitarian philosophy of Jeremy Bentham.边沁 1748年生于英格兰\Bentham was born in England in 1748.12岁进入牛津大学\At the age of 12, he went to Oxford.15岁入读法学院\At 15, he went to law school.19岁取得律师资格\He was admitted to the Bar at age 19但从没当过律师\but he never practiced law.而是将毕生精力献给了法学和道德哲学\Instead, he devoted his life to jurisprudence and moral philosophy.上节课我们开始\Last time, we began to思考边沁的功利主义\consider Bentham's version of utilitarianism.他的主要观点简单明确就是\The main idea is simply stated and it's this:道德的最高准则\The highest principle of morality,无论是个人道德还是政治道德\whether personal or political morality,都是最大化公共福利或曰集体幸福感\is to maximize the general welfare, or the collective happiness,或者说权衡苦乐将幸福最大化\or the overall balance of pleasure over pain;一句话功利最大化\in a phrase, maximize utility.边沁是这样论证这一原则的\Bentham arrives at this principle by the following line of reasoning: 我们都受到痛苦和快乐的支配\We're all governed by pain and pleasure,苦乐是我们至高无上的主宰\they are our sovereign masters,因此任何道德体系都应考虑到它们\and so any moral system has to take account of them.最好怎样考虑呢通过最大化\How best to take account? By maximizing.从而引出"为最多的人谋求最大的幸福"这一原则\And this leads to the principle of the greatest good for the greatest number.我们到底该最大化什么呢\What exactly should we maximize?边沁说应最大化幸福\Bentham tells us happiness,或更精确来说最大化功利\or more precisely, utility功利最大化原则不只针对个人\maximizing utility as a principle not only for individuals也适用于共同体及立法者\but also for communities and for legislators.边沁问到底什么是共同体\"What, after all, is a community?" Bentham asks.共同体是其成员的集合\It's the sum of the individuals who comprise it.所以在制定最优政策时\And that's why in deciding the best policy,制定法律时决定何谓公正时\in deciding what the law should be, in deciding what's just,公民和立法者应扪心自问这个问题\citizens and legislators should ask themselves the question 当用政策带来的总效益\if we add up all of the benefits of this policy减去总成本\and subtract all of the costs,正确的选择应该是\the right thing to do is the one减去苦难后幸福最大化的那一个\that maximizes the balance of happiness over suffering.这就是所谓功利最大化\That's what it means to maximize utility.今天我想听听\Now, today, I want to see你们是否赞同这点\whether you agree or disagree with it,功利主义的逻辑\and it often goes, this utilitarian logic,通常被称作成本效益分析\under the name of cost-benefit analysis,一再被企业和政府运用\which is used by companies and by governments all the time.其做法包括作出估价\And what it involves is placing a value,通常是估计出金额来代表功利\usually a dollar value, to stand for utility即分别列出成本和各项收益的金额\on the costs and the benefits of various proposals.最近捷克共和国\Recently, in the Czech Republic,有一个增加香烟消费税的提案\there was a proposal to increase the excise tax on smoking.烟草公司菲利普·莫里斯公司\Philip Morris, the tobacco company,在捷克共和国的生意做得很大\does huge business in the Czech Republic.他们资助了一项研究\They commissioned a study,进行在捷克吸烟的成本效益分析\a cost-benefit analysis of smoking in the Czech Republic,分析结果显示\and what their cost-benefit analysis found was让捷克人民吸烟能让政府获利\the government gains by having Czech citizens smoke.那政府如何获利呢\Now, how do they gain?它确实会对捷克政府的\It's true that there are negative effects公共财政产生负效应\to the public finance of the Czech government因为吸烟造成的疾病\because there are increased health care costs会增加医疗支出\for people who develop smoking-related diseases.但另一方面也有正效应\On the other hand, there were positive effects它们被记在账目的另一侧\and those were added up on the other side of the ledger.正效应主要来自\The positive effects included, for the most part,销售香烟为政府带来的\various tax revenues that the government derives各项税收\from the sale of cigarette products,但还包括\but it also included人们早逝为政府节省的医疗支出\health care savings to the government when people die early,免去的养老金\pension savings...政府不需要继续支付养老金\you don't have to pay pensions for as long还省去了老年人的住房开支\and also, savings in housing costs for the elderly.当把总成本和各项收益分别加总\And when all of the costs and benefits were added up,菲利普·莫里斯公司的研究表明\the Philip Morris study found that捷克共和国公共财政将获得\there is a net public finance gain一亿四千七百万的净收益\in the Czech Republic of $147,000,000,算上住房医疗养老金方面节省的开支\and given the savings in housing,in health care, and pension costs,政府从每个因吸烟早逝的人身上\the government enjoys savings of over $1,200 for each person赚得超过1200美元\who dies prematurely due to smoking.成本效益分析\Cost-benefit analysis.在座功利主义的支持者们\Now, those among you who are defenders of utilitarianism可能觉得这个研究不公\may think that this is an unfair test.菲利普·莫里斯公司遭到媒体谴责\Philip Morris was pilloried in the press他们为这项冷血的计算公开道歉\and they issued an apology for this heartless calculation.