土地资源管理专业 论文外文文献及译文
土地资源管理专业论文参考文献
土地资源管理专业论文参考文献土地资源管理方向的论文有什么文献可以供参考呢?在图书馆茫茫书海中拼命找，还不如来看看推荐的。
[1].梅昀;土地资源保护与土地可持续利用研究[D].华中农业大学.xx[2].马海涛;中国土地资源保护与可持续与利用问题研究[D].苏州大学.xx[3].左益洋;六安市土地资源保护与可持续利用问题研究[D].安徽大学.xx[4].宋志刚;土地资源可持续利用与保护研究一以乌海市海南区为例[D].内蒙古师范大学.xx[5].沈婧;新疆土地资源可持续利用研究[D].新疆大学.xx[6].刘二伟;吉县土地资源可持续利用研究[D].山西大学.xx[7].刘光成;区域土地资源可持续利用评价[D].华中农业大学.xx[8].路秋兰;基于土地资源可持续利用的土地税制改革研究[D].河北农业大学.xx[9].黄静芳;我国土地资源可持续利用的法律研究[D].重庆大学.xx[10].刘燕;贵州省土地资源可持续利用研究[D].西南农业大学.xx[11].金春燕;延边地区土地资源可持续利用的研究[D].延边大学.xx[12].田中文;广汉市土地资源可持续利用评价[D].四川农业大学.xx[13].刘小芳;哈尔滨市土地资源可持续利用研究[D].哈尔滨工业大学.xx[14].姚兴强;连江县土地资源可持续利用研究[D].福建农林大学.xx[15].刘新平;新疆绿洲土地资源可持续利用问题研究[D].华中农业大学.xx[16].吕杰;土地资源环境价值核算研究[D].昆明理工大学.xx[17].艾静文;旅游环境资源价值核算研究[D].西北师范大学.xx[18].裴辉儒;资源环境价值评估与核算问题研究[D].厦门大学.xx[19].冯俊;环境资源价值核算与管理研究[D].华南理工大学.xx[20].聂金荣;井冈山市天然林环境价值核算研究[D].江西农业大学.xx[21].王艳;区域环境价值核算的方法与应用研究[D].中国海洋大学.xx[22].彭武珍;环境价值核算方法及应用研究——以浙江省为例[D].浙江工商大学.xx[23].曾华丽;水电工程建设生态环境影响的价值核算与分析[D].西南交通大学.xx[24].彭伟;绿色GDP中环境品质折耗价值核算理论与实证研究[D].湖南大学.xx[25].吴丹;环境价值核算方法研究一以长江口海洋产业为例[D].上海交通大学.xx[26].田新锋;基于绿色GDP理念的环境价值核算与评价研究一以工业为例[D].中国海洋大学.xx[27].柴西龙;水电开发生态环境资源价值核算及对策研究一以澜沧江糯扎渡水电站为例[D].北京化工大学.xx[28].尹剑慧;中国草地功能价值核算体系及其退化损耗评价研究[D].北京林业大学.xx[29].赵涛;人工湿地资源价值核算及其实例研究[D].吉林大学.xx[30].刘萍;人力资源价值核算方法研究[D].东北林业大学.xx。
介绍土地资源管理专业的英语作文范文
介绍土地资源管理专业的英语作文范文In the realm of environmental and urban studies, Land Resource Management stands as a critical field that addresses the sustainable use, conservation, and development of land resources. This interdisciplinary area integrates knowledge from geography, urban planning, environmental science, and public policy to ensure that land is utilized efficiently and equitably.Students pursuing a degree in Land Resource Management are equipped with the skills to assess land use patterns, evaluate the impact of development projects, and formulate strategies for land conservation. They learn to use Geographic Information Systems (GIS) for mapping and analyzing spatial data, which is essential for making informed decisions about land allocation.The importance of this field cannot be overstated, as it directly influences the quality of life in communities by affecting factors such as housing, transportation, and green spaces. Professionals in Land Resource Managementplay a pivotal role in mitigating the effects of urban sprawl, preserving natural habitats, and promoting sustainable development practices.In conclusion, Land Resource Management is a vital discipline that addresses the complex challenges of balancing human needs with environmental stewardship. It is a field that requires a deep understanding of both the natural and built environments and the ability to applythis knowledge to create sustainable solutions for the future.土地资源管理专业是环境和城市研究领域中至关重要的一个分支，它关注土地资源的可持续利用、保护和开发。
土地资源管理公共房屋中英文对照外文翻译文献
中英文翻译1 外文文献译文香港公屋内部流动的影响1 简要介绍公共房屋是对房屋的成本相当大的补贴，但必须严格竞争用户之间的配给。
当配给时，资源可能不被分配到他们最有价值的用途，因为人们无法有效地传达他们的偏好强度。
例如，考虑两个完全相同的住房单位，另外有两个准住户分配。
在单位A的附近比单位B的附近位置较为理想，所以两个准租户愿意支付的保费为单位A的租金。
假设第一人也正好工作在同一街区的单位A的位置，他愿意支付更高的溢价A座给第二个准租户。
在一个开放的市场，将分配一个扁平的人，谁更值，即第一个准租户。
当租金补贴的水平和盖板固定在非市场手段进行分配,不过,这两个人都将会如实地揭示潜在租户他们更喜欢单位A而不是单位B。
没有行政手段来确定这两个哪个是更高价值为较理想的用户单位。
在实践中，住房补贴的分配，常常是补贴住房分配偏好的基础上辅以一些彩票陈述或排队机制。
本文的目的是研究香港在提供公共房屋的分配使用非价格方法所引起的低效率根据分配的非价格的方法吸引了来自资源配置不当，在经济大和行之有效的文献（例如Cheung, 1974; Weitzman,1977; Suen, 1989; Glaeser and Luttmer, 2003）。
当一个人是低于市场价格的分配，销售商须有良好的生产激励不足。
由此产生的不足，供应的补贴导致了良好的无谓损失。
公认的事实是，对于一般竞争价格补贴导致的价值损耗。
巴泽尔（1974）展示了如何通过社会平衡，可通过浪费分配给公共住房方面取得的，准租户可以答应他们的劳动供给决策，以免他们的收入超过了资格门槛，而现任租户可以选择留在自己的单位效率低下根据不断变化的情况，以免他们失去了宝贵的补贴。
然而，一个效率低下的第三个来源是，当个人无法表达自己的意愿通过自己的喜好来支付力度，分配非价格方法一般不分配稀缺资源，价值最高的用户。
如果一个单位价值港币10,000元，每月租金正在为港币2000元租来的，任何准租户的单位，其价值超过港币2000元将在其投标兴趣。
介绍土地资源管理专业的英语作文范文
介绍土地资源管理专业的英语作文范文全文共3篇示例，供读者参考篇1Introduction to Land Resources Management MajorLand resources are vital for human survival and development. With the rapid urbanization and industrialization happening around the world, the importance of managing land resources efficiently and sustainably has become increasingly clear. This is where the field of land resources management comes in.Land resources management is a multidisciplinary field that involves the planning, development, conservation, and sustainable use of land resources. It combines knowledge from various disciplines such as geography, environmental science, economics, sociology, and law to address the complex challenges related to land use and development.In recent years, the demand for professionals with expertise in land resources management has been growing. Governments, corporations, non-profit organizations, and research institutions are all seeking individuals who can help them make informed decisions about how to best utilize and protect land resources.Students who choose to major in land resources management will gain a deep understanding of the various factors that influence land use, such as climate change, population growth, urbanization, and natural resource availability. They will also learn about the tools and techniques used to analyze land resources, such as Geographic Information Systems (GIS), remote sensing, and spatial modeling.One of the key skills that students will develop in a land resources management program is the ability to conduct land use planning and policy analysis. This involves evaluating the potential impacts of different land use scenarios, identifying trade-offs between economic development and environmental conservation, and recommending strategies for sustainable land management.Another important aspect of land resources management is the legal and regulatory framework that governs land use. Students will learn about land use planning laws, zoning regulations, land rights, and property rights, and how these factors influence land use decisions at the local, national, and international levels.Overall, a major in land resources management provides students with a solid foundation in the principles and practices ofsustainable land use. Graduates of land resources management programs go on to work in a variety of fields, including urban planning, natural resource management, real estate development, environmental consulting, and public policy.In conclusion, the field of land resources management is a dynamic and rewarding discipline that plays a crucial role in ensuring the sustainable use of land resources for future generations. By majoring in land resources management, students can contribute to shaping a more environmentally sustainable and socially equitable world.篇2Introduction to Land Resources Management MajorLand resources management major is an interdisciplinary field that focuses on the sustainable use and management of land resources for various purposes, including agriculture, urban development, environmental conservation, and natural resource management. This major involves the study of various disciplines such as geography, environmental science, ecology, agronomy, land-use planning, and soil science.Land resources management professionals play a crucial role in addressing various environmental and land use challenges,such as deforestation, soil degradation, land-use conflicts, and climate change. They work in a wide range of sectors, including government agencies, environmental consulting firms, nonprofit organizations, and research institutions.Students studying land resources management learn to analyze and assess the characteristics of different land types, evaluate land use practices, and develop sustainable land management plans. They also gain skills in geographic information systems (GIS), remote sensing, land-use planning, soil conservation, and resource policy.In recent years, the demand for land resources management professionals has been increasing due to the growing concern over environmental sustainability and the need for effective land use planning. Graduates of land resources management programs can pursue careers as land use planners, environmental consultants, soil conservationists, natural resource managers, and GIS specialists.Overall, the land resources management major offers a diverse and rewarding career path for individuals who are passionate about environmental conservation, sustainable development, and natural resource management. By studying land resources management, students can acquire theknowledge and skills needed to address the complex challenges facing our planet and contribute to the creation of a more sustainable and resilient future.篇3Title: Introduction to Land Resource Management MajorLand resource management is a critical field that plays a pivotal role in the sustainable development of our planet. As the world's population continues to grow, the demand for land resources has increased exponentially, leading to various environmental and social challenges. This is where land resource managers come in - to ensure the effective and sustainable use of land for the benefit of future generations.The field of land resource management covers a wide range of disciplines and topics, including land use planning, environmental conservation, soil science, water resources management, urban planning, and natural resource management. Students studying in this major will acquire a comprehensive understanding of the various factors that influence land use decisions, as well as the tools and techniques needed to manage land resources responsibly.One of the key aspects of land resource management is the integration of environmental considerations into land use planning. With increasing concerns about climate change, biodiversity loss, and natural disasters, it has become crucial for land resource managers to prioritize sustainability and resilience in their decision-making processes. By applying principles of sustainable development, students in this major will learn how to balance economic, social, and environmental objectives to ensure the long-term viability of land resources.Furthermore, land resource management majors will also gain valuable skills in data analysis, GIS (Geographic Information Systems) mapping, and remote sensing technologies. These tools are essential for assessing land resources, monitoring changes in land use, and developing effective strategies for land management. By utilizing these technologies, students can analyze complex spatial data and make informed decisions that support the conservation and sustainable use of land resources.In addition to technical skills, students in land resource management majors will also develop strong communication and teamwork abilities. Many land resource management projects require collaboration with various stakeholders, including government agencies, environmental organizations,landowners, and local communities. Effective communication skills are essential for building partnerships, fostering consensus, and implementing successful land management strategies.Overall, pursuing a major in land resource management provides students with a unique opportunity to make a positive impact on the environment and society. By acquiring the knowledge and skills needed to manage land resources effectively, students can contribute to the creation of sustainable and resilient communities, protect biodiversity and ecosystems, and ensure a better future for generations to come. If you are passionate about the environment, interested in conservation, and eager to make a difference in the world, a major in land resource management may be the perfect choice for you.。
【完整版毕业论文】土地资源管理专业-论文外文文献及译文
土地资源管理本科毕业论文外文文献及译文文献题目：Rural and Urban Land Development and Land Tenure Systems: A Comparison between South Africaand Botswana外文文献：RURAL AND URBAN LAND DEVELOPMENT AND LANDTENURE SYSTEMS: A COMPARISON BETWEEN SOUTH AFRICAAND BOTSWANASusan BouillonLegal Advisor: City Council of PretoriaINTRODUCTIONFranklin D. Roosevelt once said that ‘Every person who invests in land near a growing city, adopts the surest and safest method of becoming independent, for land is the basis of wealth.’The purpose of this paper is to discuss the rural and urban land developmentand land tenure systems of South Africa and Botswana, and to explain theircontributions to urban sustainability.DEVELOPMENT PLANNING IN BOTSWANABotswana is located at the centre of the South African plateau, and is borderedby South Africa on the south and southeast, Zimbabwe on the northeast andNamibia on the west and northwest. Approximately 23% of the population is inurban areas and 77% in rural areas. Botswana has a rich tribal culture, and thereforeit is not surprising that the Botswana legal system consists of local tribal courts,which adjudicate traditional matters and Tribal Land Boards, which rule on landuse matters in tribal lands and traditional villages. Town Councils rule on land usematters in urban areas.The government of Botswana has adopted a system of development planningwhich has coped relatively well compared with other African countries.Development planning involves the preparation of land use plans for both urbanand rural areas. The practice in Botswana is that the public is made aware of the implications of land use plans before land is zoned for various uses. Public awareness and participation is ensured by giving land users an opportunity to select preferred land use options from a range of options determined through the evaluation of physical and economic suitability of land resources (bottom-up approach).PROPERTY RIGHTS AND LAND TENURE IN BOTSWANA It is the policy of the Government that all citizens should have easy and equal access to land. In order to realize this, three land tenure systems have been put in place. Tribal land covers 71% of the total land area of the country. It is allocated to citizens free of charge for all types of uses. State land is owned by the state and comprises 23% of the total area. Most of this land is used as National Parks, or Forest and Game Reserves within which no settlements are permitted. However, a small percentage of this land is allocated for residential purposes, particularly in urban centers. Freehold land comprises only 6% of the total area and is privately owned. Most of the government policies to date are therefore directed at tribal land.RURAL LANDPrior to independence, Botswana had established traditional ways of allocating and managing tribal land and its resources through chiefs and communities. Soon after independence, the authority to allocate tribal land was shifted from the chiefs to the Tribal Land Boards which were established by the Tribal Land Act, but the management of the resources remains the responsibility of the users and their communities. According to this act, almost 71% of the available land isadministered as tribal land according to an integrated system of customary land tenure. Although the tenurial rules for tribal land have been changed considerably by this act, it is considered a very innovative way to combine individual land tenure security with tribal land-use.The Land Boards were established for a specified tribal territory, and took over the administrative functions from chiefs and other tribal authorities. Title of the land vested in the Land Boards. The Land Boards were initially entitled to make customary and common law grants, for residential, grazing or cultivation purposes, to members of the different tribes living in the specified territories only, but since 1993 any citizen of Botswana is entitled to apply for these rights. Land Boards maintain their own record or registration system and rights are not registered in the central deeds registration system of Botswana, apparently to keep them more affordable. The Land Boards are entitled to issue certificates of customary grants or certificates of occupation. Provision has been made for the conversion of these certificates into titles registrable in the deeds registry once demand arises to deal with these certificates in the commercial lending market. Any change in right-holder must be reported to the land board in order to maintain the accuracy of the record system of the land board. Shelter provision in rural areas has been on individuals initiatives. The most important prerequisite for housing development, which is access to land, has not really been a disturbing issue due to the fact that all male and female citizens are allocated tribal land for free, but in an effort to facilitate shelter provision in rural areas, the government intends tointroduce a rural housing programme.Land use planning is not a new phenomenon in Botswana. Past experiences and records indicate that the traditional chiefs who had authority on land have always done some form of land use planning. Formal land use planning in Botswana started with the implementation of the Tribal Grazing Land Policy in 1975, when some areas were zoned for wildlife use, others became reserved areas, while other areas continued to be for communal use. This policy enabled individuals or groups to have exclusive use of land in areas zoned for such use. These rights are permanent, exclusionary and inheritable. They may only be revoked by the land board in circumstances where the right-holder fails to utilize the land on terms specified by the land board, or fails to develop the land according to the specified purposes within five years or where the land was not distributed fairly. In these instances, the land does not revert to the government but is reallocated by the land board to other applicants. This policy was therefore a major programme through which rural development was to be achieved.The districts up to now continue to prepare and update their respective integrated land use plans. In the preparation of such plans the communities have major inputs with regard to the various land uses. This is in realization of the fact that to have an implementable and sustainable land use plan, the communities should be the ones who decide the uses on a particular type of land. It should be noted, however, that not all districts have such plans.URBAN LANDAn urban centre in Botswana is defined as All settlements on state