经济学人18
经济学人2016-1
摘要：赫尔穆特·施密特，西德的社会民主党总理，逝于11月10日，终年96岁。
他的聪明和粗暴时常会让听众意识到自己上当受骗和受到羞辱的时候已经太晚了。
赫尔穆特·施密特不仅发现了傻瓜令人讨厌，他还消灭了他们。
既然事实清楚，逻辑不可辩驳，那么，再有不同的意见就是白痴的表现。
Obituary: Helmut Schmidt Smoke and fire赫尔穆特·施密特烟与火Helmut Schmidt, Social Democrat chancellor of West Germany, died on November 10th, aged 96赫尔穆特·施密特，西德的社会民主党总理，逝于11月10日，终年96岁HE WAS so clever, and so rude with it, that his listeners sometimes realised too late that they had been outwitted and insulted. Helmut Schmidt did not just find fools tiresome. He obliterated them. The facts were clear and the logic impeccable. So disagreement was a sign of idiocy.他的聪明和粗暴时常会让听众意识到自己上当受骗和受到羞辱的时候已经太晚了。
赫尔穆特·施密特不仅发现了傻瓜令人讨厌，他还消灭了他们。
既然事实清楚，逻辑不可辩驳，那么，再有不同的意见就是白痴的表现。
He was impatient, too, with his own party, which failed to realise the constraints and dilemmas of power. It wanted him to spend money West Germany did not have, and to compromise with terrorists who belonged in jail. He was impatient with the anti-nuclear left, who failed to realise that nuclear-power stations were safe, and that the Soviet empire thrived on allies' weakness. And he was impatient with post-Watergate America, which seemed to have lost its will to lead.他还对没能意识到权力的约束和困境的他的政党感到不耐烦。
经济学人世界大学商学院排名前100
安娜堡， 密歇
斯蒂芬罗斯 Michigan
Ross School of 根，美国/Ann
商学院
Business
Arbor,
Michigan, US
21
瑞士 IMD 商 IMD
International 洛桑，瑞士
学院
Institute for
/Lausanne
Management Switzerland
Darden school of Business
HEC School of Business IESE Business School
Harvard Business School
Haas School of Business
Leonard N Stern School of Business Graduate School of Business Columbia Business School
Business
士兰，澳大利
亚/Brisbane,
Queensland,
Australia.
17
埃默里大学 Emory University Goizueta
亚特兰大，乔
戈依祖塔商
School of
治亚州，美国
学院
Business
/Atlanta,
Georgia, US
18
欧洲工商管 INSEAD
INSEAD
Berlin,
Technology
Germany
27
香港大学商 University of Hong Faculty of
香港，中国
学院
Kong
Business and Hong Kong,
经济学人精品文章
经济学人精品文章1．世界经济一路泥泞还是一路下滑?夏天已经走近了世界几大金融中心，可人们的心情却阳光不起来。
受各地经济悲观消息影响，股市已经连阴数周。
全球工厂生产放缓，消费者也愈发谨慎。
在美国，从房屋价格到就业增长的几乎每一项统计数据都显示疲软迹象。
虽然本周早些时候悲观气氛有所平缓，但也只是因为如美国零售业和中国工业生产等数据没有预想的那么糟糕而已。
全球范围内，经济增长正处于约两年前复苏开始以来的最低点。
那么现在的疲软只是复苏道路上的一滩泥泞，还是预示了全球经济恢复动力正在消退？大疲软从导致增长停滞的原因来看停顿应该只是暂时的。
首先，虽然这次的海啸重创日本GDP；打断供应链；尤其影响了4月全球工业产出量。
但经济统计数据显示暴跌的同时，一些更具前瞻性的迹象也表明将有一轮反弹。
比如美国汽车制造商的夏季生产计划表显示，那里的年GDP增长将至少提高一个百分点。
第二，是年初突然高企的油价导致了需求下降。
虽然更多的收入正从资金紧张的石油进口国流入坐享其成的产出国。
昂贵的燃油价格也打击了消费者信心，特别是在石油消费大国美国。
而且油价随阿拉伯世界动荡加剧而再度上扬的可能性也令人不安。
然而至少就目前来看，价格上涨的压力正在减弱。
美国的平均汽油价格虽然仍比年初高出21％，但已经开始回落。
这样应该可以促进消费者信心（并刺激消费）。
第三，许多新兴经济体推行货币紧缩政策是为了应对高通胀。
中国今年5月CPI攀升到了5.5％，印度商品批发价格增长也一举跃上9.1％。
以此为鉴，增速放缓在一定程度上倒是一个有利迹象，这恰恰说明这些国家的央行正采取行动，并开始取得成效。
即使是在对经济硬着陆风险忧心最重的中国，也没有迹象表明政府措施有矫枉过正之嫌。
其实更大的风险在于对世界经济疲软的担忧导致紧缩政策过早收兵。
在当前货币环境仍极其宽松的背景下，如果政府决心有所动摇将导致更高的通胀，最终使经济崩溃的风险大大增加。
也许大部分新兴市场正好需要一场减速来降温，但任何一个发达国家此刻却对此避之不及。
国际经济学_首都经济贸易大学中国大学mooc课后章节答案期末考试题库2023年
国际经济学_首都经济贸易大学中国大学mooc课后章节答案期末考试题库2023年1.一个大国最优关税的实施会引起（）参考答案:以上皆正确2.美联储的数量宽松型货币政策可能会导致美元贬值。
参考答案:正确3.由于资本管制等因素，汇率往往偏离利率平价。
参考答案:正确4.经常账户顺差表示该账户下，贷方余额减去借方余额大于零。
参考答案:正确5.偏好风险的投资者，对未来的即期汇率有确定的预期。
参考答案:正确6.美国的劳动者通常（）参考答案:反对美国对外投资7.跨国公司存在的基本原因是（）参考答案:其全球生产和销售网络具有竞争优势8.脑力流失（brain drain）是指（）参考答案:高技能员工从发展中国家流向发达国家9.开放宏观经济下，一国外部平衡目标就是国际收支平衡。
参考答案:正确10.开放宏观经济环境下，内外平衡目标有时候是有矛盾的。
参考答案:正确11.财政政策是需求管理政策，而货币政策不是。
参考答案:错误12.蒙代尔分配法则的核心是财政政策和货币政策在实现内外平衡方面的分工。
参考答案:正确13.有效市场的含义是，市场参与者众多。
参考答案:错误14.在蒙代尔分配法则中，用货币供给量代表货币政策。
参考答案:正确15.外汇管制是支出转换型政策。
参考答案:正确16.中国国际收支双顺差的意思是“经常账户顺差，资本与金融账户顺差”。
参考答案:正确17.错误与遗漏账户是一个交易账户。
参考答案:错误18.顺差对一国是好的，多多益善。
参考答案:错误19.中国出口外汇储备增加了，表明中国国际清偿能力增加了。
参考答案:正确20.顺差往往带来该国货币带来升值的压力。
参考答案:正确21.支出增减型政策可以理解为财政政策或者货币政策。
参考答案:正确22.斯旺模型中，外部平衡的含义是经常项目平衡。
参考答案:正确23.如果一个国家的生产可能性曲线是凹向原点的，那么这个国家在以下哪种商品上是机会成本递增的（）参考答案:商品A和B24.社区无差异曲线的特点是（）参考答案:以上都对25.产品X对Y的边际替代率指的是（）参考答案:在同一条无差异曲线上，多生产1单位的X所必须放弃的Y的数量26.对本章生产的机会成本递增阐述错误的是（）参考答案:生产要素投入比例不变27.以下关于一个国家封闭条件下的均衡，哪项表述不正确（）参考答案:它的消费点位于生产可能性曲线的里面28.亚当·斯密认为，国际贸易的基础是（）参考答案:绝对优势29.外凸的生产可能性曲线表明生产过程中的机会成本（）参考答案:递增30.按照比较优势的原则，劳动丰裕的国家应该进口（）参考答案:资本密集型产品31.以下哪项不是重商主义倡导的观点（）参考答案:自由贸易32.比较优势理论是（）提出的参考答案:大卫·李嘉图33.如果国家A每1单位劳动时间可以生产3单位X或者3单位Y，国家B每1单位劳动时间可以生产1单位X或者3单位Y，那么（）参考答案:国家A在生产X上具有比较优势34.李嘉图解释比较优势理论的基础是（）参考答案:劳动价值论35.两个国家相对产品价格的差异可能是基于（）参考答案:以上都正确36.假定机会成本不变，大国和小国进行贸易（）参考答案:小国可能获得全部贸易利益37.如果国家A每1单位劳动时间可以生产3单位X或者3单位Y，国家B每1单位劳动时间可以生产1单位X或者3单位Y，如果国家A拿3单位X 交换3单位Y，那么（）参考答案:国家B获利6单位Y38.一个贸易上的小国不具备以下哪个特征:（）参考答案:地理面积上是小国39.中国国际收支顺差最大的贡献者是贸易顺差。
经济学人双语阅读：政治遗传学 人体政治
【经济学人】双语阅读：政治遗传学人体政治Science and technology科学技术The genetics of politics政治遗传学Body politic人体政治Slowly, and in some quarters grudgingly, the influence of genes in shaping political outlook and behaviour is being recognized在某些方面，塑造政治前景和行为的基因影响正在慢慢地被人们所接受，虽然还是不情愿。
IN 1882 W.S. Gilbert wrote, to a tune by Sir Arthur Sullivan, a ditty that went I often think it's comical how Nature always does contrive/that every boy and every gal that's born into the world alive/is either a little Liberal or else a little Conservative.在1882年，W.S吉尔伯特写的一首小诗-是为阿瑟-沙利文爵士的一首曲子而作，我一直认为，大自然的精工雕作是那么可笑/每个出生到这个世界上，并存活下来的男孩和女孩们/不是有一点自由倾向，就是有一点保守。
In the 19th century, that view, though humorously intended, would not have been out of place among respectable thinkers.在十九世纪，这个观点虽然有一点幽默的意味，但是在那些备受尊敬的思想家眼中，也并不是一无是处。
The detail of a man's opinion might be changed by circumstances.一个人意见的详细观点可能会由于环境而改变。
18 经济学人：自由交流：企业老板如何高效控制员工(1)
经济学人:自由交流:企业老板如何高效控制员工(1)Finance and Economics财经Free exchange自由交流Better, stronger, faster更好、更强、更快Labour-monitoring technologies raise efficiency—and hard questions.劳动力监督技术在提高效率的同时也带来种种难题。
Bosses have always sought control over howworkers do their jobs.企业老板总是在找办法来控制员工的工作方法。
Whatever subtlety there once was to this art, technology is now obliterating.不论这种方法以前有多么微妙，如今的技术正在完全毁灭掉。
In February Amazon received patents for a wristband apparently intended to shepherdlabourers in its warehouses through their jobs with maximum efficiency.2月，亚马逊获得了一款腕带多项专利——从表面上看，这款腕带是用来指导员工在仓库里最为高效地工作。
The device, were Amazon to produce and use it, could collect detailed information abouteach wor ker’s whereabouts and movements, and strategically vibrate in order to guide theiractions.如果亚马逊生产并使用这一穿戴设备，它将收集每位员工详细的行踪和运动信息，并以巧妙地震动方式指导员工的行动。
《The Economist》《经济学人》中文版2009年12月
全国气候：政治搭台，科学唱戏Climate change 气候变化heated debate 激辩Nov 26th 2009From The Economist print editionWhy political orthodoxy must not silence scientific argument为何有了政治说法，还应有科学的辩论？Illustration by Claudio Munoz“WHAT is truth?” That was Pontius Pilate’s answer to Jesus’s assertion that “Everyone that is of the truth heareth my voice.” It sounds suspiciously like the modern argument over climate change.“真理是什么？”耶稣说完“相信真理的人都能听到我”之后，彼拉多随即如此问道。
听起来耳熟？在当代，气候变化引起的争辩就与此有相似之处。
A majority of the world’s climate sc ientists have convinced themselves, and also a lot of laymen, some of whom have political power, that the Earth’s climate is changing; that the change, from humanity’s point of view, is for the worse; and that the cause is human activity, in the form of excessive emissions of greenhouse gases such as carbon dioxide.国际上，大多数气候科学家不但说服了自己，也说服了很多门外汉（其中包括一些有政治影响力的人）--地球的气候正在改变；这种改变，从人道主义角度来看，是消极的；这种改变的始作俑者是人类，是他们通过排放超量的诸如二氧化碳的温室气体而造成的。
经济学人外刊原稿
ambitions but their business cul t ure hasdeep provincial roots. They look back as much as forward. "We have existed since 1825 and have been doing the same thing since then," says Dieter Brand, chairman of the Sparkasse, or savings bank, in Bielefeld, the region's biggest town. In some sensesthe same is true of his corporate custom ers. Germany may have reformed and rearticulated its model in recent years. Butthe underlying skeleton is ancient, and perhaps inimitable.Two decades ago, the country seemed distinctly arthritic. The euphoria of unification in 1990 was followed by the sharpest recession since t he second world war.Some 50o,ooo manufacturing jobs were lost. Business was menaced by an overvalued n -mark, nimble Asian competitorsand unification's huge costs. The economy had become rigid and uncompetitive, moaned en t repreneurs. The then-president,Roman Herzog, cap t ured the zeitgeistin 1997 when he spoke of "the loss of economic dynamism, the torpor of society, an unbelievable mental depression". Reformers clamoured for elements of the Germanmodel, like vocational training and centralised wage bargaining, to be scrapped.Sha pi ng upInstead it was made more limber. Business outsourced some production to eastern Europe; fear of that process extracted concessions from German workers, who offeredflexibility on wages and work hoursin exchange for greater job security. In the subsequent decade manufacturing's shareof GDP rose even as it was falling elsewhere (see chart 3 on next page).In the early 2000s, with growth still inlow gear and unemployment in doubledigits, the then-chancellor, Gerhard Schroder, a Social Democrat, started another round of gruelling physiotherapy.His labour-market reforms reduced unemploymentbenefits and liberalised temporarywork. Since she became chancellor in2005 Mrs Merkel of the Christian Democrats has raised the pension age from 65 to67 and amended the constitution to require state and federal governments to cuttheir structural budget deficits to more or less zero (the template for what is now a Europe-wide agreement).Benefits thought to be sacrosanct were cut. Income inequality rose. But so did employment.Core workers in industrialfirms- the muscle behind Germany's manufacturing prowess- were not affected directly. But the rise in low-paid, insecure jobs has held down the cost of services, making it easier for factory workersto accept modest pay rises, points out Anke Hassel of the Hertie School of Governancein Berlin.The original assembly of the Germanmodel also dates to a recessionary crisis following hard on the heels of a unifica-I On the rebound 11GOP per pe r son,% change on p r evio u s yea r- Germany B rita i n- United States - E u r o a rea42+24----~----~----~----~- 6 1997 99 2001 03 05 07 09 * 1So u rc e: IM F • e sti ma te !for ecasttion: a 23-year-long slump starting in 1873,two years after Bismarck finally succeededin pulling Germany together into a single state. This Griindehrise and its prolongedaftermath forged new ideas about how capital, labour and the state should relateto one another.An 1884law created t he dual-board systemof corporate governance in its currentform, with a managing Vorstand answerableto a separate supervisory board.Among the supervisors were bankers,who provided "patient capital", and scientists, whose expertise was valued as highly.The vocational training system, set up during the 1880s, provided new producers of chemicals and machinery with skilled andloyal workers. Bismarck established the welfare state in part to cater to their needs.The way the health insurance systemworked required capital and labour to cooperate, paving the way for works councilsand, almost a century later, for mandatory representation for the workers on the supervisory boards of large companies.The "co-ordinated market economy"has withstood dictatorship, wars, revolutions and globalisation. It prizes trust, relyingon t he principle that nobody will"make full use of his freedom" by grabbing everything he can, says Wemer Abelshauser, an economic historian at the Universityof Bielefeld. Its elements are "soI Off balanceCur r e n t-accoun t ba l a n ces,% of GOP- Germany - E uro area - U ni t ed StatesBrita i n France - I ta l y8642~~~~~4-..--.-..