你也许会说\You may say这里无疑忽略了\that what's missing here is something功利主义者认为应当包含的部分\that the utilitarian can easily incorporate,即那些死于肺癌的患者本身\namely the value to the person加上其家属的价值\and to the families of those who die from lung cancer.怎么能忽略生命的价值呢\What about the value of life?有些成本效益分析\Some cost-benefit analyses确实计算了生命的价值\incorporate a measure for the value of life.其中最著名的是福特平托的案例\One of the most famous of these involved the Ford Pinto case. 有人读过吗\Did any of you read about that?当时是二十世纪七十年代\This was back in the 1970s.还有人知道福特平托是什么车吗\Do you remember what the Ford Pinto was, a kind of car? Anybody? 它是一种小型次紧凑型车风靡一时\It was a small car, subcompact car, very popular,但它有一个缺陷\but it had one problem,油箱装在车的尾部\which is the fuel tank was at the back of the car发生追尾时油箱就会爆炸\and in rear collisions, the fuel tank exploded造成了严重伤亡\and some people were killed and some severely injured.受害者一纸诉状将福特告上了法庭\Victims of these injuries took Ford to court to sue.案件审理中发现\And in the court case, it turned out福特早就知道油箱的缺陷\that Ford had long since known about the vulnerable fuel tank还进行了成本效益分析\and had done a cost-benefit analysis来决定是否值得装上一面特殊的隔板\to determine whether it would be worth it to put in a special shield以保护油箱防止油箱爆炸\that would protect the fuel tank and prevent it from exploding.该分析指出\They did a cost-benefit analysis.能增加平托安全性的隔板\The cost per part to increase the safety of the Pinto,每块成本是11美元\they calculated at $11.00 per part.这就是审判时发现的成本效益分析\And here's... this was the cost-benefit analysis that emerged in the trial.给1250万辆轿车和卡车配上11美元的隔板\Eleven dollars per part at 12.5 million cars and trucks提高安全性共需花费一亿三千七百万美元\came to a total cost of$137 million to improve the safety. 但接着又算出\But then they calculated花这些钱提高安全性能带来的收益\the benefits of spending all this money on a safer car预计可减少180例死亡\and they counted 180 deaths因车祸死亡预计每条人命20万美元\and they assigned a dollar value, $200,000 per death,可减少180例伤残每例67000美元\180 injuries, $67,000,加上车辆维修费用\and then the costs to repair,无此安全装置车会完全损毁\the replacement cost for 2,000 vehicles,所以需算上2000辆汽车的重置成本每辆700美元\it would be destroyed without the safety device $700 per vehicle.收益最后只有4950万\So the benefits turned out to be only $49.5 million因此他们没有安装该装置\and so they didn't install the device.不用说\Needless to say,当福特汽车公司的这份成本效益分析备忘录\when this memo of the Ford Motor Company's cost-benefit analysis在审理时被公之于众\came out in the trial,陪审团大为震怒判定巨额赔偿\it appalled the jurors, who awarded a huge settlement.这算是功利主义计算思路的反例吗\Is this a counterexample to the utilitarian idea of calculating? 因为福特计算了生命的价值\Because Ford included a measure of the value of life.现在就这个明显的反例\Now, who here wants to defend cost-benefit analysis有谁想为成本效益分析辩护\from this apparent counter example?有谁辩护\Who has a defense?还是你们认为它完全推翻了\Or do you think this completely destroys功利主义的演算\the whole utilitarian calculus?请说\Yes?我觉得他们犯了与前面案例\Well, I think that once again, they've made the same mistake相同的错误\the previous case did,量化了生命的价值\that they assigned a dollar value to human life,但同样的\and once again,他们没有考虑受害者家人承受的\they failed to take account things like suffering痛苦和精神损失\and emotional losses by the families.他们不但家庭收入受损还丧失了亲人\I mean, families lost earnings but they also lost a loved one 那损失远不止20万美元\and that is more valued than $200,000.没错等等说得好你叫什么名字\Right and... wait, wait, wait, that's good. What's your name? 朱莉·罗托\Julie Roteau .朱莉要是20万美金不够\So if $200,000, Julie, is too low a figure因为没有算丧失亲人\because it doesn't include the loss of a loved one和生命的损失\and the loss of those years of life,那你认为什么数目更合适\what would be what do you think would be a more accurate number?我无法给出数目\I don't believe I could give a number.我觉得这种分析\I think that this sort of analysis不应该用在人的生命这个问题上\shouldn't be applied to issues of human life.人命不能用金钱衡量\I think it can't be used monetarily.所以朱莉认为他们不是定价太低\So they didn't just put too low a number, Julie says.他们压根就不该定价\They were wrong to try to put any number at all.那好让我们听听别人...\All right, let's hear someone who...你必须考虑通胀\You have to adjust for inflation.你必须考虑通胀\You have to adjust for inflation.行啊有道理\All right, fair enough.那如今应该是多少\So what would the number be now?那是35年前\This was 35 years ago.两百万美元\Two million dollars.两百万美元你会定价两百万吗\Two million dollars? You would put two million?你叫什么名字\And what's your name?佛伊泰克\Voytek佛伊泰克说我们必须考虑通胀\Voytek says we have to allow for inflation.应该更慷慨些\We should be more generous.