land and settlements on tribal land with a population of 5000 or more persons with at least 75% of the labor force in non-agricultural occupations. Generally, an urban centre should be seen to provide its population with infra-structural and environmental services similar to that which exists in a modern city. Rural-urban migration has played an important role in the growth of urban areas. Several urban development policies have been evolved over the years to guide the growth and development of the urban areas. Due to the fact that a large part of the people of Botswana are living in rural areas, most of the development is aimed at the rural areas, but a few programmes were introduced in order to better the circumstances of those living in urban areas. The Self Help Housing Programme was introduced to assist the low income urban households to develop their own houses. Under this scheme, the Government provides basic services such as roads, water stand pipes, and a pit-latrine to each plot. Plot holders were given tenurial security through a Certificate of Rights. This programme has also been used in upgrading the squatter settlements which existed prior to its inception.Shortage of serviced land has been identified as one of the major constraints to urban housing development. Therefore a major land servicing programme, the Accelerated Land Servicing Programme, was introduced. The objective of the programme was to service land for all uses, such as residential, commercial and industrial, in all urban areas. A Housing Department has been established, which is charged with the responsibility of promoting housingdevelopment and improvement through policy initiatives that create an enabling environment for shelter provision.The Town and Country Planning Act, which is the main legislation guiding physical planning in Botswana, makes provisions for an orderly and progressive development and control of land in both urban and rural areas. The Urban Development Standards and the Development Control Code also facilitate the orderly planning of settlements. Sustainable urban development depends on the availability of clean water supply and provision of infrastructure for sanitation and waste management. An integrated approach in the provision of environmentally sound infrastructures in human settlements is seen as an investment that fosters sustainable development and that can improve the quality of life, increase productivity, improve health, and reduce poverty.Although the concept of sustainable development gained prominence on the international scene only a few years back, it has been one of the objectives of development planning in Botswana since independence in 1966. The term has appeared as an objective in all the subsequent development plans, but its meaning has been expanded to reflect the changing development realities over the years.LAND DEVELOPMENT IN SOUTH AFRICAThe shape and form of the cities in South Africa are the result of conscious apartheid planning in the past. When South Africa’s first democratically el ected government came into power in 1994, it inherited the fragmented, unequal and incoherent planning systems which developed under apartheid. During apartheid,land development planning in the then four provinces, ten homelands and the ‘group area’ racia l zones, fell under many different laws, ordinances, procedures and regulations. There was a lack of coordination, an unequal distribution of resources and a lot of ‘red tape’ which slowed down development projects.A National Development and Planning Commission were appointed to advise the Minister of Land Affairs and the Minister of Housing on planning and development. Among other things, the Commission was requested to prepare a Green Paper on planning which would review and recommend changes to the apartheid legislation and process of land development in South Africa. The Commission decided to focus on the spatial planning system for urban and rural development. A land development policy, the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), a comprehensive and sectorally-based socio-economic policy framework that established the developmental foundations for the removal of apartheid and the building of a democratic, non-racial and non-sexist future, was adopted. This policy is based upon integrated development planning, a process which aims to maximize the impact of scarce resources and limited capacity. The prime purpose of this policy was to establish procedures to facilitate the release of appropriate public land for affordable housing, public services and productive as well as recreational purposes. In settlements which have been established in remote locations, without formal planning, land development involves upgrading services and infrastructure in situ.Planning in South Africa in the past and at present is done according to theTown Planning Ordinances of the various provinces. Although mechanisms for forward planning have long existed, the town planning scheme, which was established in terms of the Ordinances, is at the heart of the town planning system. While this system was strictly enforced in most white, Indian and colored areas, only simplified versions were later introduced to urban townships, further complicating the land administration system. As a result hereof South African settlements in both urban and rural areas were generally inefficient, fragmented and inconvenient. In large part, this is the result of the interplay between historical spatial planning policies and practices and the implementation of the ideology of apartheid. Despite this, there are few signs that significant and wide reaching improvements have been set in place since 1994. The Constitution of South Africa has a bearing on the planning system in those new constitutional requirements such as cooperative governance, procedural and participatory rights to ensure accountability for decision-making, the promotion of social and economic rights and the protection of the environment create imperatives that profoundly affect planning. In the planning sphere, legislation has shifted, with the passing of the Development Facilitation Act, which was the first national planning legislation promulgated after the first democratic elections in 1994, from being control-orientated towards being normatively-based. It was passed to begin the process of transforming planning to meet the needs of the new democracy.The Development Facilitation Act introduces the concept of land development objectives. These are plans approved by political decision-makers that set theirobjectives and targets for development of an area. The land development objectives’ intentions are to create a clear spatial framework for the area and to create a proactive rather than a reactive planning system. In terms of the Local Government Transition Second Amendment Act municipal authorities are required to create integrated development plans. An integrated development plan is a plan aimed at the integrated development and management of the area of jurisdiction of the municipality concerned, and which has been compiled having regard to the general principles contained in the Development Facilitation Act. A common intention of both integrated development plans and land development objectives is to tie public agency plans to budgets. In drawing up both land development objectives and integrated development plans, local authorities are required to try to achieve the intentions of the Development Facilitation Act principles. A land development application may not be approved if such application is inconsistent with any land development objective or integrated development plan, although land owners and developers may make proposals to change land use if they can motivate that the change would be consistent with both integrated development plans and land development objectives and the Development Facilitation Act principles. The onus of responsibility to demonstrate this is on the developer.PROPERTY RIGHTS AND LAND TENURE IN SOUTH AFRICA Land tenure in post-apartheid South Africa is a contentious issue and has long been a source of conflict. As is the case in many transitional political situations, there are also differences of opinion regarding the role and definition of ownership and other rights in property. The Constitution of South Africa provides in section 25(1) for the acknowledgement of different rights in property. It is clear that not only ownership, but also other rights in immovable property arerecognized and protected. In terms of section 25(6) the state has the obligation to secure by means of legislation, other forms of land tenure which are insecure as a result of the apartheid legislation and policies.In order to rectify the injustices of the past, the Department of Land Affairs started with a programme of land reform by means of restitution, redistribution and tenure reform. This programme resulted in the following acts being promulgated: the Restitution of Land Rights Act (regarding the restitution of land to persons dispossessed of land after 1913 as a result of racially discriminatory legislation), the Development Facilitation Act (regarding quicker and cheaper planning and development methods), the Land Reform (Labor Tenants) Act(regarding the security of housing, grazing and cultivating rights of labor tenants), the Communal Property Associations Act(regarding the creation of associations to own, control and deal with communal/common property), the Interim Protection of Informal Land Rights Act (regarding the interim protection of the rights of people in rural areas), the Extension of Security of Tenure Act (regarding the protection of laborers other than labor tenants in rural areas) and the Prevention of Illegal Eviction from and Unlawful Occupation of Land Act (regarding the measures to protect vulnerable occupiers and evict squatters).The vision and strategy for South Africa's land policy, a policy that is just, builds reconciliation and stability and contributes to economic growth, is set out in the White Paper on South African Land Policy. The government's land reform programme is made up of land restitution(which involves returning land lost since 1913 because of racially discriminatory laws, or compensating victims for loss of land due to racially discriminatory laws), land redistribution (makes it possible for poor and disadvantaged people to buy land with the help of a Settlement/Land Acquisition Grant) and land tenure reform (it aims to bring all people occupying land under a unitary, legally validated system of landholding.) This programme will devise secure forms of land tenure, help resolve tenure disputes and provide alternatives for people who are displaced in the process. In the long run, as part of the land tenure reform programme, government is committed to the transfer of the land, which is in the nominal ownership of the state, to its real owners. The White Paper emphasizes the importance of local participation in decision-making, gender equity, economic viability, and environmental sustainability in theimplementation of the land reform programmes. This White Paper is not only focusing on the urban areas but also on the rural areas.The deeds registration system in South Africa differs from the Botswana system. It has only one deeds registration system, and this system does not provide for the registration of all the different land tenure rights that are statutorily recognized. A large part of the population, notably people in informal settlements and in rural areas where a system of communal property still prevails, is excluded from the deeds registration system. In the White Paper on South African Land Policy a part of the land policy has been set aside for development of the registration system to make the registration of informal land rights in urban and rural areas possible.Whilst existing government policy provides a great range of inputs for planning and development, the White Paper on Local Government is critical as it places municipalities at the centre of planning for better human settlements. The new municipal planning system is founded on the concept of “developmental local government”. It emphasizes integrated development planning as a tool for realizing the vision of developmental local government. The Urban Development Framework published by the Department of Housing, examines the current dilemmas and realities facing South Africa’s urban areas, whilst the Rural Development Framework describes how government aims to achieve a rapid and sustainable reduction in absolute rural poverty.CONCLUSIONPhysical planners use the term land development to describe the process of identifying, acquiring and releasing land and resources for development. The aim of development is to attempt to overcome the problems in our cities. Planning aims to change our cities from being separate and sprawling into integrated, compact cities.Since the time of ancient civilizations, cities have been the powerhouses of economic growth and the centres of technological and scientific advancement. Cities have always acted as magnets attracting people in search of a better life. Rapid urbanization is, however, threatening the environment, human health and the productive capacity of cities. The most pressing problems facing cities and towns, mainly in the developing world is unemployment, crime, the health impact of inadequate services, pollution, inadequate shelter and overcrowding. As is the case inother countries, the cities in South Africa and Botswana are unsustainable in terms of the massive consumption of resources and the requirement of large quantities of water, food, energy and raw materials.As seen above, most of the land in Botswana is used as tribal land, resulting in a small percentage of land directed for urban usage. In contrast with Botswana, a very large part of the land in South Africa is being used for urban purposes. Tribal land does not play the same role in South Africa as it does in Botswana. Although the South African Constitution gives some recognition to the role of traditional leadership, the lack of accuracy about the nature and scale of its involvement remains a problem. This has led to significant uncertainty, confusion and even contest over the decision-making powers of these authorities in development processes. Leaders in traditional and tribal areas have had powers to allocate resources in rural and informal communities, and have also played an administration role in respect of land use matters. The new legislation in South Africa, however did not make provision for the traditional and tribal leaders in development planning. The recently published Municipal Structures Act recognizes that traditional leaders have a role to play in municipal governance and provides for their participation in local government affairs.The land development and tenure system in Botswana differs from the development system in South Africa in that South Africa’s development planning system is aimed at the rectification of the injustices of the past, while Botswana’s system is aimed at the allocation of tribal land to the inhabitants. Nonetheless, Botswana is constrained by under developed human resources. There is a shortage of skilled and productive manpower to quickly absorb and diffuse new technology that comes from foreign direct investments.Public participation only recently became part of planning law in South Africa, while the same practice was implemented in Botswana decades ago. The practice in South Africa includes the notification of all affected parties of an application for land development or land use change by means of a letter distributed to the affected person(s), advertisements in the Government Gazette and two local newspapers as well as an advertisement on the application property. This ensures that there is adequate public participation in the decision-making process. The South African context requires a particularly thoughtful and thorough type of public participation inland development decision-making. Illiteracy is widespread; many people are unfamiliar with the workings of a land development management system and the administrative processes in general. This is particularly, although not exclusively, true in rural areas. Thus, special care has to be taken to ensure that all affected parties are fully informed of the implications of a proposed development or land use change, as well as informed of their rights in the adjudication process.The development of an area should not just meet the needs of today’s users, but also the needs of future generations. This means that resources must be used wisely so that they last, because our land is a precious resource. We build our homes on it; it feeds us; it sustains animal and plant life and stores our water. It contains our mineral wealth and is an essential resource for investment in our country's economy. Land does not only form the basis of our wealth, but also our security, pride and history.中文译文：农村及城市土地开发和土地所有权制度在南非和博茨瓦纳的比较介绍弗兰克林·d·罗斯福曾说过,“每一个在正崛起的城市附近土地上投资的人都是在采用最可靠和最安全的方法使自己变得独立,因为土地是财富的基础。
土地流转_外文文献__中英文对照