-~~~~----~- 61997 99 2001 03 05 07 09 121So u r c e: IMF • Esti ma t e !Fore c a stThe Economist April 14th 2012tightly meshed", he has written, "that it would be difficult to replace any one of them wi t h an alien component."The trust and co-ordination may be national properties, but their roots are typicallyquite local. Before Bismarck, Germany's provinces, principalities andpalatinates often had rulers who werekeen to establish local industries. In 1678 Brandenburg's Great Elector gave Bielefeld the privilege of certifying the quality of lo cal linen, cementing its position as a cen t refor the textile trade. Centuries later Beckhoff's first customers made machines forthe furniture industry that had developedout of the crate-making trade that hadgrown with the export of textiles.Dozens of other regions can tell similar stories, and these concentrations have become part of the country's contemporary success. On a list of 100 clusters picked bythe European Cluster Observatory fortheir size, level of specialisation and loca tion in "innovative regions", Germany occupies 30 places.Germany experimented with American-style standardised production duringand after the second world war, which was one reason why it imported unskilledguest workers from Turkey and elsewhere. The Siren across the Atlantic called again in the 1990s and 2000s, urging Germany to deregulate, embrace services and maximise "shareholder value". When that callwas silenced by the financial crisis, "Germany had its consensus model to go backto," says Gustav Horn of the union-linked Macroeconomic Policy Institute.Small towns in GermanyHans Beckhoff, boss of the automation company that bears his name, does notcome off as a throwback. His silver-greyhair is modishly long, his collar unbuttoned.But some of his habits seem distinctlyold-fashioned. Take his approach todebt: he's against it. Investment in the companyis funded by him and his three siblings,the only shareholders. It is the samewith nearby Miele, a 113-year-old maker of kitchen equipment and white goods, with annual sales of €3 billion. This is not themost efficient way to run a company. With more leverage Mittelstand firms couldboost their pre-tax profit by several points, notes Arm in Schmiedeberg of Bain, a consultancy.He thinks they are wise not to.The point is not to maximise short-termprofit, says Markus Miele, a managing directora t his firm, bu t to aim at "where wewant to be when we hand over to the next generation." Mr Beckhoff says he fends off monthly offers to buy his company. Lack of financial ambition goes along with the observance of unwri tt en sumptuary laws."Families behind the Mittelstand live in an acceptable, modest and healthy way," saysMr Beckhoff.Maybe that is because they lean so ~~32 Briefing Germany's economic model~ heavily on the skilled workers the countryis so good at producing. Around half of German high-school students go on todual training in one of 344 trades, from tanner to dental technician. Many of t hecourses are set by unions and employers' federations. State and local governments provide the schools where apprentices get their theory. Chambers of commerce and industry run the exams. When foreignersask why youth unemployment is so low (just 8.2% compared wi t h Spain's so.s%), older Germans tou t the dual system.Young Germans are not so convinced; itis the first choice of just a fifth of highschool students, says Swen Binner of theBielefeld chamber of commerce. And thenumber of schoolleavers in owL is dropping by 2% a year while demand for skills is rising. Business is adapting by blurring the previously sharp distinction between vocationaland university training. Beckhoffnow offers "academic apprenticeships", which combine hands-on experience wi t h study at a technical university.The relationship between conscientious proprietors and diligent craftsmen isnot without conflict, but it is set in a governanceframework that contains disagree ments without stifling them, and can deliver flexibility. In the metal and electrical engineering sector, the heart of manufac turing, labour contracts still tend to be settledon an industry-wide basis (outsourcing trouble, as some bosses see it).Knowing what's kneadedThe entrepreneurs of owL are confidentthat global trends will continue to go their way. 5 billion people can reasonably aspire to join the 1 billion who are already well off, says Mr Beckhoff. It will take "a lot of engineering" to pull that off without environmentalruin and s t rife over resources,and t hat will provide ever more opportunities for manufacturers.As the aerospace industry turns to new materials like titanium and car makers shrink engines to boost efficiency, they provide machine-tool makers with new markets. And old markets can be refined as they grow. WP Kemper, a maker of baking equipment near Bielefeld, expects demand for dough to double over the next decade, as consumers in developing countries broaden their diets. The new generationof bakers will be unfamiliar with the mysteries of European bread, so Kemper is working on an "intelligent kneader" thatknows when dough is ready.Many Mittelstand firms are oligopolists, argues Mr Schmiedeberg, occupying niches so narrow that they attract few rivals. Increasingly, the niches are being defended with services, in t his context notthe term of derision it often is in manufacturingcircles. Beckhoff builds its own salesand maintenance networks, relying littleon dealers-unlike some of its non-Ger-I Making moreManufacturing,% o f G DP- Germany - I ta ly - E u roa r ea- United States Britain F r ance24222018 - 1614• ....... ~ 12 •10+1997 99 2001 03 05 07 09 10So u rc es: US B u r e au o f Econo mic Ana lys i s; Eu rost a tman competitors.The next stage is "hybrid value-added",in which the product is an outcome thatthe customer wants rather than the goodthat produces it. Wolf Heiztechnik of Bavaria is developing a contract under whichit sells t emperature control ra t her than heating equipment. "Every Chinese firmcan do the industrial part, not the whole hybrid," says Karl Lichtblau of IW Consult, a consultancy. Counting industry-related services, he reckons, manufacturing'sshare of GDP is more like 30% than 20%.In places like Bielefeld the future lookslike an extension of the past. Not everything changes at once, and institutions arethere to help out. When the machinebuilding department at Bielefeld's Universityof Applied Sciences looked in dangerof closing, industry drummed up interest among students to keep it open. IT's owL,a new initiative by machine builders, carpart suppliers and electronics companies, enlists universities to add intelligence to regionalproducts, like Kemper's smartkneader. "We are successful because we have companies behind us and companies ahead of us," says Mr Beckhoff. His advice to politicians: don't break the chain. But is the success of which he is justly proud enough? And is it something other countries can learn from?The platform for Germany's successI Paying lessUni t la b our c osts, t o tal economy, 2005=100B ri tain - Euro are a*- Uni t ed S t a t es - Germany12011010090807060,, , , , , , ,, , ,,, ,, , , ,,, , ..,1990 95 2000 05 10So u r c e: O E CD *Esti m ate 1990·94The Economist April 14th 2012looks precariously narrow. Vehicles, machines,electronic devices and chemicals account for more than half of Germany's exports, and exports provided nearly all Germany's growth from 2001 to 2007. Op timiststhink Germany can keep its shareof world trade, which grows twice as fast as global output, and thus stay ahead. Butthis is a big bet on a thin slice of the economy. Employment in manufacturingproper is less than a fifth of the total. In unglamorous,non-export oriented servicesGermany is in a much sorrier state. Stunted services depress incomes and investment. The OECD predicts that, as the population ages, potential growth will drop,falling below 1% by 2020. "The underlying issue is raising productivity in services and increasing wages in line with that," saysMr Tilford of the CER.Germany could do a lot more to perk up domestic demand. Deregulation of professionalservices would boost produc t ivityand inves t ment. Barriers to women working, including incentive-killing tax andbenefit regimes and a shortage of creches, should be removed. And Mr Tilford finds it "astonishing" that a country with a current-account surplus as big as Germany'sinsists on balancing its budget. Demographic decline could initially bea blessing, shifting power to workers as the workforce shrinks, with the subsequent increase in labour costs boosting domestic demand (see chart 4). Verdi, the services union, extracted a 6.3% pay rise from federal and municipal governments last month.In the engineering sector, where talks are under way, bosses are encountering amore assertive union. Domestic demand is expected to provide all this year's growth, partly because Germany's European trading partners are in such bad shape.Many of them would profit from becoming more like Germany in terms ofbuilding business success, but there are limits. Any leader with backing and boldness can imitate some of what Germanydid when its joints were stiffened, like raising the pension age (which France has onlyjust started on) or cutting social-security contributions, as Mr Sarkozy talks of do ing. Southern Europe's crash programmeof structural reform is partly inspired by Germany. The dual system may be exportable, though not overnight.But it is another matter to excel in highend capital goods or to assign to enterprise, unions and t he state roles that Germanyhas been practising, with disastrous interruptions,for more than a century. Duringthe crisis Italy introduced a short-time working scheme like Germany's, but the results were disappointing: Italian firmsand their workers could not mimic Germany's ordered flexibility. Germany canoffer lessons in how to get back into shape; but the essence of its model is rooted too deeply to be copied with ease. •。
《经济学人》常用词汇