这样你就满意了吗\Then would you be satisfied that这样思考这个问题就可以了吗\this is the right way of thinking about the question?我觉得不幸的是...\I guess, unfortunately, it is for...有时确实需要标价\there needs to be a number put somewhere,不过我不确定具体数字\like, I'm not sure what that number would be,但我确实认同\but I do agree that人的生命也许可以被标价\there could possibly be a number put on the human life.很好所以佛伊泰克不同意朱莉的看法\All right, so Voytek says, and here, he disagrees with Julie. 朱莉认为我们不该为了成本效益分析\Julie says we can't put a number on human life给人的生命标价\for the purpose of a cost-benefit analysis.佛伊泰克认为我们别无选择\Voytek says we have to因为不管怎样我们必须做出决定\because we have to make decisions somehow.别的人怎么看\What do other people think about this?有没人来赞同成本效益分析的\Is there anyone prepared to defend cost-benefit analysis here认为它精确合宜吗你说\as accurate as desirable? Yes? Go ahead.我觉得要是福特和其他汽车公司\I think that if Ford and other car companies不使用成本效益分析的话\didn't use cost-benefit analysis,他们最后就会倒闭\they'd eventually go out of business因为他们无法盈利\because they wouldn't be able to be profitable这样就会有数百万人无法开车上班\and millions of people wouldn't be able to use their cars to get to jobs,没法赚钱养不起小孩\to put food on the table, to feed their children.所以我认为此种情况下如果不用成本效益分析\So I think that if cost-benefit analysis isn't employed,会牺牲更多人的利益\the greater good is sacrificed, in this case.很好我加一句你叫什么名字\All right, let me add. What's your name?劳尔\Raul.劳尔最近有一项\Raul, there was recently a study done关于司机开车时使用手机的研究\about cell phone use by a driver when people are driving a car, 关于是否应该禁止此行为有一场争论\and there was a debate whether that should be banned.数据显示每年有2000人左右\And the figure was that some 2,000 people因开车时使用手机而死于车祸\die as a result of accidents each year using cell phones.而目前哈佛风险分析中心\And yet, the cost-benefit analysis which was done作出的成本效益分析表明\by the center for Risk Analysis at Harvard found that如果考虑使用手机带来的效益\if you look at the benefits of the cell phone use并与生命的价值做比较\and you put some value on the life,就会得出同样的结论\it comes out about the same因为这样做经济效益巨大\because of the enormous economic benefit of可以使人们更有效地利用时间\enabling people to take advantage of their time,不浪费时间边开车边谈生意\not waste time, be able to make deals边和朋友聊天等\and talk to friends and so on while they're driving.这不就表明\Doesn't that suggest that用金钱衡量人的生命是个错误吗\it's a mistake to try to put monetary figures on questions of human life?我觉得如果绝大多数人想要\Well, I think that if the great majority of people try to从某项服务中获得最大功利\derive maximum utility out of a service,比如使用手机享受手机所带来的便利\like using cell phones and the convenience that cell phones provide,那么为了满足需求这种牺牲就是必要的\that sacrifice is necessary for satisfaction to occur. 你是个彻底的功利主义者嘛\You're an outright utilitarian.是的可以这么说\Yes. Okay.好那么最后一个问题劳尔\All right then, one last question, Raul.我也问过佛伊泰克\And I put this to Voytek,在决定是否禁止使用手机这件事时\what dollar figure should be put on human life人命应该如何定价\to decide whether to ban the use of cell phones?我不想武断地算出一个数字\Well, I don't want to arbitrarily calculate a figure,我是指马上就算出我觉得...\I mean, right now. I think that...你想要深思熟虑之后再决定\You want to take it under advisement?对我会深思熟虑\Yeah, I'll take it under advisement.但大概有多少\But what, roughly speaking, would it be?会死2300人\You got 2,300 deaths.你必须用金钱来衡量\You got to assign a dollar value to know是否需要禁止司机使用手机\whether you want to prevent those deaths by来避免此类事件发生\banning the use of cell phones in cars.那你感觉是多少钱一百万\So what would your hunch be? How much? A million?两百万佛伊泰克觉得是两百万\Two million? Two million was Voytek's figure.-这么多可以吗 -也许一百万吧\- Is that about right? - Maybe a million.-一百万 -对\- A million? - Yeah.很好谢谢\You know, that's good. Thank you.以上即为近来对成本效益分析\So, these are some of the controversies that arise these days引发的一些争论\from cost-benefit analysis,尤其是其中那些\especially those that involve认为可以用金钱衡量一切的观点\placing a dollar value on everything to be added up.现在我想听听反对意见\Well, now I want to turn to your objections, to your objections不一定仅仅针对成本效益分析\not necessarily to cost-benefit analysis specifically,因为那只是功利主义逻辑现今的实践之一\because that's just one version of the utilitarian logic in practice today,而是针对整个功利主义理论\but to the theory as a whole,针对那些认为正确之举\to the idea that the right thing to do,就是以功利最大化作为政策法律基础的观点\the just basis for policy and law is to maximize utility. 有多少人不同意\How many disagree功利主义在法律及公共利益方面的做法\with the utilitarian approach to law and to the common good? 有多少人同意\How many agree with it?看来多数表示同意\So more agree than disagree.我们来听听批判声吧请说\So let's hear from the critics. Yes?