本科毕业论文外文文献及译文文献、资料题目：The impact of land transfer on peasant stratification --An analysis based on a survey of Jingshan country, Hubei province文献、资料来源：网络文献、资料发表（出版）日期：2000.8院（部）：土地资源与城乡规划学院专业：土地资源管理班级：姓名：学号：指导教师：外文文献The impact of land transfer on peasant stratification--An analysis based on a survey of Jingshan country, Hubei province CHEN BaifengSchool of Law, Zhongnan University of Economics and Law; Research Center for Rural China Governance, Huazhong University of Science and TechnologyAbstract:Peasants’ motivation and purpose for transferring land vary from time to time. Based on a survey of 10 villages in Jingshan county, Hunan province, this article finds that the specificforms of rural land transfer include active long-term transfer, passive long-term transfer and short-term transfer. Land transfer has an important impact on the stratification of the peasantry. Present institutional arrangements for land ignore the legitimate interests of migrant families and poor and weak villagers and therefore they hold different attitudes toward land tenure institutions than middle peasants do. Based on the conclusions of an empirical analysis, this article puts forward a series of policy recommendations aimed at protecting the land rights of poor and weak peasant households.Keywords: land transfer, stratum, peasant stratification, land tenure arrangement Land transfer is the focus of current debates on the institutional change of land. Many scholarshave conducted research on the forms, causes and implications of land transfer and havecome upwith measures and countermeasures to standardize the transfer of land. Special attention has beenpaid to the role of land transfer in agrarian restructuring, industrialization, moderate-scaleoperation, rural labor transfer and peasant income enhancement. However, such studies rarely involve land’s impact on changes in the hierarchical structure of current rural China. Chen Chengwen and Luo Zhongyong (2006) focus on dissecting the overall rural structure and examining the role of land transfer in reconstructing the rural social structure. Some scholars arguethat deregulating the transfer of land will lead to polarization among the peasantry (Wen Tiejun, 2008; Li Changping, 2008), but such an argument is merely a macrojudgment without factual support at the micro level. China is a huge country with uneven development in rural areas;peasant stratification is anything but a strange phenomenon. Therefore, we shall pay more attention to observing the stratification of the peasantry at the micro level.In classical Marxist theory, the institutional conditions of land are an important basis of class and stratification. In the 1930s, Chen Hansheng, et al, proceeded with an observation of the land tenure institutions and scientifically substantiated the feudal factor-driven class relations in rural China and the semi-colonial and semi-feudal nature of rural Chinese society. In times of revolution, Mao Zedong (1982, 1991) also singled out the institutional conditions of land as an important basis of class and stratification. He played a crucial role in understanding Chinese class conditions at that time and justifying the necessity of launching a land revolution. After land reform was launched in the People’s Republic of China, land no longer exerted a significant impact on rural class stratification and hence scholars discussed the rural class structure mainly based on occupational stratification (Lu Xueyi, 2002). After the agricultural tax was abolished, farming generated a handsome income for peasants and the impact of land transfer on rural social stratification and peasant stratification became increasingly pronounced. In September 2008, we 2conducted a survey of 10 villages in two township jurisdictions of Jingshan county, Hubei province. Based on the qualitative interview and quantitative statistics, this article attempts to discuss the impact of land transfer on the stratification of the peasantry.I. The complex reality of land transferAfter introducing the household contract responsibility system, the ruling Communist Party and government have enacted a series of policies aimed at permitting and encouraging the transfer of land use rights within the term of contract while stabilizing rural land contract relations. The central government has always intended to realize the transfer of land tenure rights according to law and on a voluntary and compensatory basis and to effectively protect the rights and interests of peasants. The reality is, however, very complicated. The motivation, purpose and method of rural land transfer vary from time to time. The actual conditions also vary across rural China. In Jingshan county,, land transfer has gone through three different stages:The first stage began in the 1980s. During this period, peasants transferred land before seeking jobs or doing business in cities. The transition to a market economy started early in Jingshan and as a result, land transfer took place earlier here than elsewhere in rural areas of central and westernChina.The second stage started in the late 1980s. At this stage, peasant burden became increasingly cumbersome. Many peasants were unable to bear the burden of the new levies and as a result, they had no alternative but to transfer or abandon their farmland and search for jobs in urban areas. The abandoned land was transferred under the stewardship of village collectives or committees. This was a prevalent phenomenon during the period from the 1990s until 2004, the year in which the agricultural tax was repealed.The third stage began in 2004. After abolishing the agricultural tax in 2004, the state no longer levied fees on peasants and instead offered them various subsidies. Farming gradually became lucrative and the once-abandoned land suddenly became sought-after. In addition, there were dramatic changes in the mode and state of land transfer. On one hand, peasants were less willing to transfer land, and the proportion of land transferred was in decline. On the other hand, some peasant households had to transfer their land because its size was too small to be profitable.In the face of different situations, peasants transferred their land in one of the three modes:1. Active long-term land transferActive long-term land transfer is when peasants choose to abandon contracted land in their home villages after settling down in urban areas, or actively seek to transfer the contracted land because they expect to settle down in urban areas. This form of land transfer existed from the 1980s onward and after the agricultural tax was repealed. Among the 60 villagers who transferred a large area of land in Caozhengong village, Jingshan county, 13 farmers transferred their land under this method. Six of the 13 farmers went to cities without their spouses or became non-farmers (private school teachers or temporary workers turned into full-time workers). The six villagers transferred their land in a foolproof way, and they now are living a decent life. The other seven villagers abandoned their land due to an optimistic judgment in their ability to work and live in urban areas. Six of those seven villagers are making a living in urban areas, and one of them returned to the countryside and bought a house and a plot of land in a village in an adjacent township. Among the six villagers settling down in urban areas, four villagers live an affluent life and two villagers are neither rich nor poor. Of the latter two villagers, one has bought a house with a tile roof in a town 3and makes a living by selling bean curd; the other makes a living by working in a barber shop.When a peasant household actively transfers its land for a long period of time, the transferee is naturally entitled to acquire the land for the mutually agreed-upon period of time.2. Passive long-term land transferPeasant burden became increasingly heavy from the late 1980s to 2003, when the reform of the tax and fee system was launched. Because grain prices were in decline and peasants lost money tilling the land, many of them transferred their land without little consideration. Sometimes the transferor even had to offer a subsidy of up to 300 yuan/mu to the transferee. Since taxes and fees were levied on land, abandoning land meant leaving taxes and fees up in the air, sograssroots-level governments forbade peasants from abandoning their land and forced them to pay taxes and fees even if their land was untilled. This is what Li Changping (2002) called “farmers have t o till their land against (their) will when they actually wish to abandon it.” In this situation, some peasant households transferred their houses and land together to non-native immigrants from mountainous areas; some peasant households tried every means to move their registered permanent residence elsewhere and even ended up becoming unregistered residents. Still more peasant households preferred to just leave their land behind and go work and do business elsewhere. Consequently, a vast expanse of land was abandoned in rural areas. Some villagers asked their neighbors to care for the land, but the land changed hands soon after or was abandoned anyway. When villagers abandoned their land and went to work elsewhere, the township and village governments could not expect to collect taxes and fees, and as a result had to transfer the abandoned land by every means.The modes of land transfer conceived at township and village levels include “one land plot per household” contract, low-price contract and change of l and use. “One land plot per household”contract means that in order to resolve land cultivation and irrigation issues, the village collective or committee reallocated land and concentrated the land contracted to each peasant household in one single plot of land to facilitate construction of small water conservancy facilities (He Xuefeng et al, 2003), thus making it more attractive for peasants to take over the contracted land. Low price contract occurred when the village collective or committee transferred the abandoned land at a price lower than the regular tax and fee burden. In this situation, village cadres often hold an attitude of “collecting a penny of tax and fee is better than collecting nothing.” Change of land use means changing the farmland use to attract villagers to contract it. For instance, hillside land canbe contracted to grow hybrid poplars; low-lying wetland can be used to dig a pond and raise fish. Under the orchestration of village collectives and with every endeavor of village cadres, the peasants who abandoned their land are able to transfer the land to those who are willing to acquire it.When the first-round land contract expired in 1997, the central government required each province to conduct a second round of land contracting. Peasants were not enthusiastic about thesecond-round contract because the farm tax and fee burden was too heavy and consequently, the cadres of many local areas, including those of Jingshan county, had no alternative but to make the second-round contract a mere formality. After the agricultural tax was repealed in 2004, farming became lucrative and many villagers returned home and asked for land, thereby unleashing a series of disagreements with the villagers who stayed in the farmland. The peasants who returned home were lawfully entitled to the farmland contracting rights, whereas the peasant households who stayed in the farmland had entered into contracts with village committees. The two parties4struggled in disagreement against each other, and the township and village cadres could not think of an effective way to overcome the impasse. In this situation, Hubei province issued Opinions on Improving the Second Round of Rural Land Contracting in November 2004 to “reconfirm land rights” in rural areas. This po licy document made it possible to solve land disputes through compromise by adopting flexible measures under the condition of preserving the current status of land tenure without breaking the law.In practice, Jingshan county government handled land disputes by confirming land rights based on the existing land tenure institutions but requiring large farm households to give up a small piece of land (2 mu) to peasant households who had abandoned their land before the agricultural tax was abolished. Disputes were very acute at that time, and township cadres stayed in villages to handle the land issues. Even so, there were still 29 groups of Cao township villagers lodging petitions in 2005. Today some villagers who have received confirmation of land rights from the government are still unable to get their land. In consequence, the villagers who did not promptly return home and ask for land in 2005 are forced to relinquish all of their land for a long period of time; those who promptly returned home and asked for land are also forced to relinquish a large proportion of land for a long period of time (2 mu of land per person or 10 mu per household in Jingshancounty). Among the 60 households in Gongcun village that transferred their land, 47 households fall under th is category. Now 24 of the 47 households have become “landless peasants” innon-suburban areas and three have become permanently “landless peasants” because they sold their house and land together to non-native immigrants, thus losing eligibility for confirmation of land rights. The other 23 households have received 2 mu of subsistence land. By contrast, the peasants who acquired land through land transfer are unexpectedly entitled to long-term land contracting rights due to policy and circumstance change.3. Short-term land transferThis is a prevalent land transfer method adopted by peasant households due to their expectation on long-term land possession and a sense of insecurity for other methods of making a living. In the rural areas of Jingshan, short-term land transfer is currently adopted by most peasant households that acquired 2 mu of subsistence land through the confirmation of land rights in 2005. In Production Team 1 of Gongcun village, there are 18 peasant households with contracted land at the present time: Only 10 households till the land at home, while the other eight households have only 2 mu of farmland each. These families transferred their land for a short period of time and moved elsewhere to find employment. In Production Team 3 of the village, there are 25 peasant households, of which 12 households moved their families elsewhere. Now five of the 12 households have transferred their subsistence land under the short-term scheme, but the other seven households are without any subsistence land. Most of the peasant households that moved elsewhere had left their home villages before the agricultural tax was repealed and transferred land in a passive way. Now a large proportion of them have stronger demand for land and choose not to transfer it for a long period of time because they are likely to return home to the land in the future. By contrast, the peasants who acquired land through short-term land transfer are thus entitled to short-term land contracting rights.II. Land tenure status and peasant stratificationThe foregoing analysis has revealed the existence of a number of different land transfer methods. This phenomenon is related to the policies concerning agriculture, rural areas and farmers in5different periods, and to the different conditions of peasants in different periods. In different periods and circumstances, peasants have adopted different land transfer methods. At present, landtransfer has a significant impact on the well-being of peasants. In Jingshan, the villages are under greater exposure or openness. Some leave home from time to time as a result of urbanization. Non-native villagers can settle down in the villages by acquiring land through land transfer. In this article, we will also analyze the stratification of the peasantry at the village level based on the detailed data about the economic and employment conditions of registered permanent residents in three villages. Roughly Jingshan peasants can be aggregated into five strata: migrant businessman stratum, peasant worker stratum, part-time peasant worker stratum, migrant family stratum and poor villager stratum, as shown in the table below:1. The migrant businessman stratumThis stratum refers to the upper stratum of peasants who have long been doing business elsewhere 6with almost no present dependence on rural land. They are completely dissociated with the villages in which they are registered as permanent residents. In the three villages, 10.4% of households fall under this stratum. On average, a migrant businessman earns an annual income of over RMB 30,000 and has a bank deposit of at least RMB 100,000. In Gongcun village, the two wealthiest businessmen should each have a bank deposit of RMB 1 million. Among the 15 migrantbusinessmen, 13 of them have houses in urban areas, six of them have bought or built houses in townships, and seven of them have bought houses in county towns or cities. In addition, some of them also keep houses in the village that are now solely the residence of elderly family members. Even though migrant businessmen are classified in the upper stratum of villagers, the vast majority of them have become “urbanized,” and the most successful businessmen can move to large cities. However, there are also a small number of businessmen who have met obstacles in the urbanization process and have returned to their home villages. Deng Deyi, a farmer in Gongcun village, went to Wuhan, capital of Hubei province, to sell rice in the 1990s but returned home in the face of tough business conditions. Returnees’ econ omic well-being is still in good condition because of money they earned and saved while working in urban areas. After the agricultural tax was abolished, the land interest structure has become more rigid, thus making it impossible for migrant businessmen to return to their home villages. Deng, 60, moved to a town to do business in the 1990s and cancelled his registered permanent residence in the village but failed to qualify forpermanent resident status in the town. At the time of “confirmation of land rights,” he failed to acquire any contracted land due to his lack of registered permanent residence. Now he earns a meager income and wishes to return to his home village but cannot because he has no land there. Generally speaking, most of the migrant businessmen in this stratum earn high income and do not care about land at all.2. The peasant worker stratumThe peasant worker derives the name from his/her dual identity of working partly as a peasant and partly as a worker. This stratum refers to the affluent stratum of villagers who till the land at home in farming seasons and work elsewhere in non-farming