《经济学人》常用词汇总结1、Absolute advantage 绝对优势2、Adverse choice 逆向选择3、Alternative cost 选择成本4、Arc elasticity of demand 需求的弧弹性5、Asymmetric information 非对称的信息6、Average cost 平均成本7、Average fixed cost 平均固定成本8、Average product 平均产品9、Average variable cost 平均可变成本10、Beta 投资的β11、Bond yield 债券收益12、Break-even chart 收支平衡图13、Budget line 预算线14、Bunding 捆绑销售15、Capital 资本16、Capital gain 资本收益17、Capitalism 资本主义18、Cardinal utility 基数效应19、Cartel 卡特尔20、Cobb-Douglas production function 科布-道格拉斯生产函数21、Collision 勾结22、Comparative advantage 比较优势23、Complements 互补品24、Constant-cost industry 成本不变行业25、Constant returns to scale 规模收益不变26、Consumer surplus 消费者剩余27、Contestable market 可竞争市场28、Contract curve 契约曲线29、Corner solution 角点解30、Cross elasticity of demand 需求的交叉弹性31、Deadweight loss of monopoly垄断的无谓损失32、Deadweight loss of monopsony 买方垄断的无谓损失33、Decreasing-cost industry 成本递减行业34、Decreasing return to scale 规模收益递减35、Demand curve 需求曲线36、Demand curve of loanable funds 可贷资金的需求曲线37、Discount rate 贴现率38、Diversifiable risk 可分散风险39、Dominant firm 主导厂商40、Dominant strategy 优势策略41、Duopoly 双头垄断42、Economic efficiency 经济效率43、Economic profit 经济利润44、Economic region of production 生产的经济区域45、Economic resource 经济资源46、Economies of scope 围经济47、Efficient markets hypothesis 有效市场假说48、Endowment position 财富状况49、Engel curve 恩格尔曲线50、Equilibrium 均衡51、Excess capacity 过剩生产能力52、Expansion path 扩路径53、Expected monetary vale期望货币价值54、Expected profit 预期利润55、Expected value of perfect information56、Explicit costs 显成本57、External diseconomy 外部不经济58、External economy 外部经济59、First-mover advantages 先动优势60、Fixed cost 固定成本61、Fixed input 不变投入品62、General equilibrium analysis 一般均衡分析63、Giffen’s paradox 吉芬反论64、Implicit cost 隐成本65、Income-compensated demand curve 收入补偿的需求曲线66、Income-consumption curve 收入-消费曲线67、Income effect 收入效应68、Income elasticity of demand 需求的收入弹性69、Increasing-cost industry成本递增的产业70、Increasing returns to scale 规模收益递增71、Indifference curve 无差异曲线72、Inferior good 劣质商品73、Innovation 创新74、Input 投入品75、Interest rate 利率76、Intermediate good 中间品77、Internal rate of return 部收益率78、Investment 投资79、Investment demand curve 投资需求曲线80、Isocost curve 等成本曲线81、Isoprofit curve 等利润曲线82、Isoquant 等产量曲线83、Isorevenue line 等收益线84、Kinked demand curve 折弯的需求曲线85、Labor 劳动86、Land 土地87、Law of diminishing marginal returns 边际收益递减率88、Lerner index 勒纳指数89、Learning curve 学习曲线90、Limit pricing 限制性定价91、Long run 长期92、Marginal cost 边际成本93、Marginal cost pricing 边际成本定价94、Marginal expenditure curve 边际支出曲线95、Marginal product 边际产品96、Marginal rate of product transformation 边际产品转换率97、Marginal rate of substitution 边际替代率98、Marginal revenue 边际收益99、Marginal revenue product 边际收益产品100、Marginal utility 边际效用101、Market 市场102、Market demand curve 市场需求曲线103、Market period 市场周期104、.Market structure 市场结构105、Market supply schedule 市场供给表106、Markup pricing加成定价107、Maximin strategy 最大最小策略108、Microeconomics 微观经济学109、Minmum efficient size of plant 工厂的最小有效规模110、Model模型111、Money income 货币收入112、Monopolistic competition 垄断竞争113、Monopoly 垄断114、Monopsony 买方垄断115、Moral hazard 道德风险116、Multinational firm 跨国公司117、Multiplant monopoly 多厂垄断118、Multiproduct firm 多产品厂商119、Mutual fund 共同基金120、Nash equilibrium 纳什均衡121、Natural monopoly 自然垄断122、Net-Present-Value Rule 净现值规则123、Nondiversifiable risk 不可分散的风险124、Nonprice competition 非价格竞争125、Normal goods 正常商品126、Oligopoly寡头垄断127、Oligopsony 买方寡头垄断128、Opportunity cost 机会成本129、Optimal input combination 最优投入品组合130、Ordinal utility 序数效用131、Pareto criterion 帕累托标准132、Partial equilibrium analysis 局部均衡分析133、Pecuniary benefits 货币收益134、Perfect Competition 完全竞争135、Perpetuity 不可兑换的公司债券136、Predatory pricing 掠夺性定价137、Present value 现值138、Price ceiling 最高限价139、Pric-consumption curve 价格-消费曲线140、Price discrimination 价格歧视141、Price elastic 富有价格弹性142、Price elasticity of demand 需求的价格弹性143、Price elasticity of supply 供给的价格弹性144、Price floor 最低限价145、Price inelastic缺乏价格弹性146、Price leader 价格领导者147、Price system 价格系统148、Principal-agent problem 委托-代理问题149、Prisoner`s dilemma 囚犯困境150、Private cost 私人成本151、Probability 概率152、Producer surplus 生产者剩余153、Production possibilities curve 生产可能性曲线154、Production function 生产函数156、Profit 利润157、Public good 公共物品158、Quasi-rent 准租金159、Quota 配额160、Ray 射线161、Reaction curve 反应曲线162、Real benefits 真实收益163、Rent 租金164、Ridge lines 脊线165、Risk 风险166、Risk averter 风险厌恶者167、Risk lover 风险爱好者168、Risk neutral 风险中性169、Saving 储蓄170、Second-degree Price discrimination 二级价格歧视171、Selling expenses 销售费用172、Short run 短期173、Social cost 社会成本174、Static efficiency 静态效率175、Strategic move 策略举措176、Substitutes 替代品177、Substitution effect 替代效应178、Supply curve 供给曲线179、Supply curve of loanable funds 可贷资金的供给曲线180、Target return 目标收益181、Tariff 关税182、Technological changes 技术进步183、Technology 技术184、Third－degree price discrimination 三级价格歧视185、Tit for tat 针锋相对186、Total cost 总成本187、Total cost function 总成本函数188、Total cost 总固定成本189、Total revenue 总收益190、Total surplus 总剩余191、Total utility 总效用192、Total variable cost 总可变成本193、Trading possibilities curve 贸易可能性曲线194、Transaction cost 交易成本门195、Transferable emissions permits 可转让的排放许可证196、Two-part tariff 双重收费197、Tying 搭售198、Unitary elasticity 单位弹性199、Utility 效用200、Utility of possibility curve 效用可能性曲线201、Value of marginal product 边际产品价值202、Variable cost 可变成本203、Variable input 可变投入品204、von Neumann-Morgenstern utility function •纽曼--摩根斯坦效用函数204、Winners curse 赢者的诅咒205、Ability－to－pay principle（of taxation）（税收的）支付能力原则206、Absolute advantage(in international trade）(国际贸易中的）绝对优势207、Accelerator principle 加速原理208、Actual,cycical and structual budget 实际预算、周期预算和结构预算209、Adaptive expectations 适用性预期210、Adjustable peg 可调整钉住211、Administered（or inflexible）prices 管理（或非浮动）价格212、Adverse selection 逆向选择213、Aggregate demand 总需求214、Aggregate demand（AD）curve 总需求曲线215、Aggregate supply 总供给216、Aggregate suppy(AS) curve 总供给曲线217、Allocative efficiency 配置效率218、Antitrust legislation 反托拉斯法219、Appreciation（of a currency）（通货）升值220、Appropriable 可分拨221、Arbitrage 套利222、Asset 资产223、Asset demand for money 货币的资产需求224、Automatic（or built－in）stabilizers 自动（或在）稳定器225、Average cost 平均成本226、verage cost curve，long－run（ LRAC或 LAC）长期平均成本曲线227、Average cost curve， short－run（ SRAC或 SAC）短期平均成本曲线228、Average fixed cost 平均固定成本229、Average product 平均产品230、Average propensity to consume 平均消费倾向231、Average revenue 平均收益232、Average variable cost 平均可变成本233、Balance of international payment 国际收支平衡表234、Balance of trade 贸易余额235、Balance of current account经常项目余额236、Balance sheet 资产负债表237、Balanced budget 平衡预算238、Bank，commercial 商业银行239、Bank money 银行货币240、bank reserves 银行准备会241、进入壁垒Barriers to entry242、Barter 易货贸易243、Benefit principle（of taxation）（税收的）受益原则244、Bond 债券245、Break－even point（in macroeconomics）（宏观经济学中的）收支相抵点246、Bretton woods System 布雷顿森林体系247、Broad money 广义货币248、Budget 预算249、Budget,balanced 平衡预算250、Budget constraint 预算约束251、Budget deficit 预算赤字252、Budget,government 政府预算253、Budget line 预算线254、Budget surplus 预算盈余255、Built-in stabilizers 在稳定器见自动稳定器（automatic stabilizers）256、Business cycles 商业周期257、C＋I,C＋I＋G,or C＋I＋G＋X schedule C＋I,C＋I＋G或 C＋I＋G＋X表258、Capital(capital goods,capital equipment）资本（资本商品，资本设备）259、Capital consumption allowance 资本消耗补偿见折旧（depreciation）260、Capital deepening 资本深化261、Capital gains 资本利得262、Capital markets 资本市场263、Capital－output ratio 资本-产出比率264、Capital widening 资本广化265、Capitalism 资本主义266、Cardinal utility 基数效用267、Cartel 卡特尔268、Central bank 中央银行269、Change in demand vs．change in quantity demanded 需求变化与需求量的变化270、Change in supply vs．supply in quantity 供给变动与供给且的变动271、Checking account（or bank money）支票（或银行货币）272、Chicago School of Economics （经济学）芝加哥学派273、Classical approach 古典理论274、Classical economics 古典经济学275、Classical theories（in macroeconomics）（宏观经济学中的）古典理论276、Clearing market 市场出清277、Closed economy 封闭经济见开放经济（open economy）278、Coase theorem 科斯定理279、Collective bargaining 集体谈判280、Collusion 勾结281、Collusive oligopoly 寡头勾结垄断282、Command economy 指令经济283、Commodity money 商品货币284、Common stock 普通股票285、Communism 共产主义286、Comparative advantage（in international trade）（国际贸易中的）比较优势287、Compensating differentials 补偿性（工资）差异288、Competition，imperfect 不完全竞争289、Competion，perfect 完全竞争290、Competitve equilibrium 竞争均衡291、Competitive market 竞争性市场292、Complements 互补品293、Compound interest 复利294、Concentration ratio 集中度295、Conglomerate 混合联合企业296、Conglomerate merger 混合兼并见兼并（merger）297、Constant returns to scale 规模报酬不变见规模报酬（returns to scale）298、Consumer price index 消费者价格指数（CPI）299、Consumer surplus 消费者剩余300、Consumption 消费301、Consumption function 消费函数302、Consumption-possibility line消费可能线见预算线（budget line）303、Cooperative equilibrium 合作性均衡304、Corporate income tax 公司所得税305、Corporation 公司306、Correlation 相关307、Cost，average 平均成本308、Cost，average fixed 平均固定成本309、Cost，average variable 平均可变成本310、Cost，fixed 固定成本311、Cost，marginal 边际成本312、Cost，minimum 最低成本313、Cost-push inflation 成本推动的通货膨胀314、Cost，total 总成本315、Cost，variable 可变成本316、Crawling（or sliding）peg 爬行（滑动）钉住317、Credit 信贷318、Cross elasticity of demand 需求的交叉弹性319、Crowding-out hypothesis 挤出（效应）假说320、Currency 通货321、Currency appreciation（or depreciation ）通货升值（或贬值）322、Current account 经常见贸易余额（balance of trade）323、Cyclical budget 周期预算324、Cyclical unemployment 周期性失业325、Deadweight loss 净损失326、Debit 借方327、Decreasing returns to scale 规模报酬递减328、Deficit spending 赤字性支出329、Deflating（of economic data）（经济数据）紧缩330、Deflation 通货紧缩331、Demand curve（or demand schedule）需求曲线（或需求表）332、Demand for money 货币需求333、Demand-pull inflation 需求拉动型通货膨胀334、Demography 人口学335、Depreciation（of an asset）（资产）折旧336、Depreciation（of a currency）（通货）贬值337、Depression 萧条338、Derived demand 派生需求339、Devaluation 降值340、Developing country 发展中国家见欠发达国家(less developed country)341、Differentiated products 差异产品342、Diminishing marginal utility，law of 边际效用递减规律343、Diminishing returns，law of 收益递减规律344、Direct taxes 直接税345、Discount rate 贴现率346、Discounting（of future income）（未来收人）折现347、Discrimination 歧视348、Disequilibrium 非均衡349、Disinflation 反通货膨胀350、Disposable income 可支配收入（DI）351、Disposable personal income 个人可支配收入352、Dissaving 负储蓄354、Division of labor 劳动分工355、Dominant equilibrium 占优均衡见占优战略（dominant strategy）356、Dominant strategy 占优战略357、Downward－sloping demand，law of 需求向下倾斜规律358、Duopoly 双头垄断359、Duopoly price war 双头垄断价格战360、Easy－money policy 宽松的货币政策361、Econometrics 经济计量学362、Economic goods 经济物品363、Economic growth 经济增长364、Economic reguation 经济管制365、Economic rent 经济租金见"经济租金"（rent， economic）366、Economic surplus 经济剩余367、Economics of information 信息经济学368、Economies of scale 规模经济369、Economies of scope 广度经济370、Effective tax rate 有效税率371、Efficiency 效率372、Efficiency－wage theory 有效工资理论373、Efficient market 有效市场374、Elasticity 弹性375、Employed 就业者参见"失业"（unemployment）376、Equal－cost line 等成本线377、Equal－product curve（or isoquant）等产量线378、Equilibrium 均衡379、Equilibrum（for a business firm）厂商均衡380、Equilibrium（for the individual consumer）单个消费者的均衡381、Equilibrium，competitive 竞争均衡见竟争均衡（competitive equilibrium）382、Equilibrium，general 一般均衡见一般均衡分析（general－equilibrium analysis）383、Equilibrium，macroeconomic 宏观经济均衡384、Equimarginal principle 等边际法则385、Exchange rate 汇率见外汇汇率（foreign exchange rate）386、Exchange-rate system 汇率制度387、Excise tax vs．sales tax 消费税和销售税388、Exclusion principle 排他原则389、Exogenous vs．induced variables 外生变量和引致变量390、Expectations 预期391、Expenditure multiplier 支出乘数参见乘数（multiplier）392、Exports 出口393、External diseconomies 外部不经济394、External economies 外部经济395、External variables 外部变量同外生变量（exogenous variables）396、Externalities 外部性397、Factors of production 生产要素398、Fallacy of composition 合成谬误399、Federal Reserve System 联邦储备系统美国的中央银行（centra bank）400、Fiat money 法定货币没有在价值（intrinsic value）401、Final goods 最终产品402、Financial economics 金融经济学403、Financial intermediary 金融中介404、Firm（business firm）厂商405、Fiscal-monetary mix 财政-货币政策组合406、Fiscal policy 财政政策407、Fiscal cost 固定成本见固定成本（cost，fixed）408、Fixed exchange rate 固定汇率见外汇汇率（foreign exchangs rate）409、Flexible exchange rates 弹性汇率制410、Floating exchange rates 浮动汇率制见弹性汇率制（flexibleexchange rates）411、Flow vs. stock 流量与存量412、Foreign exchange 外汇413、Foreign exchange market 外汇市场414、Foreign exchange rate 外汇汇率415、Fourfirm concentration rate 四企业集中度见集中度（concentration ratio）416、Fractional-reserve banking 部分准备金417、Free goods 免费品不属于经济品（economic goods）418、Free trade 自由贸易419、Frictional unemployment 磨擦性失业420、Full employment 充分就业421、Gains from trade 贸易利得422、Galloping inflation 急剧的通货膨胀见通货膨胀（inflation）423、Game theory 博弈论424、General-equilibrium analysis 一般均衡分析425、GDP deflator GDP紧缩指数426、GDP gap GDP缺口427、GNP 国民生产总值见国民生产总值（gloss national product）428、Gold standard 全本位制429、Government debt 政府债务430、Goverment expenditure multiplier 政府支出乘数431、Graduated income tax 累进所得税见个人所得税（income tax，personal）432、Gresham`s Law 格雷欣法则433、Gross domestic product，nominal（or nominal GDP）名义国生产总值(或名义GDP）434、Gross domestic product，real 实际国生产总值（实际GDP）435、Gross national product，nominal 名义国民生产总值（或名义GNP）436、Gross national product，real 实际国民生产总值（实际GNP）437、Growth accounting 增长核算438、Hedging 套期保值439、High-powered money 高能货币见基础货币（monetary base）440、Horizontal equity vs．vertical equity 横向平等与纵向平等441、Horizontal integration 横向整合见纵向整合与横向整合（integration， vertical vs．