我对此的异议是\My main issue with it is我觉得不能因为一些人占少数\that I feel like you can't say that just because someone's in the minority,就断定他们的需要和欲望不如多数人的重要\what they want and need is less valuable than someone who's in the majority所以我反对\So I guess I have an issue with the idea"为最多的人谋求最大的幸福"这一观点\that the greatest good for the greatest number is okay因为还有...\because there are still...占少数的人怎么办呢\what about people who are in the lesser number?这对他们不公平\Like, it's not fair to them.他们对此没有发言权\They didn't have any say in where they wanted to be.很好这是个有趣的异议\All right. That's an interesting objection.你担心其对少数人的影响\You're worried about the effect on the minority.是的\Yes.顺便问一句你叫什么名字\What's your name, by the way?安娜\Anna.谁能回答\Who has an answer to安娜对于少数人影响的担心\Anna's worry about the effect on the minority?你怎么回答安娜\What do you say to Anna?她说少数人的价值被低估了\Um, she said that the minority is valued less.我认为事实并非如此因为\I don't think that's the case because少数人当中每个个体的价值\individually, the minority's value is just和多数人的个体价值是一样的\the same as the individual of the majority.只不过多数在数量上胜过少数\It's just that the numbers outweigh the minority.有时你必须做出选择\And I mean, at a certain point, you have to make a decision我对少数表示遗憾\and I'm sorry for the minority但有时这是牺牲小我成全大我\but sometimes, it's for the general, for the greater good.成全大我安娜你怎么看\For the greater good. Anna, what do you say?你叫什么名字\What's your name?杨达\Yang-Da.你怎么反驳杨达\What do you say to Yang-Da?杨达说必须总体考虑人们的选择\Yang-Da says you just have to add up people's preferences而其中少数人的选择其实也被衡量过了\and those in the minority do have their preferences weighed. 你能举个你所担心的类似例子吗\Can you give an example of the kind of thing you're worried about 即你所说的担心\when you say you're worried about功利主义缺少对少数的关心和尊重\utilitarianism violating the concern or respect due the minority?举个例子\give an example.我就举一个我们讨论过的案例\Okay. So, well, with any of the cases that we've talked about,比如海上食人惨案中我认为被吃的男孩\like for the shipwreck one, I think the boy who was eaten 仍然与其他人享有相等的生存权\still had as much of a right to live as the other people仅仅因为他是少数\and just because he was the minority in that case,他存活的机率可能最小\the one who maybe had less of a chance to keep living,并不意味着其他人就自然而然有权利吃他\that doesn't mean that the others automatically have a right to eat him就为了让多数人有存活的机会\just because it would give a greater amount of people a chance to live.所以可能少数人\So there may be certain rights或个体的某些权利\that the minority members have that the individual has不该为了功利最大化而被牺牲\that shouldn't be traded off for the sake of utility?是的\Yes.是吗安娜下面这个例子我来考考扬达\Yes, Anna? You know, this would be a test for you.在古罗马\Back in Ancient Rome,基督徒被扔去斗兽场与狮子搏斗\they threw Christians to the lions in the Colosseum for sport. 如果以功利主义方式演算\If you think how the utilitarian calculus would go,没错丢给狮子的基督徒\yes, the Christian thrown to the lions确实经历了撕心裂肺的剧痛\suffers enormous excruciating pain.但看看罗马人共同的心醉神迷啊\But look at the collective ecstasy of the Romans!杨达\Yang-Da.在那个时代我不... 要是如今\Well, in that time, I don't...if in modern day of time,衡量观众获得的快乐\to give a number to the happiness given to the people watching,我觉得没有任何政策制定者会认为\I don't think any policymaker would say一个人的痛苦煎熬会比\the pain of one person, of the suffering of one person is much, much... 众人因之获得的快感更...\is, I mean, in comparison to the happiness gained, it's不但你必须承认\No, but you have to admit that要是有足够多的罗马人对这种快感足够狂热\if there were enough Romans delirious enough with happiness,那就会胜过\it would outweigh even the少数几个被丢给狮子的基督徒承受的极端剧痛\most excruciating pain of a handful of Christians thrown to the lion.因此我们确实对功利主义有两点异议\So we really have here two different objections to utilitarianism.一点是关于功利主义\One has to do with whether utilitarianism是否充分尊重个体和少数的权利\adequately respects individual rights or minority rights,另一点是关于\and the other has to do with加总功利或偏好或价值的看法\the whole idea of aggregating utility or preferences or values. 所有的价值都有可能用金钱衡量吗\Is it possible to aggregate all values to translate them into dollar terms?二十世纪三十年代\There was, in the 1930s,有位心理学家试图解决第二个问题\a psychologist who tried to address this second question.他试图证明功利主义者的假设\He tried to prove what utilitarianism assumes,所有的利益价值人类的心声\that it is possible to translate all goods, all values,都可能被统一衡量\into a single uniform measure,并通过对年轻的救济金领取者的调查来证明此点\and he did this by conducting a survey of young recipients of relief,当时是二十世纪三十年代\this was in the 1930s, and he asked them,他给了他们一张不愉快经历的清单问他们\he gave them a list of unpleasant experiences and he asked them,给你多少钱你就愿意忍受以下经历\"How much would you have to be paid to undergo the following experiences?"