seasons. Peasant workers still have some dependence on rural land. In the three villages, 23.1% of peasant households fall under this stratum. On average, a peasant worker has 10-plus mu of land and earns an annual income of about RMB 30,000, including RMB 10,000 earned as a farmer and RMB 20,000 earned as a worker. The peasant worker status has been realized under the “incomplete family model”concocted by Lu Dewen (2008). Under the steady state of this model, young couples go together to work in urban areas, while the elderly stay home to care for children and continue to till the land. In Jingshan county, it is common for people over 70 years of age to till the land or help their children till the land. In a migrant working economy, working in cities is more important than tilling the land in the countryside. The gender-based division of labor characterized by “male breadwinner, female housewife” has now be come the inter-generation division of labor and relay characterized by “young breadwinner, elderly housewifery.” In fact, this has evolved into a new pattern of supplementing migrant work with farming activity. “Peasant workers give precedence tothe worke r side of the equation” because farming income is something that has long been taken for granted.3. The part-time peasant worker stratumThe part-time peasant worker stratum refers to the stratum of “middle peasants” who supplement farming income with income earned by working part-time in county seats and townships. Middle 7peasants are heavily dependent on rural land. Middle peasant is a benchmark on which villagers compete cosmetically with one another and try to “keep up with the Joneses,” and it also is a goalpursued by poor and weak peasant households. In the three villages, 46.4% of peasant households fall under this stratum. In Jingshan, a part-time peasant worker has 10-plus mu of land and earns an annual income of about RMB 20,000-30,000, including over RMB 10,000 earned as a farmer and RMB 10,000-20,000 earned as a worker. Those who fall under this stratum migrate frequently between urban and rural areas. Working in urban areas will not change their basic way of living but serves only as a means to making more money. Unlike peasant workers focusing on the migrant working economy, part-time peasant workers would rather concentrate on agricultural production and they are psychologically conservative. In their minds, they hope to expand land operation; in action, they shrink with cowardice. They intend to acquire short-term land tenure through short-term land transfer, but it is very difficult for them to acquire long-term land tenure through active long-term land transfer. During our survey interview, the part-time peasant workers were overtly envious of landlords who own 10-plus mu of land in adjacent villages and hoped to have more land themselves. Theoratically if they wished, they could become landlords by buying the houses and land of peasants who have moved to cities. In 2008, the total price of a two-story four-bedroom brick and concrete mixed structure house plus 9 mu of land was only RMB 21,000. Although the part-time peasant workers are financially able to buy the houses and land, few take concrete action to make their landlord dream come true. The houses and land of peasants who have moved to cities are often bought by non-native peasant households from mountainous areas. Part-time peasant workers are more inclined to acquire a small area of land (say, 1 or 2 mu) from a migrant family through short-term land transfer.4. The migrant family stratumThis migrant family stratum refers to the stratum of rural households that are mainly engaged in migrant employment and not dependent on rural land. They are like nomads, roaming outside of their home villages and returning once a year during Spring Festival. Some migrant families have even chosen to buy houses in urban areas; as a result, they are completely disengaged from the countryside and agriculture except for the fact they are still registered as permanent residents in their home villages. In the three villages, 10.8% of the peasant households fall under this stratum. In Jingshan, a migrant family usually has 2 mu of subsistence land acquired through confirmation of land rights in 2005, but some families are even deprived of subsistence land, making it neither realistic nor economy to till the land at home. More often than not, they choose to transfer the landand move their families elsewhere to find employment. On average, a migrant family earns an annual income of about RMB 20,000 by working in urban areas. Some peasant households may also choose to move their families elsewhere even though they have 10 mu of farmland. This happens when a better opportunity arises that allows them to earn an annual income of over RMB 20,000. Migrant families have special demand for land in the sense that they hope to reallocate and reacquire land through confirmation of land rights, then transfer it and continue to work in urban areas. Migrant families are usually peasant households that had abandoned the land before the agricultural tax was repealed. At that time, they passively transferred the land under thelong-term transfer scheme and became the “landless peasants” in non-suburban areas. They are full of anxiety over the future because no matter how much money they earn, they still lack a sense of security. They are deeply worried about the loss of the ability to work and make a living when they get old or ill. They are an underprivileged group in the villages. As they have been8working away from home year in and year out, it is very difficult for them to effectively express their interests in and opinions of land. When the “confirmation of land rights” was conducted in 2005, they rushed back to their home villages to claim land title but ended up being easily defeated one by one and eventually acquired only 2 mu of subsistence land.5. The poor villager stratumThe poor and weak peasant stratum is the bottom stratum in the village. This stratum is subdivided into two subclasses: 1) peasant households that become impoverished due to illness; 2) peasant households that have a small piece of land but cannot work away from home. These two subclasses are the poorest peasant households in the villages. Poor and weak peasants are mainly engaged in agricultural production and heavily dependent on farmland. They cannot work away from home due to a shortage of hands. Poor and weak peasants fall under the “poor peasant”stratum in the villages. The part-time peasant worker stratum serves as a yardstick of comparison and a goal of pursuit for poor and weak peasants. In the three villages, 8.8% of the peasant households fall under this stratum. A peasant who becomes impoverished due to illness can still earn an annual income of up to RMB 10,000 if he has 10-plus mu of land, and he will not be the poorest person in the village. If he does not have a large piece of farmland, however, he likely will become the poorest person in the village. Peasant households with 2 mu of subsistence land willbecome poor if they are unable to work away from home due to conditional constraints or to earn extra income by doing sideline business. Conditional constraints arise when there are children who need to be cared for or when the elderly are in poor health or deceased, thus making it impossible to maintain the peasant worker structure or part-time peasant worker structure under the “incomplete family” model. Gong Erping of Gongcun village fi ts neatly into this description. His wife died of cancer last year, and now he cultivates 5 mu of land while raising a child who is studying in a senior high school. During his interview, he said he is deeply worried about his poverty status but feels utterly hopeless as to how to escape poverty.Peasant strata may change as circumstances change. The economic pattern of the peasant worker stratum needs to be supported by the incomplete family model. In the absence of such support (say,the peasant’s parents lost land-tilling capacity), they would be no longer eligible for the part-time peasant worker stratum and may fall into the migrant family stratum. In the event of failing to maintain the peasant worker’s production method, the vast majority of the peasa nts will choose to move their families elsewhere, transfer their land and give up agricultural income except in special cases where there are children who need cared for.In the rural areas of Jingshan, the land tenure conditions have more important impacts on the stratification of the peasantry. While some peasants can enter urban areas through their own efforts,other peasants may fall into the poor villager stratum due to illness or other reasons. Generally speaking, land tenure conditions are closely related to the stratification of the peasantry. Some peasant households may willingly relinquish their land titles after making a rational consideration. However, the current land tenure conditions are caused by policy factors such as the imposition of agricultural tax and fee burden, the abolition of the agricultural tax and the confirmation of land rights. The land tenure condition has to a large extent determined the stratum under which peasants fall. A peasant household that occupies more land can easily qualify for the peasant worker stratum or part-time peasant worker stratum and enter the middle stratum in the villages; a peasant household that occupies less land can only enter the migrant family stratum in thebest-case scenario and may even fall into the poor villager stratum in the worst-case scenario.9。
土地资源管理论文
土地资源管理论文随着科学技术的逐渐发展,促使测绘技术得到了较大的完善,因此在土地资源管理工作中得到了广泛的应用,并取得了较好的效果。
下面是店铺为大家整理的土地资源管理论文，供大家参考。
土地资源管理论文范文一：国外土地管理的经验及其对我国的启示摘要：土地是农业发展的根本，是人类赖以生存的基础。
美、日、韩、加拿大、新加坡等国家在土地管理中充分发挥政府的主导作用，突出法制建设，加强规划控制、运用市场机制等措施，为我国的土地管理提供了重要的经验借鉴。
我国应在科学规划，完善法律法规，提高土地利用水平，引入市场机制等方面下大气力，扎实推进土地管理各项工作的有效实施。
论文关键词：土地管理,国外经验,策略选择一、国外土地管理的成功经验分析1、法制健全。
为了规范土地管理，明确土地的取得、使用、保有、保护和处分的具体规定与程序，很多成熟的市场经济国家都制定有相关的法律。
如美国拥有一整套比较健全的有极强约束力的土地管理法律法规体系。
从联邦政府到州、郡、市都有相配套的土地管理法律法规，且下级不得与上级法律相冲突。
土地资源的权益、地籍管理、保护、规划、开发利用、复垦、征用、地役权、执法力量及地产交易、捐赠、继承和管理、仲裁等均有法可依[1]。
美国制定的《联邦土地政策和管理法》是土地管理的基本准则;日本规范土地的法律主要为《国有财产法》;韩国为了有效地管理国有土地，1950年首次制定了国有财产法，1976年根据社会经济发展的情况，全面修订了国有财产法，要求利用国有土地引导私人土地开发，稳定土地市场，及时灵活地提供国民生活所需的公共用地;新加坡政府在长期的发展过程中形成了一套完整的土地管理体系和约束程序，以保障土地出让合法合理。
此外，在专业法津方面，道路法、河流法、森林法、水资源法、海洋法、矿产法、能源法等都是与国有土地管理相关的法律，在制定与执行的过程中要确保互相之间不能冲突。
在综合法方面，财政法、会计法等也都与国有土以地管理密切相关。
大学毕业设计土地整理之外文翻译免费范文精选
大学本科毕业设计全套土地资源管理资源环境与城乡规划管理土地管理土地利用土地复垦专业毕业设计全套。
开题报告毕业论文正文读书报告外文翻译任务书阶段总结工作总结工作鉴定表高等级的土地和发展之间的权衡：在奥克兰的宝贵的土地资源recentand未来的压力作者： Fiona Curran-Cournane，Melanie Vaughan，Ali Memon，raig Fredrickson关键词：精英和肥沃的土地土壤的自然资本生态系统服务摘要：可持续的土地管理是必不可少的应对全球挑战的土壤和水资源保护，可以支持越来越多的人。
在奥克兰，新西兰最大的城市，人口增长预测从1.5增加到2500000，2040，将该地区的土壤资源的巨大压力。
本研究的目的是量化的高超地土地数量（土地使用功能类1–3）已被转换，和什么是可能发生的，对城市发展在奥克兰使用长期趋势记录和未来经济增长的预测。
空间分析表明，在不同的生成的数据集10399公顷（或8.3%奥克兰的高级）的土地已通过增量城市扩展转换为城市的发展，手术/批准的绿地和建筑许可。
这样，10080公顷的高级土地转化为发展年之间，1975和2012。
城市扩展到高级土地加速自率1996。
此外，分配给城市扩展自1996以来已一流的土地大部分。
展望未来，提出/未来发展绿地等同于6010公顷有发展潜力（或4.8%）的电流的高级土地。
未来增长的压力表明，这种权衡将继续。
有分析经济效益和长期可持续发展的未来发展对当前和未来的生产要求高级土地保护的实际需要。
为进一步的研究提供真实的损失成本帐户，不仅调节和文化土壤生态系统服务确保这些值的认可而且城市规划者和决策者也都认可。
大学本科毕业设计全套土地资源管理资源环境与城乡规划管理土地管理土地利用土地复垦专业毕业设计全套。
开题报告毕业论文正文读书报告外文翻译任务书阶段总结工作总结工作鉴定表简介确保充足的粮食供应不断增长的全球人口，是个新兴的国际挑战，健康的土壤和水生态系统是确保这些需求是实现根本性（busscher，2012）。
略论土地资源：英文翻译与译文
基于地理信息系统的元胞自动机对城市土地开发与土地利用变化的模拟——吴太初洪博义一、引言土地利用变化可以被视为是将某种土地的利用的方式转变为另一种利用方式，例如将农业用地转化为住宅用地；也可以被视为一块暂时，没有被开发的用地开始被开发。
然而，土地并不会自己变化发展，所以土地利用变化的决策依赖于土地开发者的选择。
除了社会经济和政治因素之外，相邻的土地使用模式也将影响土地开发者的决策行为。
近年来，由于计算机科学的快速发展，基于GIS 数据的元胞自动机开始广泛的应用于对城市土地利用变化的过程的模拟。
本文以决策行为者之间的关系及土地利用变化为基础，通过收集土地利用的GIS数据、土地价格、人口、城市规划等信息，将他们转化成50乘50平方米的网格，然后再利用元胞自动机的NETLogo功能模拟台南市的土地利用变化。
实证研究领域是在台湾的台南市第五时期重组的领域。
其研究期间为1989年到2016年，土地利用变化模型的估计期限是1989年到2006年，预测期间为2007年到2016年。
本文的结构如下所述：下一章描述了本项研究所使用的方法，第三章是对变量和数据处理的描述，第四章是对土地开发概率逻辑模型的预测，第五章是对土地利用变化的模拟，最后第六章是本文的结论。
二、方法A.研究领域。
此研究领域坐落于台湾的台南市第五时期重组的领域，面积约631.49公顷。
该地区原本是钓鱼场，1979年，台南市政府对该地区的城市土地利用计划进行了审查，并计划将该地区作为重组区域进行开发。
B.土地利用开发估算模型的概率。
本文假设土地利用变化是否取决于土地开发者的决策。
土地开发者对土地发展的决策行为取决于土地开发的概率。
本文将土地开发可能的模型视为逻辑回归的概率模型。
当概率值超过土地开发的阈值时，开发商将会选择开发土地。
反之则选择不开发土地。
C.土地利用转换的规则。
利用CA进行模拟时，土地利用转换规则主要取决于土地开发的可能性和相邻土地的状况。
关于土地的外文文献
ISSN 1712-8056[Print]ISSN 1923-6697[Online] Canadian Social ScienceV ol. 10, No. 2, 2014, pp. 75-83DOI:10.3968/4312Rural Land Property Right System of China: Defects and SolutionsCHEN Juan [a]; YANG Shaolei [b],*[a]Lecturer, Ph.D candidate. School of Cultural and Social Development Studies, Southwest University, Chongqing, China. [b]Lecturer, Ph.D. School of Political Science, Sichuan University, Chengdu, China.*Corresponding author.Supported by the National Social Science Fund of China: Research on the Protection of Farmers’ Interests in the Rural Land Circulation of China (No.11CSH014); the Project of Fundamental Research Funds for the Central Universities: Research on the Cultivation System of New-Type Farmers in the Transformation of Agricultural Development Mode (No.SWU1209393).Received 1 November 2013; accepted 10 February 2014Pulished online 15 April 2014AbstractThe innovations of the rural land property right system have the important meaning to Chinese agricultural and rural development. At the present stage, the rural land property right system of China have such problems as the unclear rural land property right subject, the incomplete rural land property right object, the uneven urban-rural land development right as well as the imperfect land property right management system. In the next stage of the system reform process of China, the innovation problem of the rural land property right system should be fully emphasized, and the related measures should be actively taken to perfect the rural land property right system, including clarifying the rural land property right subject, propelling the real right tendency of the rural land contractual management right, setting up the urban-rural unified market of land for construction, along with deepening carrying out the work of confirming the rural land property right and issuing the property right certificates.Key words: Rural land; Property right; Land property right system; Ownership disputeC h e n , J., & Ya n g , S. L. (2014). R u r a l L a n d P r o p e r t y Right System of China: Defects and Solutions. Canadian S o c i a l S c i e n c e , 10(2), 75-83. Av a i l a b l e f r o m : h t t p ://w w w.c s c a n a d a.n e t /i n d e x.p h p /c s s /a r t i c l e /v i e w /4312 DOI: /10.3968/4312INTRODUCTIONLand is the most basic means of production in agriculture, and is regarded as a family heirloom and the lifeblood by most of farmers. As far as the supply and innovation problem of the current Chinese rural institutions is concerned, the rural land property right system is just the one in need of the most attention and reform among them, which is related with not only the important status of land but also the actuality and prospect of Chinese rural and agricultural development. The formation of the current Chinese collective property right system of the rural land is reasonable indeed. Meanwhile, since the foundation of People’s Republic of China, the economic performance of the collective property right system of the rural land has been proved efficient well by the agricultural and rural development achievements. However, it is not deniable that the rural land property right system of China has the obvious defects, especially the problems of the unclear land property right subject and the incomplete land property right object directly restrict the realization of the land right of farmers and immediately affect the long-term development of Chinese agriculture. Therefore, this paper will mainly analyze the defects of the current rural land property right system of China. Next, the relative solutions will be given out to reform the rural land property right system.Rural Land Property Right System of China: Defects and Solutions1.D E F E C T S O F R U R A L L A N D PROPERTY RIGHT SYSTEM OF CHINA 1.1 Unclear Rural Land Property Right SubjectChinese Land Administration Law prescribes that “the People’s Republic of China carries out the socialistic public ownership of land, namely the ownership by the whole people and the collective ownership by the working masses.” Such laws as Constitution, General Principles of the Civil Law, Agricultural Law, Land Administration Law and Law on Rural Land Contract all definitely prescribe that the ownership of the rural land belongs to the rural collectivity. It is known that the ownership of Chinese rural land belongs to all farmers in the region, but it is not prescribed explicitly that who of them can represent the whole farmers. That is, the detailed form of the rural collectivity is not clear. Furthermore, it is obscure in the legal provisions and the realistic conditions as well as the actual cognition.First, with respect to the legal provisions, the Land Administration Law prescribes that “in accordance with the law, when the collective land of farmers belongs to the whole farmers of a village, it is the collective economic organization of the village or the villager committee that operates and manages the land; When the collective land of farmers has separately belonged to the whole farmers in more than two rural collective economic organization of a village, it is the every rural collective economic organization or the villager group of the village that operates and manages the land; when the collective land of farmers has belonged to the whole farmers of a township (town), it is the rural collective economic organization of the township (town) that operates and manages the land.” In the aforementioned legal provisions, many forms of the rural collective organizations appear, including the collective economic organization of a village, the villager committee, the villager group and the rural collective economic organization of a township (town). Through the careful analysis, there are chiefly three levels