horizontal）442、Horizontal merger 横向兼井见兼并（merger）443、Human capital 人力资本444、Hyperinflation 恶性通货膨胀见通货膨胀（inflation）445、Imperfect competition 不完全竞争见不完全竞争（competition，imperfect）446、Imperfect competitor 不完全竞争者447、Implicit－cost elements 隐性成本要素显性货币成本（explicit money costs）448、Imports 进口见出口（exports）449、Inappropriability 不可分拨性见不可分拨（inappropriable）450、Inappropriable 不可分拨451、Incidence（or tax incidence）归宿，或税赋归宿452、Income 收入453、Income effect（of a price change）（价格变动的）收入效应454、Income elasticity of demand 需求的收入弹性455、Income statement 收益表456、Income tax，negative 负所得税见负所得税（egative income tax）457、Income tax，personal 个人所得税458、Income velocity of money 货币的收入周转率459、Incomes policy 收入政策460、Increasing returns to scale 递增的规模报酬见规模报酬（returns to scale）461、Independent goods 独立品462、Indexing（or indexation）指数化463、Indifference curve 无差异曲线464、indifference map 无差异曲线图465、Indirect taxes 间接税见直接税（direct taxes）466、Induced variables 引致变量467、Industry 产业468、Inertial rate of inflation 惯性通货膨胀率469、Infant industry 幼稚产业470、Inferior goods 低档品或劣等品471、Inflation（or inflation rate）通货膨胀（或通货膨胀率）472、Inflation targeting 通货膨胀目标473、Innovation 创新474、Inputs 投入475、Insurance 保险476、Integration，vertical vs．horizontal 纵向整合和横向整合477、Intellectual property rights 知识产权478、Interest 利息479、Interest rate 利率480、Intermediate goods 中间产品481、International monetary system（also International financial system）国际货币制度（国际金融体系）482、Intervention 干预483、Intrinsic value（of money）（货币的）在价值484、Invention 发明485、Investment 投资487、Invisible hand 看不见的手488、Involuntarily unemployed 非自愿失业见失业（unemployment）489、Iron law of wages 工资铁律490、Isoquant 等产量见等产量曲线（equal product curve）491、Keynesian economics 凯恩斯经济学492、Keynesian school 凯恩斯学派见凯恩斯主义经济学(Keynesian economics)493、Labor force 劳动力494、Labor－force participstion rate 劳动力参与率495、Labor productivity 劳动生产率见生产率（productivity）496、Labor supply 劳动供给497、Labor theory of value 劳动价值论498、Laissez－faire（"leave us along"）自由放任（“别来管我”）499、Land 土地500、Least－cost rule（of production）（生产的）最低成本法则501、Legal tender 法定清偿物502、Less developed country（LDC）欠发达国家503、Liabilities 负债504、Libertarianism 自由放任主义505、Limited Liability 有限责任506、Long run 长期507、Long－run aggregate supply schedule 长期总供给表508、Lorenz curve 洛伦茨曲线509、Lowest sustainable rate of unemployment（or LSUR）最低可持续失业率510、Lump－of－labor fallacy 劳动合成谬误511、M1、 M2参见货币供应(money supply）。
The Economist 《经济学人》常用词汇总结
The Economist 《經濟學人》常用詞彙總結1、絕對優勢（Absolute advantage）如果一個國家用一單位資源生產的某種產品比另一個國家多，那麼，這個國家在這種產品的生產上與另一國相比就具有絕對優勢。
2、逆向選擇（Adverse choice）在此狀況下，保險公司發現它們的客戶中有太大的一部分來自高風險群體。
3、選擇成本（Alternative cost）如果以最好的另一種方式使用的某種資源，它所能生產的價值就是選擇成本，也可以稱之為機會成本。
4、需求的弧彈性（Arc elasticity of demand）如果P1和Q1分別是價格和需求量的初始值，P2 和Q2 為第二組值，那麼，弧彈性就等於-（Q1-Q2）（P1+P2）/（P1-P2）（Q1+Q2）5、非對稱的信息（Asymmetric information）在某些市場中，每個參與者擁有的資訊並不相同。
例如，在舊車市場上，有關舊車品質的資訊，賣者通常要比潛在的買者知道得多。
6、平均成本（Average cost）平均成本是總成本除以產量。
也稱為平均總成本。
7、平均固定成本( Average fixed cost）平均固定成本是總固定成本除以產量。
8、平均產品（Average product）平均產品是總產量除以投入品的數量。
9、平均可變成本（Average variable cost）平均可變成本是總可變成本除以產量。
10、投資的β(Beta）β度量的是與投資相聯的不可分散的風險。
對於一種股票而言，它表示所有現行股票的收益發生變化時，一種股票的收益會如何敏感地變化。
11、債券收益(Bond yield）債券收益是債券所獲得的利率。
12、收支平衡圖（Break-even chart）收支平衡圖表示一種產品所出售的總數量改變時總收益和總成本是如何變化的。
收支平衡點是為避免損失而必須賣出的最小數量。
13、預算線(Budget line）預算線表示消費者所能購買的商品X和商品Y的數量的全部組合。
经济学人：第三次工业革命--解放日报
经济学人：第三次工业革命来源：解放牛网解放日报■数字化革命正在我们身边发生——软件更加智能，机器人更加巧手，网络服务更加便捷。
第三次工业革命正在展开，制造业正往数字化的方向发展。
第三次工业革命将会对制造业的发展带来巨大影响。
■这场革命不仅将影响到如何制造产品，还将影响到在哪里制造产品。
在未来人们要想从事制造业，需要掌握更多的技能。
随着直接从事制造行业的人数的减少，劳动力成本在整个生产成本中的比例也将随之下降。
这将鼓励制造商将一部分制造行业迁回发达国家。
■随着这场革命的迅猛发展，政府应该坚持做好一些基础性的事情：提供更好的学校教育以培养高素质的劳动力，对所有企业界定清晰的游戏规则，并为它们提供公平的竞争环境。
【编者按】近期出版的英国《经济学人》杂志（2012年4月21日）专题论述了当今全球范围内工业领域正在经历的第三次革命（the third industrial revolution），即数字化革命。
一系列新技术的发明和运用，让数字化革命正在我们身边发生——软件更加智能，机器人更加巧手，网络服务更加便捷。
与以往历次工业革命一样，第三次工业革命也会对制造业的发展带来巨大影响，它将改变制造商品的方式，并改变就业的格局。
第三次工业革命意义何在？其对制造业发展会产生什么影响？现将此文编译后略作删减加以刊登，以飨读者。
法兰克福会展中心是德国无数个贸易展览会的举办地。
在这座造型不规则的会展中心外面，矗立着一座高21米的活动雕像——敲锤人。
这个敲锤人手持锤子，稳稳地抬起、落下胳膊，锻打一块金属块。
这座雕像的作者乔纳森·博罗夫斯基称，工人运用自己的大脑和双手创造我们生活的世界。
这种故事人所尽知。
不过劳动工具正在发生显著变化，将会改变未来的制造业。
欧洲模具展是法兰克福大型商贸展中的一个展会。
它展出了能够制造产品原型的设备，以及可将上述设备投入生产的工具。
传统的工程师使用车床、钻头、冲压机和制模机工作。
欧洲模具展上的设备虽由身着工装裤的工人操纵，但却一改传统油腻不堪的形象。
经济学人(The economics)人文类
人声是最佳乐器大问题系列：爱德华·卡尔认为最好的乐器是我们大家都拥有的……From INTELLIGENT LIFE magazine, May/June 2012最好的乐器我们人人都有，时时携带，那就是人声。
几年之前，在爱尔兰临大西洋的当风海岸上，有几位老农拜访了我家的小屋。
那晚家里有茶有酒，火炉里还有干草在燃烧。
待到深夜屋外又黑又冷之时，一个老农突然开始唱歌。
寂静之中只有他的声音在空气中回荡，高亢且刺耳，悲伤地吟咏着班纳海滩的民谣。
在那样的时刻，歌声变成了我们生命的配乐。
所有一切都始于我们最早听到的音乐——母亲的声音。
在世界各地，每周六在体育场的看台上，每周日在教堂的长椅中，人们合声高唱。
正是人们张嘴歌唱赋予生日、婚礼和葬礼庄重的典礼感。
一旦音乐中混有声音，不管你所喜欢的是卡拉斯还是阿黛尔，抑或是皇后乐队，乐器都变成了陪衬。
声音如同指纹一般在音乐上加入了个性化的标记，且能够带出无尽的变化。
借用口语中的爆破音和摩擦音，人声赋予音乐一层感觉、一种情绪或是一个故事，这个故事可能涉及到一位负心人，也可能讲述着为爱尔兰复活节起义运送枪弹却最终无缘抵达班纳海滩的船只。
几乎所有形式的音乐都带有人声的痕迹。
当你倾听肖邦委婉的序曲时，你所听到的是模仿人声的钢琴。
当你倾听弦乐四重奏时，你所听到的是女高音、女低音、男高音和男低音的合唱。
我的小提琴老师克莱伦斯·梅亚斯克福想要让我理解如何为一首旋律分节时，他并不会用他那架精美的17世纪马吉尼来做示范，相反他会用自己平淡无奇的20世纪声音演唱示范。
歌唱对我们有很大的益处。
集中精神用力歌唱可以赋予头脑和身体活力。
唱歌过程中的呼吸吐气清通我们的气管，可以预防咳嗽和感冒。
大声高歌也可以发泄心中的不平。
为什么不试试这是否有效呢？如果你没有足够的信心加入本地合唱团，那你至少可以在家里无人的情况下，把自己安全地关在浴室里淋个浴，同时张开嘴，深吸一口气，释放一下你自己的灌耳魔音。
《经济学人》杂志原版英文(整理完整版)
Digest Of The. Economist. 2006(6-7)Hard to digestA wealth of genetic information is to be found in the human gutBACTERIA, like people, can be divided into friend and foe. Inspired by evidence that the friendly sort may help with a range of ailments, many people consume bacteria in the form of yogurts and dietary supplements. Such a smattering of artificial additions, however, represents but a drop in the ocean. There are at least 800 types of bacteria living in the human gut. And research by Steven Gill of the Institute for Genomic Research in Rockville, Maryland, and his colleagues, published in this week's Science, suggests that the collective genome of these organisms is so large that it contains 100 times as many genes as the human genome itself.Dr Gill and his team were able to come to this conclusion by extracting bacterial DNA from the faeces of two volunteers. Because of the complexity of the samples, they were not able to reconstruct the entire genomes of each of the gut bacteria, just the individual genes. But that allowed them to make an estimate of numbers.What all these bacteria are doing is tricky to identify—the bacteria themselves are difficult to cultivate. So the researchers guessed at what they might be up to by comparing the genes they discovered with published databases of genes whose functions are already known.This comparison helped Dr Gill identify for the first time the probable enzymatic processes by which bacteria help humans to digest the complex carbohydrates in plants. The bacteria also contain a plentiful supply of genes involved in the synthesis of chemicals essential to human life—including two B vitamins and certain essential amino acids—although the team merely showed that these metabolic pathways exist rather than proving that they are used. Nevertheless, the pathways they found leave humans looking more like ruminants: animals such as goats and sheep that use bacteria to break down otherwise indigestible matter in the plants they eat.The broader conclusion Dr Gill draws is that people are superorganisms whose metabolism represents an amalgamation of human and microbial attributes. The notion of a superorganism has emerged before, as researchers in other fields have come to view humans as having a diverse internal ecosystem. This, suggest some, will be crucial to the success of personalised medicine, as different people will have different responses to drugs, depending on their microbial flora. Accordingly, the next step, says Dr Gill, is to see how microbial populations vary between people of different ages, backgrounds and diets.Another area of research is the process by which these helpful bacteria first colonise the digestive tract. Babies acquire their gut flora as they pass down the birth canal and take a gene-filled gulp of their mother's vaginal and faecal flora. It might not be the most delicious of first meals, but it could well be an important one.Zapping the bluesThe rebirth of electric-shock treatmentELECTRICITY has long been used to treat medical disorders. As early as the second century AD, Galen, a Greek physician, recommended the use of electric eels for treating headaches and facial pain. In the 1930s Ugo Cerletti and Lucio Bini, two Italian psychiatrists, used electroconvulsive therapy to treat schizophrenia. These days, such rigorous techniques are practised less widely. But researchers are still investigating how a gentler electric therapy appears to treat depression.Vagus-nerve stimulation, to give it its proper name, was originally developed to treat severe epilepsy. It requires a pacemaker-like device to be implanted in a patient's chest and wires from it threaded up to the vagus nerve on the left side of his neck. In the normal course of events, this provides an electrical pulse to the vagus nerve for 30 seconds every five minutes.This treatment does not always work, but in some cases where it failed (the number of epileptic seizures experienced by a patient remaining the same), that patient nevertheless reported feeling much better after receiving the implant. This secondary effect led to trials for treating depression and, in 2005, America's Food and Drug Administration approved the therapy for depression that fails to respond to all conventional treatments, including drugs and psychotherapy.Not only does the treatment work, but its effects appear to be long lasting. A study led by Charles Conway of Saint Louis University in Missouri, and presented to a recent meeting of the American Psychiatric Association, has found that 70% of patients who are better after one year stay better after two years as well.The technique builds on a procedure called deep-brain stimulation, in which electrodes are implanted deep into the white matter of patients' brains and used to “reboot” faulty neural circ uitry. Such an operation is a big undertaking, requiring a full day of surgery and carrying a risk of the patient suffering a stroke. Only a small number of people have been treated this way. In contrast, the device that stimulates the vagus nerve can be implanted in 45 minutes without a stay in hospital.The trouble is that vagus-nerve stimulation can take a long time to produce its full beneficial effect. According to Dr Conway, scans taken using a technique called positron-emission tomography show significant changes in brain activity starting three months after treatment begins. The changes are similar to the improvements seen in patients who undergo other forms of antidepression treatment. The brain continues to change over the following 21 months. Dr Conway says that patients should be told that the antidepressant effects could be slow in coming.However, Richard Selway of King's College Hospital, London, found that his patients' moods improved just weeks after the implant. Although brain scans are useful in determining the longevity of the treatment, Mr Selway notes that visible changes in the brain do not necessarily correlate perfectly with changes in mood.Nobody knows why stimulating the vagus nerve improves the mood of depressed patients, but Mr Selway has a theory. He believes that the electrical stimulation causes a region in the brain stem called the locus caeruleus (Latin, ironically, for “blue place”) to flood the brain with norepinephrine, a neurotransmitter implicated in alertness, concent ration and motivation—that is, the mood states missing in depressed patients. Whatever the mechanism, for the depressed a therapy that is relatively safe and long lasting is rare cause for cheer.The shape of things to comeHow tomorrow's nuclear power stations will differ from today'sTHE agency in charge of promoting nuclear power in America describes a new generation of reactors that will be “highly economical” with “enhanced safety”, that “minimise wastes” and will prove “proliferation resistant”. No d oubt they