并作了记录\and he kept track.比如给你多少钱\For example, how much would you have to be paid你才愿意拔掉自己的一颗门牙\to have one upper front tooth pulled out?抑或给你多少钱\Or how much would you have to be paid你才愿意砍掉一根小脚趾\to have one little toe cut off?抑或吃一条六英寸长的蚯蚓\Or to eat a live earthworm six inches long?抑或后半生居住在堪萨斯农场\Or to live the rest of your life on a farm in Kansas?{\an8}{\fn方正黑体简体\fs18\b1\bord1\shad1\3c&H2F2F2F&}堪萨斯位于美国西部平原\N1930年代遭受重大自然灾害抑或亲手掐死一只流浪猫\Or to choke a stray cat to death with your bare hands?你们觉得清单里的哪一项最贵\Now, what do you suppose was the most expensive item on that list? 堪萨斯\Kansas?没错是堪萨斯\You're right, it was Kansas.他们认为余生都住堪萨斯农场\For Kansas, people said they'd have to pay them至少得给他们30万美元\they have to be paid $300,000.你们觉得第二贵的是什么\What do you think was the next most expensive?不是猫\Not the cat.也不是门牙\Not the tooth.也不是脚趾\Not the toe.是蚯蚓\The worm!他们说给10万美元才肯吃蚯蚓\People said you'd have to pay them $100,000 to eat the worm.你们觉得最便宜的是哪项\What do you think was the least expensive item?不是猫\Not the cat.是门牙\The tooth.大萧条时期\During the Depression,人们愿意为了区区4500美元拔掉自己的牙\people were willing to have their tooth pulled for only $4,500.什么\What?桑代克得出的结论是\Now, here's what Thorndike concluded from his study.任何需求或满足都能有个价钱\Any want or a satisfaction which exists exists in some amount 因此能用金钱衡量\and is therefore measurable.狗猫小鸡的生命\The life of a dog or a cat or a chicken都充斥着各类嗜好渴望欲望以及满足感\consists of appetites, cravings, desires, and their gratifications.人亦如此\So does the life of human beings,只是人的嗜好和欲望更加复杂罢了\though the appetites and desires are more complicated.但桑代克的研究说明了什么呢\But what about Thorndike's study?它是不是支持了边沁的观点\Does it support Bentham's idea认为所有利益所有价值都可以\that all goods, all values can be captured用统一的方式衡量\according to a single uniform measure of value?抑或清单上那些荒谬的项目\Or does the preposterous character of those different items on the list恰恰揭示了相反的结论\suggest the opposite conclusion也许\that maybe,不论是生命堪萨斯还是蚯蚓\whether we're talking about life or Kansas or the worm,还是我们重视珍爱的东西\maybe the things we value and cherish都是不能用统一方式衡量的?\can't be captured according to a single uniform measure of value? 如果不能\And if they can't,那么功利主义道德理论意义何在\what are the consequences for the utilitarian theory of morality? 我们下次将会继续探讨这一问题\That's a question we'll continue with next time.{\an8}{\fn方正黑体简体\fs18\b1\bord1\shad1\3c&H2F2F2F&}公正课下讲预告好现在我们再投个票\All right, now, let's take the other part of the poll,哪个是最高级的体验或快乐\which is the highest experience or pleasure.{\an8}{\fn方正黑体简体\fs18\b1\bord1\shad1\3c&H2F2F2F&}第四讲《如何衡量快乐》多少人认为是莎士比亚\How many say Shakespeare?多少人认为是《挑战恐惧极限》\How many say Fear Factor?你开玩笑的吧是吧\No, you can't be serious. Really?上节课我们开始思考一些\Last time, we began to consider some objections to对杰里米·边沁功利主义的反对观点\Jeremy Bentham's version of utilitarianism.讨论中提出了两点异议\People raised two objections in the discussion we had.第一点异议是说功利主义\The first was the objection, the claim that utilitarianism,只关注"为最多的人谋求最大的幸福"\by concerning itself with the greatest good for the greatest number,没有充分地尊重个人权利\fails adequately to respect individual rights.今天我们要讨论严刑拷打和恐怖主义\Today, we have debates about torture and terrorism.假设一名恐怖主义嫌犯在9丒11慜堦揤旐曔\N{\fn曽惓综艺简懱}{\fs14}{\b0}{\c&HFFFFFF&}{\3c&H2F2F2F&}{\4c&H000000&}Suppose a suspected terrorist was apprehended on September 10th你桳棟桼憡怣\N{\fn曽惓综艺简懱}{\fs14}{\b0}{\c&HFFFFFF&}{\3c&H2F2F2F&}{\4c&H000000&}and you had reason to believe这柤寵斊彾埇椆\N{\fn曽惓综艺简懱}{\fs14}{\b0}{\c&HFFFFFF&}{\3c&H2F2F2F&}{\4c&H000000&}that the suspect had crucial information彨导抳3000恖嬾难揑嫲晐袭击揑廳梫忣报\N{\fn曽惓综艺简懱}{\fs14}{\b0}{\c&HFFFFFF&}{\3c&H2F2F2F&}{\4c&H000000&}about an impending terrorist attack that would kill over 3,000 people你撬晄开懠揑岥\N{\fn曽惓综艺简懱}{\fs14}{\b0}{\c&HFFFFFF&}{\3c&H2F2F2F&}{\4c&H000000&}and you couldn't extract the information.为椆漒摓忣报帶对懠严孻崏懪惀斲崌棟\N{\fn曽惓综艺简懱}{\fs14}{\b0}{\c&HFFFFFF&}{\3c&H2F2F2F&}{\4c&H000000&}Would it be just to torture the suspect to get the information梷埥你晄赞摨\N{\fn曽惓综艺简懱}{\fs14}{\b0}{\c&HFFFFFF&}{\3c&H2F2F2F&}{\4c&H000000&}or do you say no,你认为桳懜廳槩恖权棙揑绝对摴责擟\N{\fn曽惓综艺简懱}{\fs14}{\b0}{\c&HFFFFFF&}{\3c&H2F2F2F&}{\4c&H000000&}there is a categorical moral duty of respect for individual rights?朸种掱搙忋変们枖夞摓椆嵟弶揑问题\N{\fn曽惓综艺简懱}{\fs14}{\b0}{\c&HFFFFFF&}{\3c&H2F2F2F&}{\4c&H000000&}In a way, we're back to thequestions we started with。