of the rural collective organizations in fact, involving a township (town), a village and the villager group. Of course, among those rural collective organizations, there are both the collective economic organization and the autonomous political organization for villagers such as the villager committee. The General Principles of the Civil Law prescribes that “in accordance with the law, when the collective land belongs to the whole farmers of a village, it is the agricultural collective economic organization like the agricultural production cooperative of the village or the villager committee that operates and manages the land; when the collective land has belonged to the farmers’ collective economic organization of a township (town), it may belong to the whole farmers of the township (town) .” That is, the General Principles of the Civil Law define the rural land that it belongs to two levels of the rural collectivity including both a township (town) and a village, referring to the agricultural production cooperative of a village, the villager committee and the collective economic organization of a township (town). From the existing legal provisions, neither the detailed organization form of the rural collectivity nor the detailed level of a township (town), a village and the villager group is clear.Second, considering the realistic conditions, by reason of the indefinite regulations of the legal provisions, the realistic ownership of the rural land is comparatively complex and the various levels and forms of the rural collective organizations all have the ownership of the rural land to varying degrees. A survey of 1200 villages by Ministry of Agriculture in 1987 shows that that the ownership of the rural land belongs to the village group is 65%; that the ownership of the rural land belongs to the level of an administrative village is 34%; that the ownership of the rural land belongs to other levels of the rural collective organizations is 1%. Moreover, an enquiry of 317 villages by the rural fixed observational points of China in 1997 indicates that that the ownership of the rural land belongs to the village group is 44.9%; that the ownership of the rural land belongs to an administrative village is 39.6%; that the ownership of the rural land belongs to both the village group and an administrative village is 14.7%. According to the ownership realism of the rural land everywhere in recent years, the regional difference among the ownership subjects of the rural land is rather remarkable. For instance, 90% of the rural land in Beijing belongs to the whole farmers of a township (town) and a village; about 90% of the rural land in Sichuan province belongs to the village group; the rural land in the marginal areas of Gansu province basically belongs to the village group.Third, as for the actual cognition, such groups as farmers, the village cadres and cadres in charge of agricultural work are not fully aware of the detailed ownership of the rural land, which actually embodies the gap between the legal regulations and the practical implementation of China to some extent. An investigation of more than 10 provinces (autonomous regions) in China reveals that when the respondents are asked “do you know whom the contractual land belongs to?”, 86.28% of samples give an affirmative answer; but when the respondents who have given the affirmative answer are further asked “whom the rural land belongs to?”, there are all sorts of answers: “the village group” is 22.26%; “the administrative village” is 20.89%; “the two levels of governments of counties and townships” are 5.75%; “the nation” reaches to 51.10% and is the highest proportion of all answers.Though the collective ownership of the rural land in Chinese important legal provisions is explicit, from the theoretical perspective, “the farmer collectivity” is just an “abstract aggregate ensemble without the legal personality meaning”; it is not a normative civil subject and is anCHEN Juan; YANG Shaolei (2014). Canadian Social Science, 10(2), 75-83obscure concept; it is difficult to define its appointed objects and define its quality as a corporate organization, a partnership or a non-corporate organization. 4 Although the detailed forms of the rural collective organizations involving the villager committee, the villager group and the collective economic organization of a village are mentioned in both the General Principles of the Civil Law and the Land Administration Law, in the light of the regulations of Organizational Law of Villager Committees of the People’s Republic of China, the villager committee is an autonomous organization of villagers and has not the economic corporate qualification, and hence is not the rural collective economic organization and not able to take charge of the responsibility of the rural land property right subject; the villager group is only a member of a rural collective economic organization and not a single rural collective economic organization, and accordingly cannot be the representative of the rural land ownership. At the same time, the definition of “the collective economic organization” in the related laws is also inexplicit so that it is difficult to be applied to the practice.As a result, the current property right subject of the rural land is empty and diverse, which easily gives rise to two typical problems:One is that the actual ownership of farmers’ land will be in the hands of other “rural collective organizations”. Now that the rural collective organizations defined in the laws are empty and abstract, it is inevitable that in reality other objective subjects would replace the abstract subjects to carry out the ownership of the rural land so as to maintain the practical operation of the rural land system. For instance, the collective land of farmers belonging to the whole farmers of a township (town) prescribed in the law belongs to the township (town) people’s government in fact. As a primary-level administrative organization, the township (town) people’s government simultaneously occupies both the management function of the rural land and the subject function of the rural collective ownership, which results in a mixture of public right and private right and makes private right to be the tool of public right; further, the collective land of farmers belonging to the collective economic organization of a village prescribed in the law belongs to the villager committee in practice. Hence, the township (town) people’s government, the villager committee as well as the villager group are the main belonging forms of the rural land in reality. As the component factor of the rural collectivity, it is difficult for farmers to actually perform the ownership of the rural land.The other is that the conflict of right among the diverse participative subjects accordingly appears in the market circulation of the rural land property right, which not only artificially increases the transaction cost and influences the allocation efficiency of the rural land property right market, but also inevitably gives rise to the interest loss of farmers as the social vulnerable groups in their competition with such participative subjects as the township (town) people’s government and the villager committee.1.2 Incomplete Rural Land Property Right Object At this stage, the property right of Chinese rural land is incomplete, which chiefly reflects in the following two points:One is that the property right of the rural land is fragmentary. As a bundle of rights, the property right of the rural land should be an organic unity of diverse rights. Since the promotion and implementation of the rural household contract responsibility system, the ownership and management right of the rural land have been separated, and farmers have been able to enjoy the land rights involving occupation, use and disposition as well as acquirement of the land revenue according to the contract. For the moment, there are distinct levels of difference in the implementation of the four land rights. For farmers, their occupation and use rights of the rural land should have been actualized well, but their disposition right of the rural land has never been really fulfilled. For example, farmers have never been endowed with the hypothec and inheritance right of the rural land. Besides, farmers’ right of acquiring the land revenue has no reliable and effective guarantee. Farmers are not able to share the benefits of the land value-added resulting from the rural land circulation.The other is that the property right of the rural land is lack of exclusiveness. First, the agent of the rural land property right is powerless. That is to say, the rural collective economic organization (mainly the rural collective organization under the level of a village) cannot resist the harm inflicted on the rural land from other channels. Second, there is the possibility that the rural contractual land might be adjusted dynamically and periodically. A basic feature of the rural land collective ownership is that as long as he is a member of some collectivity, any farmer will be naturally entitled to enjoy the corresponding rights of rural collective land and need not pay out any cost. As the scope of collectivity may be the static or dynamic whole members, the boundary of collectivity will probably be in the inconstant change. Consequently, the rural land area belonging to the members of collectivity will necessarily vary according to the increase or decrease of the rural collective members. As far as the future developing trend is concerned, though the farmers’ dependence on the rural land is likely to gradually fall, it does not mean that all the members of collectivity will give up their land. That the contractual management right rising from the periodic adjustment of the rural land is lack of exclusiveness cannot make farmers have the long-term and stable expectations for the land right of the specific block of the rural land, which goes against inspiring farmers’ enthusiasm for investigating the rural land and forming the long-term and effective protection system of farmers’ land rights.Rural Land Property Right System of China: Defects and Solutions1.3 Uneven Urban-Rural Land Development RightThe land development right is a real right separated from the land ownership. It is a right of landowners to alter the current uses of their own land so as to profit. The land development right is presented against the land use control that is primarily to achieve the public interest. One situation is that the land use option must be restricted because some land uses will inevitably bring some negative effects so as to result in the loss of the social welfare. The other situation is that as the location of some block of land is suitable for the locale meeting the needs of the public interest such as constructing highways and railways, its use should be decided according to the public interest and the use right and even ownership of the land must be implemented by the delegates of the public interest. As far as the social equity and justice are concerned, both of the above two situations will limit the land development to some extent.Chinese uneven urban-rural land development right mostly appears in the change of the farmland use. That is, the rural land use changes from the farmland to the land for construction. China carries out two types of land ownership: the ownership by the whole people and the collective ownership by the working masses. The urban land belongs to the state and the rural land belongs to the collectivity. The rural collective land also has the development right. For example, the farmland can be changed to the residential land of farmers, the land for township enterprises or national construction. Under the actual frame of Chinese laws and policies, the rural collective land can be changed to the land for national construction only through the national confiscation so as to realize the free circulation in the land market. Considering the food security guarantee and the agricultural development, the national control of the land use change from the farmland to the land for construction is reasonable. However, despite of the land for the rural construction, its circulation to the enterprises and individuals beyond its own village (town) is also forbidden explicitly, and its property right has not the complete usufruct attribute. That is, because of the urban-rural difference, the land for construction enjoys the entirely different rights in the urban and rural areas, which leads the inhibition of the rural land development right to some extent.1.4 Imperfect Land Property Right Management SystemAfter decades of development, Chinese rural land property right management system has made great progress and had a significant effect on the smooth advance in the rural land property right management work. Yet, some outstanding problems still exist and have the negative influence on the efficiency increase in the rural land management work.For instance, the work progress of confirming the rural land property right and issuing the property right certificates needs to be further quickened. Confirming the rural land property right and issuing the property right certificates are the core stage and the vital base of the rural land management and utilization. Only after the normal and formal confirmation, the property right of the rural land can be freely transacted in the land market and its function of being assets accordingly can be successfully realized. In the recent years, the work of confirming the rural collective land property right and issuing the property right certificates has been highly emphasized by Chinese government and its progress has been obviously improved. But because of many factors’ influence, the quality and efficiency of the work still need to be heightened. The complete and systematic cadastre archives of the rural land have not been set up, which has already been one of the main restrictive factors of the rural land management system. At the same time, subjects and boundaries of Chinese partial rural collective land ownership have been controversial for a long time. Therefore, in the process of confirming the rural collective land property right and issuing the property right certificates, the rural collective land ownership certificate can be only given to the economic cooperation and the stock cooperation of a village. As the economic cooperation and the stock cooperation are only economic entities, rights and obligations of its internal members are inconsistent, and they are entirely different from the equivalent rights and obligations among subjects of the rural collective land ownership, which thus gives rise to the unsmooth work progress of confirming the rural collective land property right and issuing the property right certificates as well as the not high possession rate of the rural land property right certificates at the level of a village and a cooperation.Besides, the present rural land property right management system is difficult to supervise and restrict the illegal actions of the local government in their land management work; the management service of the land administrative department needs to be further strengthened; and so on.2.I N N O VAT I V E S O L U T I O N S T O REFORMING RURAL LAND PROPERTY RIGHT SYSTEM OF CHINA2.1 To Clarify Rural Land Property Right Subject To clarify the rural land property right subject is composed of three parts: first, because of the reality that ownership of the present rural land belongs to three levels of the rural collective organizations involving a township (town) collectivity, a village collectivity and the villager group, we must clarify which level of the rural collective organization is the ownership subject of theCHEN Juan; YANG Shaolei (2014). Canadian Social Science, 10(2), 75-83rural land; second, the detailed management subject of the rural collective land must be clarified; next, the detailed construction and operation scheme of the rural land management subject must also be clarified.2.1.1 To Clarify Ownership Subject of Rural Land The present rural land system that ownership of the rural land belongs to three levels of the rural collective organizations involving a township (town) collectivity, a village collectivity and the villager group brings much trouble to the ownership definition of the rural collective land. This often induces the rural land ownership disputes in practice, and the classic disputes include the following two types: one type is the dispute about the rural land ownership between the villager group and the villager committee; the other type is the dispute about the rural land ownership between the villager committee and the township (town) government. So, on the premise of insisting on the rural land collective ownership, to clarify the property right subject of the rural land, we must first clarify the ownership subject of the rural land, namely, which level of the rural collective organization is the ownership subject of the rural land.Considering the management and utilization reality of Chinese rural collective land, the rural collective organization of a village should be the ownership subject of the rural land. As for the rural collective land at the level of a township (town), the Foshan experience of Guangdong province in the late 1980s may be a good demonstration: the ownership of the rural collective land that was in the hands of the township (town) government before will belong to the state, if the property right is clear and the property right certificate has been issued and the land cannot be handed back; other rural collective land at the level of a township (town) whose property right is unclear will be strictly given back to the local rural collective organization of a village. As regards the rural land whose ownership belongs to the villager group now, it still should be returned to the rural