will bake a mean apple pie, too.Unfortunately, in the world of nuclear energy, fine words are not enough. America got away lightly with its nuclear accident. When the Three Mile Island plant in Pennsylvania overheated in 1979 very little radiation leaked, and there were no injuries. Europe was not so lucky. The accident at Chernobyl in Ukraine in 1986 killed dozens immediately and has affected (sometimes fatally) the health of tens of thousands at the least. Even discounting the association of nuclear power with nuclear weaponry, people have good reason to be suspicious of claims that reactors are safe.Yet political interest in nuclear power is reviving across the world, thanks in part to concerns about global warming and energy security. Already, some 441 commercial reactors operate in 31 countries and provide 17% of the planet's electricity, according to America's Department of Energy. Until recently, the talk was of how to retire these reactors gracefully. Now it is of how to extend their lives. In addition, another 32 reactors are being built, mostly in India, China and their neighbours. These new power stations belong to what has been called the third generation of reactors, designs that have been informed by experience and that are considered by their creators to be advanced. But will these new stations really be safer than their predecessors?Clearly, modern designs need to be less accident prone. The most important feature of a safe design is that it “fails safe”. For a reactor, this means that if its control systems stop working it shuts down automatically, safely dissipates the heat produced by the reactions in its core, and stops both the fuel and the radioactive waste produced by nuclear reactions from escaping by keeping them within s ome sort of containment vessel. Reactors that follow such rules are called “passive”. Most modern designs are passive to some extent and some newer ones are truly so. However, some of the genuinely passive reactors are also likely to be more expensive to run.Nuclear energy is produced by atomic fission. A large atom (usually uranium or plutonium) breaks into two smaller ones, releasing energy and neutrons. The neutrons then trigger further break-ups. And so on. If this “chain reaction” can be controlled, t he energy released can be used to boil water, produce steam and drive a turbine that generates electricity. If it runs away, the result is a meltdown and an accident (or, in extreme circumstances, a nuclear explosion—though circumstances are never that extreme in a reactor because the fuel is less fissile than the material in a bomb). In many new designs the neutrons, and thus the chain reaction, are kept under control by passing them through water to slow them down. (Slow neutrons trigger more break ups than fast ones.) This water is exposed to a pressure of about 150 atmospheres—a pressure that means it remains liquid even at high temperatures. When nuclear reactions warm the water, its density drops, and the neutrons passing through it are no longer slowed enough to trigger further reactions. That negative feedback stabilises the reaction rate.Can business be cool?Why a growing number of firms are taking global warming seriouslyRUPERT MURDOCH is no green activist. But in Pebble Beach later this summer, the annual gathering of executives of Mr Murdoch's News Corporation—which last year led to a dramatic shift in the media conglomerate's attitude to the internet—will be addressed by several leading environmentalists, including a vice-president turned climatechange movie star. Last month BSkyB, a British satellite-television company chaired by Mr Murdoch and run by his son, James, declared itself “carbon-neutral”, having taken various steps to cut or offset its discharges of carbon into the atmosphere.The army of corporate greens is growing fast. Late last year HSBC became the first big bank to announce that it wascarbon-neutral, joining other financial institutions, including Swiss Re, a reinsurer, and Goldman Sachs, an investment bank, in waging war on climate-warming gases (of which carbon dioxide is the main culprit). Last year General Electric (GE), an industrial powerhouse, launched its “Ecomagination” strategy, aiming to cut its output of greenhouse gases and to invest heavily in clean (ie, carbon-free) technologies. In October Wal-Mart announced a series of environmental schemes, including doubling thefuel-efficiency of its fleet of vehicles within a decade. Tesco and Sainsbury, two of Britain's biggest retailers, are competing fiercely to be the greenest. And on June 7th some leading British bosses lobbied Tony Blair for a more ambitious policy on climate change, even if that involves harsher regulation.The greening of business is by no means universal, however. Money from Exxon Mobil, Ford and General Motors helped pay for television advertisements aired recently in America by the Competitive Enterprise Institute, with the daft slogan “Carbon dioxide: they call it pollution; we call it life”. Besides, environmentalist critics say, some firms are engaged in superficial “greenwash” to boost the image of essentially climate-hurting businesses. Take BP, the most prominent corporate advocate of action on climate change, with its “Beyond Petroleum” ad campaign, highprofile investments in green energy, and even a “carbon calculator” on its website that helps consumers measure their personal “carbon footprint”, or overall emissions of carbon. Yet, critics complain, BP's recent record profits are largely thanks to sales of huge amounts of carbon-packed oil and gas.On the other hand, some free-market thinkers see the support of firms for regulation of carbon as the latest attempt at “regulatory capture”, by those who stand to profit from new rules. Max Schulz of the Manhattan Institute, a conservative think tank, notes darkly that “Enron was into pushing the idea of climate change, because it was good for its business”.Others argue that climate change has no more place in corporate boardrooms than do discussions of other partisan political issues, such as Darfur or gay marriage. That criticism, at least, is surely wrong. Most of the corporate converts say they are acting not out of some vague sense of social responsibility, or even personal angst, but because climate change creates real business risks and opportunities—from regulatory compliance to insuring clients on flood plains. And although these concerns vary hugely from one company to the next, few firms can be sure of remaining unaffected.Testing timesResearchers are working on ways to reduce the need for animal experiments, but new laws mayincrease the number of experiments neededIN AN ideal world, people would not perform experiments on animals. For the people, they are expensive. For the animals, they are stressful and often painful.That ideal world, sadly, is still some way away. People need new drugs and vaccines. They want protection from the toxicity of chemicals. The search for basic scientific answers goes on. Indeed, the European Commission is forging ahead with proposals that will increase the number of animal experiments carried out in the European Union, by requiring toxicity tests on every chemical approved for use within the union's borders in the past 25 years.Already, the commission has identified 140,000 chemicals that have not yet been tested. It wants 30,000 of these to be examined right away, and plans to spend between €4 billion-8 billion ($5 billion-10 billion) doing so. The number of animals used for toxicity testing in Europe will thus, experts reckon, quintuple from just over 1m a year to about 5m, unless they are saved by some dramatic advances in non-animal testing technology. At the moment, roughly 10% of European animal tests are for general toxicity, 35% for basic research, 45% for drugs and vaccines, and the remaining 10% a variety of uses such as diagnosing diseases.Animal experimentation will therefore be around for some time yet. But the hunt for substitutes continues, and last weekend the Middle European Society for Alternative Methods to Animal Testing met in Linz, Austria, to review progress.A good place to start finding alternatives for toxicity tests is the liver—the organ responsible for breaking toxic chemicals down into safer molecules that can then be excreted. Two firms, one large and one small, told the meeting how they were using human liver cells removed incidentally during surgery to test various substances for long-term toxic effects.PrimeCyte, the small firm, grows its cells in cultures over a few weeks and doses them regularly with the substance under investigation. The characteristics of the cells are carefully monitored, to look for changes in their microanatomy.Pfizer, the big firm, also doses its cultures regularly, but rather than studying individual cells in detail, it counts cell numbers. If the number of cells in a culture changes after a sample is added, that suggests the chemical in question is bad for the liver.In principle, these techniques could be applied to any chemical. In practice, drugs (and, in the case of PrimeCyte, food supplements) are top of the list. But that might change if the commission has its way: those 140,000 screenings look like a lucrative market, although nobody knows whether the new tests will be ready for use by 2009, when the commission proposes that testing should start.Other tissues, too, can be tested independently of animals. Epithelix, a small firm in Geneva, has developed an artificial version of the lining of the lungs. According to Huang Song, one of Epithelix's researchers, the firm's cultured cells have similar microanatomy to those found in natural lung linings, and respond in the same way to various chemical messengers. Dr Huang says that they could be used in long-term toxicity tests of airborne chemicals and could also help identify treatments for lung diseases.The immune system can be mimicked and tested, too. ProBioGen, a company based in Berlin, is developing an artificial human lymph node which, it reckons, could have prevented the near-disastrous consequences of a drug trial held in Britain three months ago, in which (despite the drug having passed animal tests) six men suffered multiple organ failure and nearly died. The drug the men were given made their immune systems hyperactive. Such a response would, the firm's scientists reckon, have been identified by their lymph node, which is made from cells that provoke the immune system into a response. ProBioGen's lymph node could thus work better than animal testing.Another way of cutting the number of animal experiments would be to change the way that vaccines are tested, according to Coenraad Hendriksen of the Netherlands Vaccine Institute. At the moment, all batches of vaccine are subject to the same battery of tests. Dr Hendriksen argues that this is over-rigorous. When new vaccine cultures are made, belt-and-braces tests obviously need to be applied. But if a batch of vaccine is derived from an existing culture, he suggests that it need be tested only to make sure it is identical to the batch from which it is derived. That would require fewer test animals. All this suggests that though there is still some way to go before drugs, vaccines and other substances can be tested routinely on cells rather than live animals, useful progress is being made. What is harder to see is how the use of animals