金融的本质

美林证券被美国银行收购。
美联储为美国国际集团提供了紧急流动性援助，从而使其免于破产。
华盛顿互惠银行被摩根大通收购。
（2）应对举措
2008年10月10日，七国集团例行峰会在华盛顿举行，会议拟定了一份国际申明，根据这些原则，各国将会共同采取措施来避免那些具有系统重要性的金融机构破产。
美联储通过贴现窗口工具为银行提供短期融资。此次危机中，为了将更多的流动性注入金融体系，延长了贴现窗口贷款到期时间。（通常是隔夜到期），并且还对贴现窗口资金进行招标，让企业通过竞标决定其贷款利率。
金融危机和恐慌往往发生在这样的情况下：各类金融机构资产负债表的资产端往往都是低流动性资产（如长期贷款），而负债端都是高流动性的短期负债（如储蓄存款）。在这种情形下，人们一旦对金融机构失去信心，便会发生挤兑。这次金融危机带来的损失规模之所以这么大关键在于这些住房抵押贷款分布于不同的证券中，并在不同的市场上进行流动，没有人真正知道这些证券在哪儿，也没有人知道谁将会遭受损失。
（3）金融恐慌
金融系统都是建立在信念之上的。金融危机就是显而易见的银行挤兑，是对整个金融系统的挤兑。人们对资金安全失去信心—无论是股东还是债券持有者，无论是机构投资者还是鳏寡孤独—他们从金融系统中暴走挤兑是体系的钱更加不安全，也是每一个人失去信心，而人类惯于恐慌。
解决这一问题有个“白芝浩原则”。沃尔特•白芝浩是一名记者，他认为在恐慌时期，中央银行应当大量放款，只要找上门来的人有抵押物。这些抵押物必须是优质安全的，否则贷款就必须进行打折计算，同时央行应征收惩罚性的利率，这样人们才不会利用恐慌局势占便宜。
2、“二战”后的美联储
（1）货币政策与通货膨胀
20世纪五六十年代，美联储主要关注的是维持宏观经济稳定。美联储当时试图遵循所谓的“逆风向”货币政策。即经济过热时，采取紧缩性的货币政策，经济增长缓慢时，采用扩张性的货币政策。

unit3TheLandoftheLock讲课稿

u n i t 3 Th e L a n d o f t h e L oc kYears ago in America, it was customary for families to leave their doors uni ocked, day and ni ght. I n this essay, Gree ne regrets that people can no Ion ger trust each other and have to resort to elaborate security systems to protect themselves and their possessi ons.许多年前，在美国，家家户户白天黑夜不锁门是司空见惯的。