collective organization of a village in the long run.2.1.2 To Clarify Management Subject of Rural Land Based on the practical situation of Chinese land ownership, the Land Administration Law prescribes three different levels of the rural collective land managers: the rural collective economic organization of a township (town); the rural collective economic organization of a village or the villager committee; the villager group or the rural collective economic organization of a villager group. As far as Chinese historical and practical situation is concerned, though the rural collective land management scheme decided by the land administration law has some problems in both its theory and implementation, it is still a comparatively rational and realistic choice. Some actions referring to the rural land such as contract award, adjustment and circulation are classic economic actions, but the villager committee is only an autonomous organization of villagers and has not the economic corporate qualification. Meanwhile, its functions and rights do not adjust to the demands of market economy. So, the villager committee is incapable of fulfilling the management function of the rural land well. Likewise, the villager group is also unable to be the manager of the rural collective land because of its own condition limitations.Consequently, given the ownership of the rural land belonging to the rural collective organization of a village, the rural land management right should definitely be given to the rural collective economic organization of a village in the long term, not other forms of the rural collective organization such as the villager committee or the villager group. Hence, according to the requests of the modern enterprise system, we must establish the rural collective economic organization of a village answering for the demands of market economy indeed. Of course, because of the present rural situation of China, it is not realistic to fully cancel the rural land manager function of both the villager committee and the villager group within a short term. After all, the construction of strict rural collective economic organization of a village needs many conditions, but many areas cannot meet those. So, the rural land manager function of the villager committee and the villager group may be temporarily reserved and will be adjusted when it is the right time and all the conditions have been met.2.1.3 To Clarify Construction and Operation Scheme of Rural Land Management SubjectSince the management right of the rural land should be in control of the rural collective economic organization of a village, the detailed construction and operation scheme of the rural land management subject has been the problem to be further clarified now. If the problem cannot be handled well, those problems that are castigated by the theoretical cycle as the powerless rural collective organizations and the inexplicit rural land property right in the practice will still continue. Scholar Dang Guoying (2011) point outs that the scientific land legal system should comprise two characters: first, the nominal right and the economic right should be unified as far as possible; second, the practical right should be beneficial to improving the utilization efficiency of the land resources and the fair degree. The land collective ownership in the laws of China is “the common joint property right”, but the economic research shows that the agricultural production is suitable for “the share-based joint property right” or “the personal property right”. Our choice is often only the form of “the share-based joint property right” on the premise of insisting on the rural land collective ownership. That is to say, the rural land should belong to the rural collective economic organization or the cooperative organization of a village that is build up by farmers according to the “the share-based joint” principle. On the basis of it, the rural collective economic organization。
资源环境与城乡规划管理外文翻译文献
资源环境与城乡规划管理外文翻译文献(文档含中英文对照即英文原文和中文翻译)Cyclical salt efflorescence weathering: an invisible threat to the recovery of underground mine environment for tourist exploitationJ. Matías Penàs Castejón • J. Francisco Maciá Sánchez •M a Pilar Jiménez Medina • M a Jesús Pen àlver MartínezReceived: 30 April 2013/Accepted: 25 January 2014/Published online: 11 February 2014○c Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg 2014Abstract Enhancing the value of an underground mine environment for tourist exploitation involves altering the physico-chemical balance of stone materials whose original mechanical properties guaranteed the structural stability of the site’s galleries and chambers. Humidity and temperature changes caused by the public exhibition of this kind of assets are the main causes ofsuch disorders. After the intervention in the Agrupa-Vicenta mine in La Union (Spain) there were still runoff-water leaks into the mine. These water runoffs through the fault and schistosity planes of the enclosing rock mass give rise to salt precipitation over time. Adapting this mine and turning it into a museum have meant a decrease in relative indoors humidity and an increase in temperature. These variations have caused rocks, which were stable in the original conditions, to increase their rate of physico-chemical weathering due to the polycyclic supergene alteration of the metal sulfides they contain. The resulting release of sulfates into the solution and their subsequent precipitation as single and double salt efflorescence causes haloclasty, deteriorating the rock’s mechanical properties and diminishing the structural stability of the operation. This paper presents the results of characterizing the supergene mineral phases of salt efflorescence in the rock bed enclosing an underground sulfide mine value enhanced for tourist exploitation. Dangers for the structural stability of this type of architectural intervention, associated to the formation of efflorescences, are also identified; these efflorescences are caused by the weathering of rocks that make up its supporting structure.Keywords Mine environment . Haloclastic weathering . Salt efflorescence . Geoindicators . Stone decay . Agrupa-Vicenta mine . La Unio ´n (Spain)IntroductionThe withdrawal from mining activity in most last century mining areas and the subsequent economic and social crisis affecting these abandoned industrial areas are currently encouraging the recovery of mining heritage for tourist development (Hospers 2002).Projects for the public opening of underground mines face two great challenges: (1) to guarantee the stability and structural safety of the ground enclosure; and (2) to achieve the necessary conditions of habitability and comfort of the premises. The difficulties of tackling and executing such technical projects come mainly from operating in a dynamic environment, characterized by the mutability ofthe physico-chemical properties of its constituent materials.The new ventilation system, the new lighting conditions and the affluence of public cause variations in the original thermohygrometric balance conditions. These changes generate the appearance of salt efflorescences and polycyclical changes in their mineralogical phases.Saline efflorescence may cause the haloclastic rupture of the rocks that structurally support mine’s galleries and chambers. This calls for the determination of the origin and nature of such salts, so as to find suitable mechanisms that inhibit weathering processes from the very beginning. At present, different tubbing systems are being gradually but pervasively introduced to avoid collapse risks in these ‘‘museum mines’’.The rocks above and under the exploited mineral bed are called roof and bottom schists, respectively. The roof of the Agrupa-Vicenta mine is formed by chloritic micaschists and quartzites, intensely folded metamorphic rocks, and the bottom materials are graphitic schists and gray quartzites. Between both levels, a stratiform mineralization of sulfides used to be exploited, mostly pyrite inside a chlorite (and sometimes grenalite) gangue (Manteca and Garcı ´a 2005) (Fig.1).Despite the relative impermeability of the rocks that cover the mine, the intense rifting of the land has allowed for the infiltration and underground flow of rainwater over the course of time.Chemical weathering resulting from the supergene alteration of iron, lead and zinc sulfides in the mineral bed and in the schists of the bottom and roof of the mine has caused the release of anions and cations into the ground-water solution that continuously circulates through the network of pores, schistosity planes and the fracture net-work, after rain periods.When this water comes in contact with pyrite and marcasite, a series of chemical reactions take place, breaking down these minerals and forming iron sulfates and acid mine drainage.As a result, the fractures in the pyrite bed usually presented open holes stuffed with iron sulfate, ‘‘melanterite’’ (FeSO4 ·7H2O). Sulphuric acid was also reacting with other components of the mineral bed (e.g. chlorite), forming various hydrated sulfates-particularly ‘‘epsomite’’ (MgSO4·7H2O) which were precipitating on the bottom and roof of the mine in the form of needle-shaped white efflorescence.During the mining activity the working environment for miners was guaranteed through raise ventilation. Before opening the mine to the public, microclimatic conditions were measured along 1 year. Medium temperature and relative humidity were 23.5 ℃ and 95.3 %, respectively.After opening the mine to the public, it was necessary to install the mandatory air conditioning system. This auxiliary ventilation system takes air from the flow-through system (12,000 m 3 /h) and distributed it to the mines’galleries via two mounted ventilation fans. Ventilation system just operates during timetable public visits.As a consequence nowadays,the new medium temperature and relative humidity values are 18.5 ℃and 73.5 %, respectively.Therefore,the hydration and dehydration cycles of these salts intensified. The oversaturation of the solution also increased, due to higher evaporation produced by the descent in relative humidity and the increase in temperatureinside the main (Espinosa-Marzal and Scherer 2010).All of that implied an upsurge in the aggressiveness of the r ock’s physical weathering, as a result of both the increase in crystallization pressure exerted by salts and also of the increase in the number of cycles.Thus, the goals of our study were: (1) to characterize the salts involved in the physical weathering of the bottom and roof schists of this underground metal sulfide mine, as a result of the cyclical changes of temperature and humidity caused by its opening to the public; (2) to identify the risks for the structural stability of the mine, coming from salt formation; and (3) to propose corrective measurements to minimize those risks.Location and geologyThe Agrupa-Vicenta mine is situated in the Cuesta de Las Lajas of the Sierra Minera mountain range in La Unio ´n (Cartagena). This mountain ridge runs parallel to the Mediterranean sea from East to West, between the city of Cartagena and Cape Palos. It has an approximate length of 28 km and is 5 km broad. It once was one of the most important mining districts in Spain and the most repre- sentative of the Murcia Region, due to its iron, lead and zinc deposits (Fig. 2).After ceasing its mining activity in the year 1991, the city of La Unio ´n and the surrounding villages were immersed in a deep economic and social crisis.Local and regional governments have recently focused on preserving, restoring and giving mining a new meaning. Efforts have been focused, on keeping mining heritage as the economic engine of the area, although under a new approach that presents the mining heritage as a cultural and tourist attraction (Conesa et al. 2008). Thus, in 2006, the Town Hall of La Unio ´n decided to tackle the adaptation of the Agrupa-Vicenta underground mine, opening it to the public in 2009.The mineralization pattern of the Sierra Minera corre-sponds to that of the Nevado-Fila ´bride complex, possibly formed by the hydrothermal replacement of a level of Triassic marble located near the roof of this formation. This mineralization pattern is the most widely spread in the Sierra Minera, although it receives different names according to the prevalent mineral: pyrite bed, sphalerite bed or magnetite bed.The wall-to-roof vertical sequence of the geologic materials that form the Sierra conforms to three superposed geologic sets (Manteca and Ovejero 1992): Nevado-Fila ´- bride Complex (CNF), Alpuja ´rride Complex (CA) and Neogene (N) (Fig. 3).The CNF consists of intensely folded metamorphic rocks, with a lower basement formed by graphite schists from the Paleozoic, and an upper coverage formed by micaschists, quartzite and Permo-Trias marble.The CA is formed by lightly folded metamorphic materials above the underlying CNF. It shows at least two superposed beds over thrust, called lower CA (also known as San Gine ´s unit) and upper CA (a.k.a. Portma ´n unit). Each of them has a detritic basal tract, phyllites and quartzites of Permo-Trias age and an upper carbonated tract, limestones and dolostones, of Middle Trias age.The Neogene is made up of lightly folded Upper Mio- cene sedimentary rocks, conglomerates, sandstones and marls, and of magmatic rocks of Upper Miocene/Pliocene age, which traverse the whole series. Finally, modern alluvial sediments are found accumulated in depressions.Geologically, the Agrupa-Vicenta mine is on the eastern border of a ‘‘horst’’; i.e. a ro ck mass delimited by faults that has risen above the adjacent areas. The effects of erosion after its elevation eliminated the upper rocky levels, which explains why the Paleozoic substratum,—the most ancient materials of the Sierra-outcrop in this area.This area presents numerous dikes and chimneys of igneous rocks, andesites and rhyodacites, attesting to the magmatic activity that took place at the end of the Miocene. After the magmatic activity, thermal waters with dissolved sulfur and metals circulated across the rocks for thousands of years, giving rise to the formation of veins and beds.The kind of mineralization exploited in the Agrupa-Vi-centa mine corresponds to the ‘‘pyrite bed’’ type, since it consists mainly of pyrite (S 2 Fe), accompanied by s ome galena (SPb) and sphalerite (SZn), but in very low, industrially unprofitable proportions. Those sulfides are accompanied by a gangue of chlorite and quartz.The estimated average grades for this mineral are approximately 35 % S; with 0.3 % Pb and less than 0.5 % Zn (Oen et al. 1975).Apart from pyrite, this mine used to have a very small production of tin, after lodes of cassiterite (SnO 2 ) were found in 1913, while excavating the galleries in the wall schists (Arribas et al. 1984).Description of the mineThe Agrupa-Vicenta mine has an approximate extension of 4,800 m 2 , distributed in five altitude sublevels placed at 238, 235, 231, 228, and 223 m above sea level and average roof heights of 5 m.The mine’s configuration in descending sublevels is a c onsequence of the gradation of the mineral bed produced by geological rifting (Fernandez 2006).The mineral bed itself is a result of the replacement of a layer of Triassic marble, and its thickness in the mine ranges between 4 and 8 m.Because of the strong existing rifting, the mineral presents a tiered structure. The Agrupa-Vicenta was exploited by the traditional method of the Sierra Minera: ‘‘chambers and pillars’’ (Fig. 1). The height of the chambers does not exceed 5 m, except in the central sector, where the vaults of the chambers reach heights of up to 8 m. Chambers are supported by a total of 41 pillars of the same mineral bed (Manteca and Garcı ´a 2005).A stratiform sulfide mineralization used to be exploited in this mine. There was a predominance of pyrite inside a chlorite (and sometimes grenalite) gangue.From a geotechnical standpoint, although this pyrite bed presents optimal geomechanical conditions, the roof schists are hardly competent. That is why, when the mine was originally exploited, a ‘‘dome’’ of mineral of about 1 m thick above the roof was left in most chambers, so as to avoid contact with the talc-sericitic roof schists, since otherwise landslides would have occurred (Manteca and Garcı ´a 2005).In spite of that, the mine showed subsidence on several spots, before its refurbishment. The subsidence main spot was in the western sector of the mine, close to the entrance, where unstabilized cavitation of about 12 m height had appeared (Fig. 1).Besides, there were several detachments of rocky mineral plates from the roof in several areas of the mine. They had developed by conjunction of subvertical joints with the schistosity planes of the mineral bed.After computing the hollow volume, a maximum of 60,000 tons of mineral are estimated tohave been extracted from this mine throughout the different exploitation periods between years 1902 and 1970 (Fernandez 2006).Description of the interventionThe value enhancement of this former underground sulfide mine is part of a larger project: MINEU European cultural project within the CULTURE 2000 framework (2005). MINEU Project involved the creation of the tourist product ‘‘Mining Park of La Unio ´n’’.The election of the Agrupa-Vicenta mine for its value-enhancement was decided, first of all, given its safety and its acceptable conservation condition after 40 years of abandonment.Secondly, because of its closeness to the’’carretera del 33’’ (a well-known nearby road) and the existence of a convenient tunnel entry, which was a fundamental factor.And lastly, its geologic and mining interest: the ‘‘chambers and pillars’’ exploitation technique was particularly relevant within the traditional mining context of the Sierra Minera (Fig.4).The intervention would be conducted under the basic premise that only areas without structural problems—and