might be banished from fundamental research.Anger managementTo one emotion, men are more sensitive than womenMEN are notoriously insensitive to the emotional world around them. At least, that is the stereotype peddled by a thousand women's magazines. And a study by two researchers at the University of Melbourne, in Australia, confirms that men are, indeed, less sensitive to emotion than women, with one important and suggestive exception. Men are acutely sensitive to the anger of other men.Mark Williams and Jason Mattingley, whose study has just been published in Current Biology, looked at the way a person's sex affects his or her response to emotionally charged facial expressions. People from all cultures agree on what six basic expressions of emotion look like. Whether the face before you is expressing anger, disgust, fear, joy, sadness or surprise seems to be recognised universally—which suggests that the expressions involved are innate, rather than learned.Dr Williams and Dr Mattingley showed the participants in their study photographs of these emotional expressions in mixed sets of either four or eight. They asked the participants to look for a particular sort of expression, and measured the amount of time it took them to find it. The researchers found, in agreement with previous studies, that both men and women identified angry expressions most quickly. But they also found that anger was more quickly identified on a male face than a female one.Moreover, most participants could find an angry face just as quickly when it was mixed in a group of eight photographs as when it was part of a group of four. That was in stark contrast to the other five sorts of expression, which took more time to find when they had to be sorted from a larger group. This suggests that something in the brain is attuned to picking out angry expressions, and that it is especially concerned about angry men. Also, this highly tuned ability seems more important to males than females, since the two researchers found that men picked out the angry expressions faster than women did, even though women were usually quicker than men to recognize every other sort of facial expression.Dr Williams and Dr Mattingley suspect the reason for this is that being able to spot an angry individual quickly has a survival advantage—and, since anger is more likely to turn into lethal violence in men than in women, the ability to spot angry males quickly is particularly valuable.As to why men are more sensitive to anger than women, it is presumably because they are far more likely to get killed by it.Most murders involve men killing other men—even today the context of homicide is usually a spontaneous dispute over status or sex.The ability to spot quickly that an alpha male is in a foul mood would thus have great survival value. It would allow thesharp-witted time to choose appeasement, defence or possibly even pre-emptive attack. And, if it is right, this study also confirms a lesson learned by generations of bar-room tough guys and schoolyard bullies: if you want attention, get angry.The shareholders' revoltA turning point in relations between company owners and bosses?SOMETHING strange has been happening this year at company annual meetings in America: shareholders have been voting decisively against the recommendations of managers. Until now, most shareholders have, like so many sheep, routinely voted in accordance with the advice of the people they employ to run the company. This year managers have already been defeated at some 32 companies, including household names such as Boeing, ExxonMobil and General Motors.This shareholders' revolt has focused entirely on one issue: the method by which members of the board of directors are elected. Shareholder resolutions on other subjects have mostly been defeated, as usual. The successful resolutions called for directors to be elected by majority voting, instead of by the traditional method of “plurality”—which in practice meant that only votes cast in favour were counted, and that a single vote for a candidate would be enough to get him elected.Several companies, led by Pfizer, a drug giant, saw defeat looming and pre-emptively adopted a formal majority-voting policy that was weaker than in the shareholder resolution. This required any director who failed to secure a majority of votes to tender his resignation to the board, which would then be free to decide whether or not to accept it. Under the shareholder resolution, any candidate failing to secure a majority of the votes cast simply would not be elected. Intriguingly, the shareholder resolution was defeated at four-fifths of the firms that adopted a Pfizer-style majority voting rule, whereas it succeeded nearly nine times out of ten at firms retaining the plurality rule.Unfortunately for shareholders, their victories may prove illusory, as the successful resolutions were all “precatory”—meaning that they merely advised management on the course of action preferred by shareholders, but did not force managers to do anything. Several resolutions that tried to impose majority voting on firms by changing their bylaws failed this year.Even so, wise managers should voluntarily adopt majority voting, according to Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz, a Wall Street law firm that has generally helped managers resist increases in shareholder power but now expects majority voting eventually to “become universal”. It advises that, at the very least, managers should adopt the Pfizer model, if only to avoid becoming the subject of even greater scrutiny from corporate-governance activists. Some firms might choose to go further, as Dell and Intel have done this year, and adopt bylaws requiring majority voting.Shareholders may have been radicalised by the success last year of a lobbying effort by managers against a proposal from regulators to make it easier for shareholders to put up candidates in board elections. It remains to be seen if they will be back for more in 2007. Certainly, some of the activist shareholders behind this year's resolutions have big plans. Where new voting rules are in place, they plan campaigns to vote out the chairman of the compensation committee at any firm that they think overpays the boss. If the 2006 annual meeting was unpleasant for managers, next year's could be far worse.Intangible opportunitiesCompanies are borrowing against their copyrights, trademarks and patentsNOT long ago, the value of companies resided mostly in things you could see and touch. Today it lies increasingly in intangible assets such as the McDonald's name, the patent for Viagra and the rights to Spiderman. Baruch Lev, a finance professor at New York University's Stern School of Business, puts the implied value of intangibles on American companies' balance sheets at about $6 trillion, or two-thirds of the total. Much of this consists of intellectual property, the collective name for copyrights, trademarks and patents. Increasingly, companies and their clever bankers are using these assets to raise cash.The method of choice is securitisation, the issuing of bonds based on the various revenues thrown off by intellectual property. Late last month Dunkin' Brands, owner of Dunkin' Donuts, a snack-bar chain, raised $1.7 billion by selling bonds backed by, among other things, the royalties it will receive from its franchisees. The three private-equity firms that acquired Dunkin' Brands a few months ago have used the cash to repay the money they borrowed to buy the chain. This is the biggest intellectual-property securitisation by far, says Jordan Yarett of Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton & Garrison, a law firm that has worked on many such deals.Securitisations of intellectual property can be based on revenues from copyrights, trademarks (such as logos) or patents. Thebest-known copyright deal was the issue in 1997 of $55m-worth of “Bowie Bonds” supported by the future sales of music by David Bowie, a British rock star. Bonds based on the films of DreamWorks, Marvel comic books and the stories of John Steinbeck have also been sold. As well as Dunkin' Brands, several restaurant chains and fashion firms have issued bonds backed by logos and brands.Intellectual-property deals belong to a class known as operating-asset securitisations. These differ from standard securitisations of future revenues, such as bonds backed by the payments on a 30-year mortgage or a car loan, in that the borrower has to make his asset work. If investors are to recoup their money, the assets being securitised must be “actively exploited”, says Mr Yarett: DreamWorks must continue to churn out box-office hits.The market for such securitisations is still small. Jay Eisbruck, of Moody's, a rating agency, reckons that around $10billion-worth of bonds are outstanding. But there is “big potential,” he says, pointing out that licensing patented technology generates $100 billion a year and involves thousands of companies.Raising money this way can make sense not only for clever private-equity firms, but also for companies with low (or no) credit ratings that cannot easily tap the capital markets or with few tangible assets as collateral for bank loans. Some universities have joined in, too. Yale built a new medical complex with some of the roughly $100m it raised securitising patent royalties from Zerit, an anti-HIV drug.It may be harder for investors to decide whether such deals are worth their while. They are, after all, highly complex and riskier than standard securitisations. The most obvious risk is that the investors cannot be sure that the assets will yield what borrowers promise: technology moves on, fashions change and the demand for sugary snacks may collapse. Valuing intellectual property—an exercise based on forecasting the timing and amount of future cashflows—is more art than science.So far, says Mr Eisbruck, these bonds have generally matched investors' hopes. But regulators say that only institutional investors, such as pension funds and hedge funds, can buy them. Fans seeking a slice of the profits from the next instalment of“X-Men” must wait.Nef offThe reason HIV is so virulent may have been foundTHE human immunodeficiency virus, HIV-1, the cause of the global AIDS epidemic, is the most intensively studied pathogen in history. For all that, it still has secrets to reveal. One is why it is so deadly. Many of man's primate relatives in Africa harbour similar viruses. Yet as far as can be seen, these so-called simian immunodeficiency viruses (SIVs) have little impact on their hosts' health.Frank Kirchhoff and Michael Schindler, of the University of Ulm, in Germany, and their colleagues have been looking into why that is. Their investigation, just published in Cell, suggests it is the result of a change in the role of a single viral gene, called nef.They came to this conclusion by looking at those simian equivalents. In most SIVs, they found, one role of nef is to remove a protein called TCR-CD3 from the surfaces of the cells that host the virus. The host cells in question are immune-system cells called T-cells. Specifically, they are “helper” T-cells, which orchestrate the immune system's response to pathogens such as viruses.The way the body recognises an infection is by examining molecules from the infectious agent. These molecules, known as antigens, are picked up by so-called antigen-presenting cells that display them on their surfaces and show them to the helper cells. The job of TCR-CD3 is to assist in the recognition of these antigens. If a helper cell recognises an antigen, it becomes activated. This means that it starts secreting chemicals that stimulate the growth and multiplication of other T-cells, including the killer Tcells that destroy infected cells. Then, its job done, it dies.Usually, this response clears the infection. In the case of AIDS, though, it does not. That means the immune system continues to be stimulated, and this prolonged stimulation results in high death rates among T-cells. Eventually, that exhausts the immune system's capacity to regenerate itself. The result is a collapse in the number of T-cells, and the accompanying symptoms of AIDS.In most simian infections, this does not happen because nef keeps the TCR-CD3 level too low for this exaggerated response to occur. That is also true in a rarer form of human AIDS caused by a virus called HIV-2. This form of AIDS is found in West Africa, but has not spread much beyond that part of the world. Indeed, of the 16 immunodeficiency viruses the researchers looked at, all but five had nef genes that removed TCR-CD3 from the cell surface. Three of those five were closely related monkey viruses. The fourth was HIV-1.The fifth was the chimpanzee virus that is the direct ancestor of HIV-1. Mankind, it seems, was just unlucky that this virus made the leap across the species barrier. If the only barrier-leaper had been HIV- 2 (which is the descendent of a。