在本文中，格林叹惜人们不再相互信任，不得不凭借精密的安全设备来保护自己和财产。

The Land of the LockBob Gree ne1 In the house where I grew up, it was our custom to leave the front door on the latch at night. I don't know if that was a local term or if it is universal; "on the latch" meant the door was closed but no t locked. None of us carried keys; the last one in for the eve ning would close up, and that was it.锁之国鲍伯•格林小时候在家里，我们的前门总是夜不落锁。

我不知道这是当地的一种说法还是大家都这么说；"不落锁"的意思是掩上门，但不锁住。

我们谁都不带钥匙；晚上最后一个回家的人把门关上，这就行了。

金融的本质：伯南克四讲美联储(中英双语版)

金融的本质：伯南克四讲美联储（中英双语版）
金融的本质是指支撑金融体系运行的基本原理、理念和准则。

伯南克四讲美联储（中英双语版）从不同的角度阐述了美联储的金融职能，并且解释了金融的本质。

第一讲《美联储的历史和使命》，关注联储如何承担负责 g Money、保持美国金融市场的稳定性的责任。

美联储的使命清楚地表明，它的核心职能是维护金融稳定和促进经济增长，从而最大程度地利用资源、提高效率，促进社会进步。

第二讲《美联储如何实施它的使命》，讲述了联储如何通过改变利率、监测金融机构和市场、改变金融环境等方式来实现金融稳定和促进经济增长。

它包括执行具体政策，也就是实施财政政策、审慎监管和对金融服务的指导。

第三讲《美联储的工作与社会的利益》，探讨了美联储如何将自身的职能定位到社会的需要，并运用金融创新、参与行政、发行货币等形式实现金融服务，为全社会服务带来实际效果。

最后一讲《维护社会稳定的职责》，聚焦金融危机下美联储的行动，以及联储如何理解和应对不同的经济状况，如何维护社会稳定，这有助于加强公众对金融服务的信心。

总之，伯南克四讲美联储（中英双语版）围绕“以维护社会金融稳定及促进社会进步为核心”，阐述了金融的本质，重点介绍了美联储的历史、使命、工作与社会利益以及维护社会稳定
的职责，并结合实例，说明美联储如何实现金融稳定及促进社会进步。

伯南克规则

伯南克规则《我所了解的伯南克规则》要说这伯南克规则，我一开始真是摸不着头脑。

这名字听起来就特专业，感觉离我的生活十万八千里。

我有个朋友叫阿强，是个金融迷。

有一天，我和阿强在咖啡馆里闲聊。

我正抱怨着这日子过得紧巴巴的，物价好像老在涨，工资却没啥动静。

阿强就神秘兮兮地跟我说：“你知道吗？这经济的事儿啊，有时候和伯南克规则有点关系。

”我一脸懵地看着他，说：“伯南克规则？这啥玩意儿？你可别跟我整那些高大上的东西，我听不懂。

”阿强笑了笑，喝了一口咖啡，然后开始给我解释。

“这么说吧，伯南克规则其实就是一种货币政策规则。

你看啊，中央银行在制定货币政策的时候，就像在走钢丝，得小心翼翼地保持平衡。

”阿强边说边用手指比划着。

我还是不太明白，就问他：“这和物价上涨有啥关系呢？”阿强挠了挠头，想了想说：“你想想，如果中央银行按照伯南克规则来操作，那它就要考虑好多东西。

比如说，当经济不太景气的时候，就像现在，可能很多人都没工作或者工资不高，那中央银行可能就会采取一些措施，像降低利率啦，让钱变得更容易借到，这样企业就能扩大生产，说不定就能多雇些人，经济慢慢就好起来了。