in which safety conditions were sound—should be open to the public. To fulfill this goal, two technical documents had to be written, as an integral part of the Agrupa-Vicenta mine’s adaptation project: a Struc tural Consolidation Project and a Conditioning Project.Agrupa-Vicenta mine’s Structural Consolidation ProjectThe mine’s cavity has so far not collapsed due to the strength of the pillars and of the mineral crust that bears its roofs, which was left there to avoid contact with the weak roof schists.That is why the consolidation project resolved to keep the parts of mineral bed near the schists roof still in good condition, so that they served as containment and support. Prior to any further actuation, the roof needed to be systematically sampled, detaching all the plates presenting risk of collapse.For those areas identified in the prior geotechnical study, which for whatever reasons did not keep that mineral crust or in which it was weak or thin, three different types of tubbing systems were defined (Fernandez 2006) (Fig. 5).1. Wooden trusses. This is a tower-like structure of wooden logs to sustain the high chamber roofs that lack mineral crust.2. Wooden props or ‘‘mampostas’’. They are used in low areas with roofs where the mineral crust presents certain instability and a tendency to detach itself in the shape of plates.3. Bolted steel rebar reinforcement. This is a metallic mesh anchored to the rock by bolts fixed with resin. It is used in high roofs that have an unstable mineral crust with a tendency to the formation of plates.Figure 5 shows the tubbing systems defined in the Structural Consolidation project, which were initially applied in 2009, and those existing in January 2013 (Fig. 6).For a 3 years period since first opening to the public, it was necessary to gradually increase the number of tubbed areas, using wooden trusses and props. This was required due to the continuous fracturing of chloritic roof schists, which came from an increase in the aggressiveness of the formation process of saline efflorescence.Agrupa-Vicenta mine’s Conditioning ProjectThe goal of the mine’s Conditioning Project was to provide a space with the necessary elements and facilities to guarantee the safety of visitors, and the necessary degree of comfort for the correct exhibition and interpretation of the value-enhanced mining heritage. The following actions were tackled (Fernandez 2006):1.Accessibility improvement: So as to implement suitable comfort conditions of the tourist routes, the design needed to consider the mine’s configuration and its safety conditions. Bearing this purpose in mind and considering the existence of five sublevels, wooden staircases and protection barriers were designed.2. Ensuring suitable ventilation conditions: The scarce natural ventilation of the mine and the high degree of humidity before the intervention were solved drilling a 700 mm-diameter raise ventilation in the eastern sector of the mine, in front of the entry gallery that guarantees cross ventilation.3. Ensuring suitable lighting conditions: The electrical installation was carried out burying the cables and logs under the mine’s floor, which required the excavation of the corresponding grooves in the rock. Concerning lighting, tenuous indirect and warm-colored lights were installed to recreate the mine’s original atmosphere.4. Opening an emergency exit: An emergency exit was built making use of the general gallery for mineral transport and the chimney-hopper through which the mineral used to be thrown to a lowerextraction gallery with exit to the hillside of the mount.Two possible exit routes have been enabled. One with relatively easy access, consisting of a bypass through metallic stairs that retakes the entry tunnel from the general transport gallery. The second one consists of a zip-line system that descends through the chimney or drop pit and leads to the lower extraction gallery.Materials and methodsSalts efflorescences was sampled in eight points inside the mine according to the main occurrence pattern (Fig. 7).、After sampling, the specimen was placed immediately in a plastic bag and sealed for shipment to the laboratory.Mineralogical methodsSamples for XRD were gently ground by hand with agate mortar and pestle. Mineral phases were identified by powder XRD using a Bruker D8 Advance instrument in h–h mode (Bruker Corporation, Billerica, MA, USA), with CuKa radiation, 40 kV, 30 mA, and a 1-dimensional detector with a 18 window. Primary optics consisted of a 28 Soller slit, a 1 mm incidence slit due to high content in iron of soil samples, and an air scatter screen. Secondary optics included a 3 mm anti-scatter slit, a Ni filter and a 2.5°Soller slit.Sample was step scanned from 3 to 808 in 2h, with 0.058 stepping intervals, 1 s per step, and a rotation speed of 30 rpm. Powder sample was mounted in back loading plastic holder. Diffraction patterns were evaluated with DIFFRACplus software (in particular with EVA 12.0, a commercial package from Socabim, 2006) and powder diffraction files database PDF2 (ICDD 2000).Salts efflorescences were then morphologically and chemically characterized, using a combination of a low vacuum SEM (Hitachi S-3500N) for single particle analysis via an energy dispersive X-ray microanalysis system (EDX-Bruker AXS Microanalysis). Samples were studied on SEM with a thin film of platinum covered using a SC7610 instrument of Quorum Technologies. Microscope conditions for backscattered imaging were accelerating voltage of 15 kW and working distance of 10 mm.Elemental analysisAfterward, another portion of sample was dried at 60 ℃ for 24 h (to release most of the free water) and grounded in a disc mill for 1 min until a final particle size lesser than 40 lm. Although it is possible to separate the sulfate minerals by hand, picking up the crystals under the stereomi-croscope, it was preferred to study the sample as it occurred in the tailings dump, without any other manipulation.Samples for WDXRF were dried at 60 ?C for 24 h (to release most of the free water) and then ground in a disc mill for 1 min, to give a final particle size of less than 40 lm. Sample preparation involved the formation of pressed-powder pellets using 5 g of sample and 0.4 g of binder (Marguı ´ et al. 2009). The samples were analyzed using a commercial spectrometer (Bruker S4 Pioneer), equipped with a Rh anticathode X-ray tube (20–60 kV,5–150 mA, and 4 kW maximum), five analyzer crystals (LiF200, LiF220, Ge, PET, and XS-55), a sealed proportional counter for detection of light elements, and a scintillation counter for heavy elements. The energy resolution and efficiency for each analytical line were determined by both the collimator aperture and the analyzer crystal used. Analyses were performed in vacuum mode to avoid signal losses by air absorption, allowing the detection of low Z elements (Gonzalez-Fernandez and Queralt 2010).The recorded spectra were evaluated by the fundamental parameters method, using SPECTRAplus software linked to the equipment (specifically EVA 1.7, a commercial package from Bruker AXS and Socabim, (Bruker AXS GmbH 2006). A standard-less method was used owing to the lack of satisfactory certified reference materials with metal concentrations in the same range as the rocks analyzed in this study. The use of standard-less procedures in the fundamental parameters method has been described by Rousseau (Rousseau 2001).Thermal decomposition of the samples was performed in a TGA/DSC 1 HT thermogravimetric analyzer (Mettler-Toledo GmbH, Schwerzenbach, Switzerland) with a flowing nitrogen atmosphere (70 mL/min). Program temperature ranged from 30 to 1,100 ℃. All of the TG measurements were blank curve corrected, and alumina pans of 70 ll capacity, without lid, were used. The TG instrument was coupled to a BalzersThermostar mass spectrometer (Pfeiffer Vacuum, Asslar, Germany) for gas analysis. Only water vapor, carbon dioxide, and sulfur dioxide were analyzed. Dwell time for every ion was 1 s and cathode voltage in the ion source was 65 V. Quadrupole mass spectrometer model was QMS 200 M3, to evaluate the MS response, two different sequences of experiments were carried out. The first study dealt withthe influence of the heating rate on MS response. Heating rates of 5, 10, 20, 30, 40, and 50 ℃/min and sample mass of approximately 10 mg were used. The second study discussed the influence of sample mass on MS sensitivity. Sample masses close to 0.1, 0.5, 1, 3, and 10 mg and a heating rate of 30 ?C/min were used (Alcolea et al. 2010).Results and discussionAfter the rehabilitation process carried out in the Agrupa-Vicenta mine, the rate of chemical and physical weathering of roof and bed chloritic schists has increased, due to the polycyclical supergene alteration of the metal sulfides contained in them.It has been observed on the one hand, due to the number of detachments of rocky mineral plates from the roof; and the other hand, due to the increase of salt efflorescences that cover the galleries and chambers.Chemical weathering and mineralogyThe chemical weathering of pyrite (FeS 2 ) and pyrrhotite (Fe (1-x) S) provides primarysources of Fe and acidity that lead to the precipitation of secondary minerals or saline efflorescence through very diverse processes, including evaporation, oxidation, reduction, dilution, mixture and neutralization (Hammarstrom et al. 2003; Lottermoser 2007).As a result of these processes a great variety of hydrated simple salts are formed; worth mentioning are those that have divalent cations, in addition to trivalent mixed salts (Jambor et al. 2000).The formation of saline efflorescence inside the Agrupa- Vicenta mine is brought about by the presence of groundwater and excessive relative air humidity, which foster the alteration of the iron sulfides present in the roof and walls of the mine.Associated with the mineral bed, these mineralizations are also found disseminated in the shape of veins in roof chloritic micaschists. Therefore, according to the enclosing rock in which sulfide oxidation reactions take place, and the subsequent release into the solution of H 2SO4(acid mine drainage) and Fe 2+/3+ , two types of saline efflores-cence are formed. They can be grouped by their capacity to generate acidity and their physical characteristics can be defined by their hydration state.On the one hand, some come from the alteration of wall schists in the presence of the acidic solution originated from the supergene alteration of the pyrite and marcasite minerals that appear disseminated, and on the other hand others were strictly originated from the supergene alteration of the mineral bed.In the first case, the chlorite present in roof schists will weather in the presence of acid mine drainage,resultant from the oxidation of pyrite, and neutralize it. As a result, and considering the environmental conditions of the Agrupa-Vicenta mine (75 % ≤RH≤88 % and 20℃≤ T ≤23 ℃), SO4－and Mg 2+ are released into the solution. They precipitate formingsaline efflorescence consisting mainly of magnesium sulfate MgSO4 (Zehnder and Schoch 2009).Figure 8 shows the distribution of the magnesium sulfates which were abundantly observed at level 2, 3 and 4. These soluble salts precipitate as a bloom efflorescence covering all the chambers roof and pillars where schists are present. This massive encrustation of salts is characterized by their acicular or fibrous white crystals.The results of the XRD sample study and elemental analyze (Table 1) reveal the existence ofdifferent mineralogical phases of magnesium salt according to its hydration state: Kieserite (MgSO 4·(H2 O)), hexahydrite (MgSO4 ·6(H2 O)) and epsomite (MgSO4·7 ( H 2O)).In the second case,the oxide mineral bed mainly consists of a compact mass of pyrite (FeS2), marcasite (FeS2) and in minor quantity pyrrhotite (Fe (1-x)S). The oxidation of these mineral produces ferrous iron and sulfuric acid that decrease the pH values (PH 2,8) and makes it extremely acid (Nordstrom 1982). A simplified equation that explains this process is:2FeS2（s）+ 7O 2(g) +2H 2 O 2Fe2+(aq) +4SO 2-(aq)+4H+(aq) (1)4Fe2+(aq) + O2(g) + 4H+ (aq)Fe3+(aq)+ H2O (2)The Fe 3+ released in reaction (2) may hydrolyze to form ferric hydroxide:Fe3+(aq) + 3H 2 OFe(OH)3 + 3H + (aq) (3)or may oxidize additional pyrite by the reaction:FeS2（s）+ 14Fe3+(aq) + 8H2O 15Fe2+(aq) + 2SO 2-(aq) + 16H + (aq) (4) Other sulfides coexist with these ‘‘majority’’ sulfides, such as sphalerite (ZnS) and galena (PbS) which are equally altered, releasing the Pb 2+ and Zn 2+ cations into the solution.According to the results obtained from the mineralogical and elemental analysis of the samples (Table 1), the most frequent mineral groups are: rozenite (Fe2+(SO4)0.4(H2O)), melanterite (Fe 2+ SO 4 ·7(H 2 O)), halotrichite (Fe 2+Al 2 (SO 4 ) 4·22(H 2 O)), copiapite (Fe 2+ Fe 4 3+ (SO 4 ) 6 (OH) 2 ·20(H 2 O)) and jarosite (KFe 3 3+ (SO 4 ) 2 (OH) 6 ).Figure 7 shows the distribution of the iron and hydrous sulfates at levels 1 and 3. The iron and aluminium sulfates are at level 1. These ferric and ferrous salts precipitate as globules of different colors (green, white and yellow/ brown) where mineral bed is present (Fig. 9).The variety of mineral phases found demonstrates the hydration and dehydration processes that cyclically develop in the enclosure of the mine, as well as the chemical weathering of the sulfides contained in it (Valente and Leal Gomes 2009).Physical weathering and stone decayChemical and physical weathering processes take place simultaneously. The latter are due to the crystallization andrecrystallization processes of these secondary and even tertiary minerals。
土地资源管理专业本科毕业论文
中国地质大学（北京）成人高等教育本科毕业论文题目试论如何保障沧源县经济发展用地county economic development land学生姓名xx 学号专业土地资源管理指导教师xx二〇一二年五月中国地质大学（北京）继续教育学院本科生毕业论文（设计）题目试论如何保障沧源县经济发展用地英文题目economic development land 学生签名：指导教师签名：二〇一二年五月中国地质大学（北京）继续教育学院本科毕业设计（论文）任务书课题信息：课题性质：设计论文课题来源：教学科研生产其它发出任务书日期：2012年3月15日指导教师签名：年月日本科生毕业设计（论文）评语表（指导教师用）指导教师签字：年月日本科生毕业设计（论文）答辩评审表答辩小组组长：成员：毕业设计（论文）总成绩函授站（盖章）年月日摘要土地是发展之基，民生之本。
作为经济发展所必需的稀缺资源，科学、合理利用土地，将会促进经济的健康、稳定发展；滥用土地，不但会阻碍经济的增长，更会带来众多影响社会稳定的弊端。
当前经济社会的快速发展、土地管理秩序面临较大的挑战和压力的形势下，片面强调保增长或是保用地都不是万全之策。
只有加强节约集约利用土地才能有效缓解土地供需矛盾、保障社会经济稳定快速发展。
关键词：发展耕地土地集约利用AbstractThe land is the foundation of development, the people's livelihood. As economic development necessary of scarce resources, scientific, rational use of land, will promote economic health, steady progress; the abuse of land, will not only hinder the economic growth, will bring many influences social stability problems. The current rapid economic and social development, land management order is facing great challenge and pressure condition, the one-sided emphasis on the growth or warranty is not a sure card. Only by strengthening the economical and intensive utilization of land in order to effectively alleviate the contradiction of land supply and demand, safeguard the social steady and rapid economic development.Key words: development of cultivated land intensive use目录一引言 (1)二沧源县概况 (1)（一）沧源县自然概况 (1)（二）沧源县社会经济条件 (2)三沧源县土地利用现状分析 (2)（一）土地利用现状 (2)（二）建设用地现状概况 (3)四土地利用存在的主要问题 (7)（一）耕地资源逐年减少，人口与耕地矛盾日益突出 (7)（二）行业和区域间用地矛盾日益突出 (7)（三）耕地后备资源不足 (8)（四）开发区闲置土地多、违法用地时有发生 (8)（五）农村建设用地分散、面积大，空置超占多 (8)五国家用地方略 (8)（一）走节约集约化之路 (8)（二）科学规划合理统筹 (9)（三）创新机制完善制度 (9)（四）法规护航政策保驾 (10)六结合实际保障建设用地 (10)（一）面对现实．转变观念 (11)（二）集约利用城镇建设用地 (11)（三）用活农村集体建设用地 (11)（四）积极开展土地整理工作 (12)（五）合理布局适当调整产业结构 (12)七结束语 (13)八致谢 (13)参考文献 (13)一引言沧源县正处于经济发展、城镇化水平提高、建设用地需求量大的阶段，由于受自然环境条件及土地总量的限制，人多地少、耕地后备资源不足、人地矛盾突出等一系列问题也变得更加严重。
土地经济学论文英文版
土地经济学论文英文版Land EconomicsLand economics is a field of study that focuses on the utilization and management of land resources for economic development. The efficient allocation and use of land are critical for sustainable economic growth and development. This paper aims to explore the various aspects of land economics, including land use planning, land value, and the role of government in land management.Land use planning is the process of determining the most suitable use of land for different purposes, such as agriculture, residential, commercial, and industrial activities. This involves the assessment of land suitability, environmental impact, and socio-economic factors. Effective land use planning can help to optimize the use of land resources and minimize conflicts between different land uses.Land value reflects the economic worth of land based on its location, accessibility, and potential for development. The value of land is influenced by various factors, including demand and supply, infrastructure, and government policies. Understanding land value is crucial for making informed decisions on land investment, development, and taxation.The government plays a significant role in land management through policies and regulations. Land ownership, land use rights, zoning regulations, and property taxes are examples of government interventions in land economics. Government policies can influence the allocation and productivity of land, as well as the distribution of land benefits among different stakeholders.In conclusion, land economics is a multidisciplinary field that integrates economic, geographic, and environmental aspects ofland use and management. It is essential for policymakers, urban planners, real estate developers, and landowners to have a good understanding of land economics to make informed decisions and promote sustainable development. By studying land economics, we can better address the challenges of urbanization, environmental sustainability, and social equity in the use of land resources.在研究土地经济学时，土地价值的评估是至关重要的。
土地资源管理专业英语
专业面试
China has established impressive environmental goals and has tried to protect the environment. But the forces of environmental destruction have overwhelmed protection efforts. For example, China has invested billions of dollars in combatting water pollution in Taihu Lake. Yet it simultaneously permitted hundreds of factories to undo that investment by pouring pollutants into the lake.