economist(经济学人)精品文章中英对照
Whopper to go至尊汉堡，打包带走Will Burger King be gobbled up by private equity?汉堡王是否会被私人股本吞并？Sep 2nd 2010 | NEW YORKSHARES in Burger King (BK) soared on September 1st on reports that the fast-food company was talking to several private-equity firms interested in buying it. How much beef was behind these stories was unclear. But lately the company famous for the slogan “Have It Your Way” has certainly not been having it its own way. There may be arguments about whether BK or McDonald’s serves the best fries, but there is no doubt which is more popular with stockmarket investors: the maker of the Big Mac has supersized its lead in the past two years.有报道披露，快餐企业汉堡王（BK）正在与数个有收购意向的私人股本接洽，9月1日，汉堡王的股值随之飙升。
这些报道究竟有多少真材实料不得而知。
汉堡王的著名口号是“我选我味”，但如今显然它身不由己，心中五味杂陈。
汉堡王和麦当劳哪家薯条最好吃，食客们一直争论不休，但股票投资人更喜欢哪家股票，却一目了然：过去两年里，巨无霸麦当劳一直在扩大自己的优势。
经济学人原文阅读
经济学⼈原⽂阅读经济学⼈原⽂阅读2020/2/17The Chinese coronavirusTime and againA new virus is spreading.Fortunately, the world is better prepared than ever to stop itAs The Economist went to press, over 600 cases had been confirmed in six countries, of which 17 were fatal. The new virus is a close relative of sars (severe acute respiratory syndrome), which emerged in China in 2002 and terrorised the world for over half a year before burning out. sars afflicted more than 8,000 people and killed about 800, leaving in its wake $30bn-100bn of damage from disrupted trade and travel.That toll would have been lower if the Chinese authorities had not hushed up the outbreak for months. But things are very different this time. The Chinese have been forthcoming and swift to act. Doctors in Wuhan, the metropolis where it began, have come in for criticism, but the signs are that they promptly sounded an alarm about an unusual cluster of cases of pneumonia—thereby following a standard protocol协议 for spotting new viruses.The WHO has long worried about the possible emergence of a “disease x” that could become a serious international pandemic and which has no known counter-measures. Some experts say the virus found in China could be a threat of this kind. And there will be many others. Further illnesses will follow the same well-trodden path, by mutating from bugs that live in animals into ones that can infect people. Better vigilance in places where humans and animals mingle, as they do in markets across Asia, would help catch viral newcomers early. A tougher task is dissuading people from eating wild animals and convincing them to handle livestock with care, using masks and gloves when butchering meat and fish, for example. Such measures might have prevented the new coronavirus from ever making headlines.2020/2/18The apotheosis of Chinese cuisine in AmericaIts upward trajectory reflects the Chinese-American community’sChinese restaurants began to open in America in the mid-19th century, clustering on the west coast where the first immigrants landed.They mostly served an Americanised version of Cantonese cuisine—chop suey, egg fu yung and the like. In that century and much of the 20th, the immigrants largely came from China’s south-east, mainly Guangdong province.After the immigration reforms of 1965 removed ethnic quotas that limited non-European inflows, Chinese migrants from other regions started to arrive.Restaurants began calling their food “Hunan” and “Sichuan”, and though it rarely bore much resemblance to what was actually eaten in those regions, it was more diverse and boldly spiced than the sweet, fried stuff that defined the earliest Chinese menus.By the 1990s adventurous diners in cities with sizeable Chinese populations could choose from an array of regional cuisines. A particular favourite was Sichuan food, with its addictively numbing fire (the Sichuan peppercorn has a slightly anaesthetising, tongue-buzzing effect).Yet over the decades, as Chinese food became ubiquitous, it also—beyond the niche world of connoisseurs—came to be standardised. There are almost three times as many Chinese restaurants in America (41,000) as McDonald’s.Virtually every small town has one and, generally, the menus are consistent: pork dumplings (steamed or fried); the same two soups (hot and sour, wonton); stir-fries listed by main ingredient, with a pepper icon or star indicating a meagre trace of chilli-flakes. Dishes over $10 are grouped under “chef’s specials”.There are modest variations: in Boston, takeaways often come with bread and feature a dark, molasses-sweetened sauce; a Chinese-Latino creole cuisine developed in upper Manhattan. But mostly you can, as at McDonald’s, order the same thing in Minneapolis as in Fort Lauderdale.2020/2/19Obituary Li Wenliang The man who knewDr Li Wenliang, one of the first to raise the alarm about a new coronavirus, died of it on February 7th, aged 33Busy though he was as an ophthalmologist at Wuhan Central hospital, rushed off his feet, Li Wenliang never missed a chance to chat about his favourite things on Weibo. Food, in particular.Since he shared every passing observation online, it was not surprising that on December 30th he put up a post about an odd cluster of pneumonia cases at the hospital. They were unexplained, but the patients were in quarantine, and they had all worked in the same place, the pungent litter-strewn warren of stalls that made up the local seafood market. Immediately this looked like person-to-person transmission to him, even if it might have come initially from bats, or some other delicacy. Immediately, too, it raised the spectre of the sars virus of 2002-03 which had killed more than 700 people. He therefore decided to warn his private WeChat group, all fellow alumni from Wuhan University, to take precautions. He headed the post: “Seven cases of sars in the Huanan Wholesale Seafood Market”. That was his mistake.The trouble was that he did not know whether it was actually sars. He had posted it too fast. In an hour he corrected it, explaining that although it was a coronavirus, like sars, it had not been identified yet. But to his horror he was too late: his first post had already gone viral, with his name and occupation undeleted, so that in the middle of the night he was called in for a dressing down at the hospital, and January 3rd he was summoned to the police station.On January 8th an 82-year-old patient presented with acute angle-closure glaucoma and, because she had no fever, he treated her without a mask. She too turned out to run a stall in the market, and she had other odd symptoms, including loss of appetite and pulmonary lesions suggesting viral pneumonia. It was the new virus, and by January 10th he had begun to cough. The next day he put an n95 mask on. Not wanting to infect the family, he sent them to his in-laws 200 miles away, and checked into a hotel. He was soon back in the hospital, this time in an isolation ward. On February 1st a nucleic-acid test showed positive for the new coronavirus. Well, that’s it then, confirmed, he wrote on Weibo from his bed.2020/2/20Japan’s state-owned version of TinderLocal authorities are setting up matchmaking websites to pair their residents with lonely-hearts in the citiesEven after years of attending match-making parties, a professional in Tokyo explains, she has not found any suitable marriage prospects. “I’m tired of going to these events and not meeting anyone,” she gripes.So she has decided to expand her pool of prospective partners by looking for love outside the capital. To that end she has filled out an online profile detailing her name, job, hobbies and even weight on a match-making site that pairs up single urbanites with people from rural areas.Match-making services that promote iju konkatsu, meaning “migration spouse-hunting”, are increasingly common in Japan. They are typically operated by an unlikely marriage-broker: local governments.In Akita, a prefecture near the northern tip of Japan’s main island, the local government has long managed an online match-making service to link up local lonely-hearts. It claims to have successfully coupled up more than 1,350 Akita residents since it launched nine years ago.It recently began offering a similar service to introduce residents to people living outside the prefecture and is optimistic about its prospects. “By using the konkatsu site, we hope that more people from outside will marry someone from Akita to come and live here,” says Rumiko Saito of the Akita Marriage Support Centre.Along with online matching services, municipalities across Japan host parties to help singles mingle. They also organise subsidised group tours in rural prefectures, in which half the participants are locals and the other half from cities, to encourage urbanites to marry and move to the countryside. Hundreds of singletons participate in these tours every year.The difficulty of finding true love in the countryside is compounded by a gender mismatch. In 80% of prefectures with declining populations, young women are more likely than men to relocate to cities.This means that whereas there are more single women than men in big cities like Tokyo, bachelors outnumber spinsters in rural areas. Many men in the countryside are “left behind”, laments a government official in Akita.2020/2/22Many Chinese students are frightened of studying abroadSome pay ex-commandos to teach them how to avoid mass shootings in America, sayTheir fear is not of ideological contamination, but of the petty crime and shootings that China’s state media highlight as a scourge of Western societies. For Wang Xuejun, this is an opportunity. A veteran of Chinese peacekeeping and international relief work, he is the founder of Safety Anytime, a company that runs security-training programmes for anxious Chinese who are preparing to sojourn abroad. His customers are taught how to respond to gun-toting assailants, kidnapping attempts and terrorist attacks, among other perils. But the bulk of the training focuses on safety consciousness: how to be aware of more mundane dangers such as muggings or pick-pocketing and how to avoid or cope with them. There are also lessons in first aid, information security and drugs laws, plus advice on how to handle fraud and sexual harassment.The clients include not just Chinese students, more than 660,000 of whom went abroad last year, but also workers from the many Chinese energy, telecoms, finance and engineering companies that send employees abroad as part of China’s Belt and Road Initiative. That project, a sprawling scheme to build infrastructure and spread influence across much of the poor world, has put ever more Chinese into some of the world’s riskier places.Many of the students are heading off to leafy college campuses in America rather than strife-torn African countries, but they are still extremely anxious. With relentless regularity, they see reports of senseless and deadly mass shootings in American cities. Mr Wang stresses that his training is about much more than avoiding crazed gunmen, but that is the main draw for many of his trainees. “I hope to go to university in America, but we always hear so much about gun violence there that I really have to take it into consideration,”says 15-year-old Cao Zhen, as his mother stands alongside nodding in agreement.。