”阿强顿了顿，接着说：“但是呢，如果做得太过头了，就像给一个小孩喂饭，喂太多了就会撑着。

钱太多了，就可能会导致物价上涨，就像你说的，东西越来越贵。

”我听了，有点明白了，说：“哦，原来是这样啊。

那这个伯南克规则到底是咋操作的呢？”阿强又喝了一口咖啡，清了清嗓子说：“这规则啊，简单来说，就是要考虑通货膨胀率和失业率这些东西。

比如说，如果通货膨胀率太高了，那中央银行就得收紧钱袋子，不能让钱在市场上泛滥；如果失业率太高了，那就要适当松一松，让经济能喘口气。

”我想起之前在新闻上看到的那些经济数据，什么CPI啦，失业率啦，以前都觉得这些东西和我没啥关系，现在听阿强这么一说，好像都有点联系了。

阿强看我若有所思的样子，继续说道：“你知道吗？这个伯南克规则可不是随便定的。

伯南克这个人可厉害着呢，他在研究货币政策的时候，考虑了好多实际情况，就像一个厨师在做菜，得考虑食材的量、火候啥的，才能做出一道好菜。

《伯南克论大萧条》读书笔记思维导图PPT模板下载

05
第五节结论
06
数据附录
第三部分劳动力市场
第五章劳动力市场的周期
1
性行为：二战
前和...
第六章大萧 2
条时期的就业、每周工作时长和...
3
第七章美国大萧条时期失
业、通货膨胀
和工...
4
第八章顺周期劳动生产率
和相关经济周
期理...
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第九章大萧条时期的名义
工资黏性与总
供给
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第三节通货紧缩和萧条之间的联系
04
第四节两次世界大战之间的银行业和金融危...
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第五节计量回归结果
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第六节结论
01
第一节概述：产出、价格及货币变动情况
02
第二节研究方法：分解价格和货币存量变动
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第三节价格/货币比率变化情况
04
第四节货币存量变化情况
07 第三部分劳动力市场
06
第二部分货币与金融市场
08 参考文献
大萧条不仅导致美国乃至世界的经济社会大变动，在学术上也使得现代宏观经济学成为一门独立的学科。为这次大萧条寻求一个合理的理论解释，是经济学界一项具有挑战性的任务，也是为之后类似危机寻求可行解决方案的尝试。学术界确实没有“浪费”大萧条。几十年来，一代又一代的学者在研究大萧条问题；对于大萧条的研究及其结论，影响了后世的货币政策、金融监管等。伯南克是众多研究者中的一位杰出代表。自称“大萧条迷” 的伯南克，先后撰写了一系列关于大萧条的研究文章，集结成《伯南克论大萧条》这本书。他在书中用美国及其他多个国家的大量数据、资料，包括经济数据、工资、就业情况等，从总供给、总需求、名义工资等角度，围绕大萧条发生的原因和传导机制进行了深入分析。他认为，研究大萧条，可以体会到很多经济运作的规律和本质。这些研究的确也帮助他在后来作为美联储主席应对2008年的次贷危机时，得以吸取大萧条时期的政策教训，并且总体上避免了同样的错误，帮助美国渡过了危机。20世纪30年代的经济大萧条早已成为历史，但看看当前世界的各类经济新闻，大萧条时期的种种教训仍然具有很强的警示意义。

2024年第3课美国内战课件

2024年第3课美国内战课件一、教学内容1. 美国内战的背景：南北两种经济制度的矛盾、奴隶制度的存废问题。

2. 美国内战的原因：领土扩张、政治斗争、经济矛盾等。

3. 美国内战的过程：战争的主要战役、林肯政府的政策、北方和南方的战略等。

4. 美国内战的结果：北方胜利、奴隶制度废除、国家统一等。

5. 美国内战的影响：对美国社会、政治、经济等方面的影响。

二、教学目标1. 让学生了解美国内战的背景、原因、过程、结果及影响，掌握基本史实。

2. 培养学生分析问题的能力，学会从多角度思考历史事件。

3. 培养学生的爱国主义精神，认识到国家统一、民族和解的重要性。

三、教学难点与重点1. 教学难点：美国内战的原因及影响。

2. 教学重点：美国内战的背景、过程及结果。

四、教具与学具准备1. 教具：多媒体课件、黑板、粉笔。

2. 学具：历史教材、笔记本、文具。

五、教学过程1. 导入新课：通过展示美国内战时期的图片，引发学生对美国内战的关注。

2. 讲解背景：引导学生学习美国内战的背景，分析南北两种经济制度的矛盾。

3. 分析原因：讲解美国内战的原因，让学生了解战争爆发的深层次原因。

4. 讲解过程：详细讲述美国内战的过程，重点介绍主要战役和林肯政府的政策。

5. 讲解结果：阐述美国内战的结果，让学生认识到战争对美国的影响。

6. 影响分析：引导学生从政治、经济、社会等方面分析美国内战的影响。

7. 随堂练习：设计相关练习题，巩固所学知识。

六、板书设计1. 美国内战板书：美国内战一、背景：南北两种经济制度的矛盾、奴隶制度的存废问题二、原因：领土扩张、政治斗争、经济矛盾等三、过程：主要战役、林肯政府政策、南北战略四、结果：北方胜利、奴隶制度废除、国家统一五、影响：政治、经济、社会等方面七、作业设计1. 作业题目：（1）简述美国内战的背景、原因、过程、结果及影响。

（2）分析美国内战对美国社会、政治、经济等方面的影响。

2. 答案：（1）见板书内容。