留学深造
For example
Geography department, Michigan State University Urban Planning, University of Illinois at Chicago Urban Planning, University of Tokyo 香港理工大学(TOEFL、GRE)
专业英语是为了学术研究中应用英语而开设的。 学术研究中会用到听说读写这四个方面：
读：读一些专业文献。读什么？读文章的结构， 作者的思路，以及写文章的基本格式。 写：用英语写下文章的结构，也可以用框图绘 出作者的思路，写下自己对文章的看法，还可 以讨论作者的错误。 说：汇集某方面的一批文章，可以以小组形式 做汇报。把所有文章整合成报告在课堂上和大 家讨论。 听：听别人的报告。
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广东省兴宁市土地利用分析 土地资源专业 英汉双语论文
广东省兴宁市土地利用分析Land Use Analysis In Xingning Guangdong摘要：本文以兴宁市土地利用总体规划、兴宁市土地利用现状表、兴宁市土地利用结构调整表、兴宁市土地利用主要调控指标表，参考兴宁市土地利用报告、土地利用存在问题、土地利用优化等报告及数据进行分析。
得出兴宁市以农用地为主，未来发展趋势着重保持耕地和林地保有量，同时优化城乡建设用地和交通水利用地。
关键词：兴宁市，规划，土地利用，分析，趋势Abstract:in this paper, three general land use planning, three city land utilization status table, three city land use structure adjustment, the three main land use control index table, three reference for the land utilization reports, land use existing problems, land use optimization reports and data analysis. The three agricultural land to that give priority to, the future development trend on cultivated land and forest land keep possession and, at the same time, urban and rural construction land and traffic optimization for water conservancy.Keywords: Xingning ,land use, the analysis, the trendPreface:The world faces a population explosion, resources, environmental degradation and destruction and food shortages and a series of problem, resources, environment and the human society sustainable development become the focus of attention of the global one. These problems are all related with land, land is our survival foundation, is the source of all material. Reasonable planning, land use, development, coordinate of social and economic development, is the society's important issues.This paper in my hometown three guangdong province city as object, analyzing the land utilization condition and its prospects. Three of the rural and urban construction, land for traffic, land for water conservancy, agricultural the ground, such as new construction land is analyzed.The general location:Xingning city in guangdong province in the northeast, dominates the dongjiang river, han jiang upstream, across longitude 115 ° to 30 '116 °, 23 ° latitude 50' to 24 ° 37 '. The north and jiangxi province found adjacent to the famous county, the northeast and the flat, connect meixian county, eastern border with mei country, south and FengShun county is linked together, northwestern and longchuan adjacent county, southwest and five HuaXian border. The total area of 2104.85 square kilometers. Municipal party committee and the city government XingTian street located offices are located in 300 square kilometers of the central part of the basin NingJiang, guangdong, jiangxi, fujian is three provinces land transportation hub, and eastern north important commodity distributing center, eastern time city center, three political, economic and cultural center. City planning area of 114 square kilometers (of which mainly planning 30 square kilometers), to the end of 2010 built area of 24.7 square kilometers and a population of 286000 in the finished. Xing-cheng from guangzhou 377 kilometers, 347 miles (kilometers) to the shenzhen city average temperatures 21 ℃, annual rainfall is 1540 mm. As shown in figure 1:兴宁市在广东省的区位图Land Use Analysis In Xingning：In 2009, Xingning city total land area of 207539 hectares, all kinds of land use structure see table：Through the analysis of the land utilization three table 2-1, can see the Xingning city types of land use more abundant, the current situation and distribution characteristics: 170121 hectares of agricultural land, accounting for 81.97% of the total land area, among which 32366 hectares, accounting for 15.6% of the total land area of 7579 hectares,, accounting for 3.65% of the total land area of 122888 hectares, forest land, accounting for 59.21% of the total land area, construction land 17524 hectares, accounting for 8.44% of the total land area, urban and rural construction land of 14858 hectares, accounting for 7.16% of the total land area of 2332 hectares of land for water conservancy, transportation, accounting for 1.12% of the total land area of 334 hectares, and other construction land, accounting for 0.16% of the total landarea, other land 19894 hectares, accounting for 9.59% of the total land area.Analysis found that Xingning city, is a larger share in the hill country,59.21% of the total forest land, and cultivated land accounted for only 15.6%, a proportion of small; Three city urban use 2163 hectares, accounting for 1.04% of the total land area, visible, low level of three urbanization.Through the analysis of the land utilization three table 2-1, can see the Xingning city types of land use more through the analysis of three city land use planning form 2, can see Xingning city land use planning future trend of adjustment. Agricultural land from 2009 hectares increase in 2020 to 171783 ha, accounting for 82.77% of the total land area, construction land by 2009 of the 17524 hectares of reduced to 2020 hectares, accounting for 8.4% of the total land area, other land by 2009 of the 19894 hectares of reduced to 2020 ha, accounting for 8.83% of the total land area.Through the analysis of Xingning city land use planning schedule a, we can see that the scale of the three development trend. Gross index, cultivated land 2009 constraint is 36374 hectares, to 1015 constraint is 35746 hectares, to 2020 to 35328 ha constraint; The total scale of construction land predicted 2009 is 17524 hectares, to 2015 expected for 17469 hectares, to 2020 expected to 17431 ha; town industrial land use scale expected from 2009 of the 2726 hectares of increase in 2020 to 3869 ha, communications, water conservancy and other construction land use scale expected from 2009 of the 2666 hectares of increase in 2020 to 3869 ha.Incremental index, 2015 new construction land 2197 hectares, new construction of agricultural land occupied 1690 hectares, new construction of cultivated land occupied 1112 hectares, 2020 new construction land 3661 hectares of agricultural land new construction projects 2816 hectares, new construction of cultivated land occupied 1853 hectares, land renovation added 1853 hectares of arable land obligations.That the land utilization analysis of three main control indicators of cultivated land, the protection of basic farmland area to binding protection, the total scale of construction land basic remain unchanged.Xingning city land use goal: 1, strictly protect arable land, especially basic farmlandTo 2020, the city of cultivated land not less than 35328 hectares; Basic farmland areaNo less than 30954 hectares.2, ensure the economic society development necessary landTo 2020, the total scale construction land use control in 17431 hectares of less than, urban and ruralThe scale of construction land control in 13562 hectares of less than, town industrial land use scale in controlLess than 3361 hectares.Three, to protect and improve the ecological environmentAnd in 2020, the city's ecological land 1Ratio not less than 84.00%, the forest coverage rate ofTo above 60.00%; The city centre ecological land ratio not less than 68.00%, green coverage.In the more than 30.00%.Conclusion:In this paper, according to Xingning city guangdong province 2009-2020 land use planning and land use in the land use data and future trends, and on the basis of the study of three land use status. The three business more convenient, here gradually developed into guangdong, jiangxi, fujian junction of the important regional business center, has "little nanjing," said. Because the three special geographical position, it is the typical hakka city, and the choice of its research and analysis for the object.Research shows that the three types of land use is rich, agricultural the ground more than major, is mostly agricultural areas, but smaller proportion of cultivated land, forest land, a high rate of the three more than major. Three in 10 years of future land use planning to stabilize give priority to, do protect arable land, forest land quantities.The land use planning is melts natural, economic, social, as one of the complex system, the land use is a dynamic and complex change process. Therefore, this article three of the land utilization of shallow analysis, due to the relative lack of relevant data, so analysis results have limitations. And the existing problem is, need to work to improve in the future study.前言：当今世界面临着人口激增、资源紧缺、环境退化与破坏和粮食短缺等一系列难题，资源、环境与人类社会可持续发展问题成为全球关注的焦点之一。
土地资源管理英语
土地资源管理英语Land resource management is the process of managing the use and development of land in a sustainable and efficient manner. It involves making decisions about how land should be used, preserved, and protected for future generations. This includes considerations such as zoning, land use planning, conservation practices, and sustainable development strategies.One of the key goals of land resource management is to ensure that land is used in a way that benefits society as a whole while minimizing negative impacts on the environment. This requires careful planning and coordination between government agencies, developers, landowners, and other stakeholders.Effective land resource management involves a number of key principles and practices. These include:1. Land Use Planning: This involves determining the most appropriate uses for different types of land based on factors such as soil quality, topography, and environmental considerations. Land use planning helps to preventconflicts between different land uses and ensures that land is used in a way that is sustainable and beneficial for all.2. Zoning: Zoning regulations divide land into different zones or districts, each with specific permitted land uses and development standards. Zoning helps to guide the development of land in a way that is consistent with community goals and objectives.3. Conservation Practices: Conservation practices helpto protect and preserve natural resources such as water, soil, and wildlife habitat. These practices may include measures such as erosion control, wetland preservation, and reforestation.4. Sustainable Development: Sustainable development involves using land in a way that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs. This includespractices such as green building, renewable energy development, and smart growth planning.Overall, effective land resource management is essential for ensuring that land is used in a way that is sustainable, equitable, and beneficial for all. By carefully planningand managing land use, we can protect valuable natural resources, support economic development, and create vibrant and livable communities.土地资源管理是以可持续和高效的方式管理土地使用和开发的过程。
土地经济学论文英文翻译
土地经济学论文英文翻译Land EconomicsLand economics is a branch of economics that focuses on the use, management, and distribution of land resources. It is concerned with the economic implications of land use and the factors that influence land values.The concept of land economics can be traced back to classical economists such as Adam Smith and David Ricardo, who emphasized the importance of land as a factor of production. In contemporary economics, land economics has become increasingly important as a result of rapid urbanization, environmental concerns, and the need for sustainable land use.One of the key topics in land economics is the determination of land values. Land values are influenced by a variety of factors, including location, infrastructure, zoning regulations, and market demand. Understanding the factors that influence land values is crucial for policymakers, developers, and investors in making informed decisions about land use and development.Another important aspect of land economics is the concept of land rent. Land rent is the payment made for the use of land, and it is determined by the interaction of supply and demand in the land market. Land rent plays a crucial role in the allocation of land resources and the distribution of income.Land economics also addresses issues related to land use planning, property rights, land tenure systems, and land taxation. Theseissues are fundamental to the efficient and sustainable management of land resources, and they have significant implications for economic development, environmental conservation, and social equity.In conclusion, land economics is a vital field of study that has important implications for the efficient and sustainable use of land resources. By understanding the economic principles that govern land use and value, policymakers, planners, and investors canmake informed decisions that promote economic growth, environmental sustainability, and social welfare.另一个重要的领域是土地利用规划和管理。
土地经济学论文英文
土地经济学论文英文Land EconomicsLand economics is a field of study that focuses on the relationship between land and the economy. It examines how land resources are used, valued, and distributed, and how these factors impact the overall economic system. This paper aims to explore the various aspects of land economics, including land use planning, land value determination, and the role of land in the economy.Land use planning is a critical aspect of land economics. It involves the allocation of land for different uses, such as residential, commercial, industrial, and agricultural purposes. Land use planning seeks to optimize the use of land resources and minimize conflicts between different land uses. It also aims to promote sustainable development and environmental conservation by carefully managing land use activities.Another important aspect of land economics is the determination of land value. Land value is influenced by various factors, including location, infrastructure, natural resources, and demand for land. Economists use different methods to assess land value, such as the sales comparison approach, income approach, and cost approach. Understanding the determinants of land value is critical for making informed decisions about land investment and development.Land plays a crucial role in the economy. It serves as a factor of production for various economic activities, such as agriculture, manufacturing, and services. Land also contributes to the wealth ofnations through its natural resources and provides the foundationfor infrastructure development. The efficient use and managementof land resources are essential for promoting economic growth and improving the standard of living.In conclusion, land economics is a complex and multifaceted field that examines the relationship between land and the economy. Understanding land use planning, land value determination, andthe role of land in the economy is essential for informed decision-making and sustainable development. By studying land economics, policymakers, investors, and landowners can make better choices that support economic prosperity and environmental sustainability.另一个重要的领域是土地利用规划，它着重于通过合理的规划和管理，确保土地得到有效利用，从而实现城市的可持续发展。
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土地资源管理本科毕业论文外文文献及译文文献题目：Rural and Urban Land Development and Land Tenure Systems：A Comparison between South Africaand Botswana外文文献:RURAL AND URBAN LAND DEVELOPMENT AND LAND TENURE SYSTEMS：A COMPARISON BETWEEN SOUTH AFRICAAND BOTSWANASusan BouillonLegal Advisor：City Council of PretoriaINTRODUCTIONFranklin D。
Roosevelt once said that ‘Every person who invests in land near a growing city，adopts the surest and safest method of becoming independent, for land is the basis of wealth。
’The purpose of this paper is to discuss the rural and urban land development and land tenure systems of South Africa and Botswana, and to explain their contributions to urban sustainability.DEVELOPMENT PLANNING IN BOTSWANABotswana is located at the centre of the South African plateau, and is bordered by South Africa on the south and southeast, Zimbabwe on the northeast and Namibia on the west and northwest. Approximately 23％of the population is in urban areas and 77％in rural areas。
Botswana has a rich tribal culture，and therefore it is not surprising that the Botswana legal system consists of local tribal courts，which adjudicate traditional matters and Tribal Land Boards, which rule on land use matters in tribal lands and traditional villages. Town Councils rule on land use matters in urban areas。
The government of Botswana has adopted a system of development planning which has coped relatively well compared with other African countries. Development planning involves the preparation of land use plans for both urbanand rural areas. The practice in Botswana is that the public is made aware of the implications of land use plans before land is zoned for various uses。
Public awareness and participation is ensured by giving land users an opportunity to select preferred land use options from a range of options determined through the evaluation of physical and economic suitability of land resources （bottom-up approach）。
PROPERTY RIGHTS AND LAND TENURE IN BOTSWANA It is the policy of the Government that all citizens should have easy and equal access to land。
In order to realize this, three land tenure systems have been put in place. Tribal land covers 71% of the total land area of the country. It is allocated to citizens free of charge for all types of uses。
State land is owned by the state and comprises 23％of the total area. Most of this land is used as National Parks，or Forest and Game Reserves within which no settlements are permitted. However，a small percentage of this land is allocated for residential purposes，particularly in urban centers. Freehold land comprises only 6% of the total area and is privately owned. Most of the government policies to date are therefore directed at tribal land.RURAL LANDPrior to independence, Botswana had established traditional ways of allocating and managing tribal land and its resources through chiefs and communities. Soon after independence，the authority to allocate tribal land was shifted from the chiefs to the Tribal Land Boards which were established by the Tribal Land Act，but the management of the resources remains the responsibility of the users and their communities。
According to this act，almost 71％of the available land isadministered as tribal land according to an integrated system of customary land tenure. Although the tenurial rules for tribal land have been changed considerably by this act，it is considered a very innovative way to combine individual land tenure security with tribal land-use。
The Land Boards were established for a specified tribal territory, and took over the administrative functions from chiefs and other tribal authorities。
Title of the land vested in the Land Boards。
The Land Boards were initially entitled to make customary and common law grants, for residential, grazing or cultivation purposes，to members of the different tribes living in the specified territories only，but since 1993 any citizen of Botswana is entitled to apply for these rights. Land Boards maintain their own record or registration system and rights are not registered in the central deeds registration system of Botswana, apparently to keep them more affordable。
The Land Boards are entitled to issue certificates of customary grants or certificates of occupation. Provision has been made for the conversion of these certificates into titles registrable in the deeds registry once demand arises to deal with these certificates in the commercial lending market。