5英语阅读-经济学人《Economics》双语版-Stuff of dreams
Stuff of dreams梦想的精粹（译者注：本文是关于画展的评论。
）Two exhibitions show how a pair of 18th-century painters, James Barry and Henry Fuseli, inspired the modern visual ★romance with[1] the gothic两个画展展示的是，两位18世纪画家——詹姆斯•巴里和亨利•富塞利——如何唤起了现代人从视觉上对哥特式艺术的憧憬。
THIS spring the bad boys of British art are ★making a comeback[2]. Not Damien Hirst and his friends, but the original ★enfants terribles[3]—★Henry Fuseli[4] (1741-1825) and James Barry (1741-1806)—who aimed, above all, to depict extremes of passion and terror in what they called the new art of the Sublime.今春，英国艺术界的坏孩子再次粉墨登场了。
我们说的不是达米恩•赫斯特和他的朋友们，而是亨利•富塞利（1741-1825）和詹姆斯•巴里（1741-1806），这两位“莽撞少年”的始作俑者，他们的首要目标就是要用所谓的“新派高尚艺术”去描绘极度激情与恐怖。
Barry and Fuseli are hardly household names; indeed since Victorian times they have been virtually ignored. But in the late 18th century, Fuseli, and for a short time Barry also, were prominent members of the young Royal Academy of Arts (RA) and influential professors of painting there. Barry's ★fall from grace[5] was the most dramatic, but there is much to admire in this irascible Irish artist who, like Fuseli, once taught William Blake. Barry's prolific historical paintings demonstrate his ambition to rival the painters of antiquity and the Renaissance and to practise what the then president of the RA, Sir Joshua Reynolds, always preached—that history painting was the noblest form of art. （1）But Barry found it hard to be bound by rules, and he turned history and myth into a series of ★tableaux[6] that were at once oddly expressionistic and deeply personal.巴里和富塞利这两个名字算不上家喻户晓，实际上自维多利亚时代以来，世人对他们已经不闻不问。
经济学人-Special report-London
Special report: LondonOn a highLondon is the very model of a global city—and thriving on it, says Emma Duncan. But there are threats to its futureJun 30th 2012 | from the print editionSTEVE VARSANO, A New Yorker who sells private jets, moved from America to London a couple of years ago. His showroom, which is kitted out as a luxury aircraft interior—cream leather seats, snakeskin walls, mahogany trimmings—is on Hyde Park Corner.To some, Hyde Park Corner is a noisy roundabout. To Mr Varsano, it is an unbeatable location. Fifteen years ago, he says, 70% of the world's private jets were sold in America. These days, maybe 35-40% are. “Anybody that can afford a jet comes to London. The only bits of London they know are Belgravia, Knightsbridge and Mayfair [the areas that converge on Hyde Park Corner]. They all have to stop at that light,” he says, pointing at the traffic light on the southern side of the roundabout. “As the car swings round, the guy in the back seat has to look into my showroom. I have the best window on four continents.”In this special report»On a highHello, worldMove over, BritsThe flows of prosperityThanks for the memoryKeep movingHome is where the money isRiotous behaviourGlobal or bustSources & acknowledgementsReprintsRelated topicsLondonUnited KingdomMr Varsano is not alone in his enthusiasm for the city. Over the past quarter-century, unprecedented numbers of foreigners have come to live, work and invest in the city. Largely as a result, London has had an astonishing period of growth that has survived the recession in Britain and the economic crisis in Europe. It feels unstoppable; but that's how it felt a century ago, and it turned out not to be.Out of darknessLondon has been the centre of politics, administration, business and fun in Britain since the 11th century, but it was the Victorian age that made it great. The industrial revolution combined with the empire to supercharge London's economy. Raw materials from the colonies were shipped into the docks and manufactured goods shipped out. The banking system which grew up in the City of London channelled private savings into productive enterprises all over the globe.As London produced goods, so it sucked in people. Its population grew from 1m in 1800, when it was already by far the biggest city in Europe, to 6.5m in 1900. That huge expansion spawned a massive construction boom. Most of the city's housing is Victorian, as are its great buildings. Confident in the greatness of their age, the Victorians had little time for the past. Between 1830 and 1901, 23 churches, 18 of them built by Sir Christopher Wren, the architect of St Paul's Cathedral in the City, were demolished. Suburbs ate up the countryside: William Morris, a 19th-century artist, designer and thinker, called the place a “spreading sore”.In 1939 its population hit 8.6m. By then the belief that London was at once toorich and too poor, as well as too powerful, had taken hold. So whole neighbourhoods were bulldozed to clear slums; a Green Belt was established to stop it spreading; the construction of offices in central London was, in effect, banned. Meanwhile war battered the city, driving out people and industry. Manufacturing started to decline. The docks, London's core industry, were destroyed by container ships too deep for the river and by militant unions. The city went into a vicious cycle of decline. Schools emptied, crime rose and aspiring people left. By the late 1980s it had lost a quarter of its inhabitants.Phoenix rebornThen the population started rising again. Nobody really knows why. It may simply be that the economic factors that had caused it to shrink—the closure of the docks and the disappearance of manufacturing industry—had run their course, the policies designed to empty the place out had been abandoned and the gravitational pull of a great city had reasserted itself.Cities are powerful networks. According to Geoffrey West, a physicist at the Santa Fe Institute who has looked into the maths of cities, there is an urban constant that holds good the world over: every doubling in the size of a city brings a 15-20% increase in wages, patent output, the employment of “supercreative” people, the efficiency of transport systems and m any other good things associated with cities. There is a similar increase in crime and pollution, but the benefits of higher wages and greater opportunities evidently outweigh those disadvantages.And London had a great deal going for it: international connections, a useful time zone and, by the 1980s, a free-market government. In 1986 the Big Bang, which deregulated the City's financial services, set off a spate of growth that restored London to its place as one of the world's great financial centres. Growth drew in foreigners, who have arrived in ever larger numbers, bringing money (sometimes), skills (often) and a willingness to work harder than the natives (usually).Some come for jobs, some for sanctuary, some for fun. London has a creative buzz that makes it feel more like New York than Paris or Rome. It may be the result of the density of art colleges or the mildly anarchic street culture, but it has been heightened by the arrival of young foreigners escaping more conventional or oppressive societies, and coming to find themselves and each other. The art world, where language is no barrier to communication, is flourishing as never before.Study "The Knowledge", our interactive guide to London's demography and economyThe city has got better in duller ways, too. Devolution has improved its infrastructure. London's mayoralty, established in 2000, has far less power than those in, for instance, France or America. Yet the mayor can make a great deal of difference to transport, and has done so. Getting around the city is not quiteas painful an experience as it was ten years ago.The vicious cycle has turned virtuous, most visibly in education. Whereas private education in London was excellent, the state schools used to be particularly dreadful. But under both the previous and the current governments, money and effort have been concentrated on the capital. The academies programme, under which schools get more freedom and help from private-sector sponsors, has made most impact in London. The two most successful groups of academies, ARK and Harris, are there. The effects are showing up in the exam results.Partly thanks to better education, fewer Britons are leaving the city. At the same time, foreigners are still coming and, because of recent immigrants' high fertility, the birth rate is accelerating. So the population is rising fast (see chart 1).As Mr West's urban maths suggests, London's contribution to the country's economy has grown faster than its population. In 1997, the capital's gross valueadded per person was one-and-a-half times that of Britain as a whole; by 2010 the ratio had risen to nearly one-and-three-quarters. Londoners are also better paid and better qualified than their compatriots. And although the economic crisis has hit financial services hard, the city as a whole has got off relatively lightly.London subsidises the rest of the country by around £15 billion a year; only the south-east and east of the country, whose prosperity is largely derived from their proximity to London, are also in surplus. Altogether, the greater south-east contributes around £40 billion a year to the rest of the country's finances. Internationally, London also stands out. Whereas Britain has dropped down the GDP per person league to 7th, London is still 5th among cities in terms of GDP, and comes top or second in most of the rankings that include less measurable factors.But London is not just a bunch of impressive numbers; it is also an astonishing human artefact. A city that a generation ago was on the skids has become a place where the world meets to study, work, create, invent, make friends and fall in love. It is Britain's economic and cultural powerhouse, Europe's only properly global city and a magnet for rich and poor, from anywhere and everywhere. Londoners know they are living through something extraordinary. Many novelists have tried to capture the sense of heightened experience that comes from living at the centre of the world—John Lanchester in “Capital”, Sebastian Faulks in “A Week in December”, Oliver Harris in “The Hollow Man”, for instance—with varying degrees of success. The uneasy excitement that pervades the city is hard to bottle.It seems inconceivable that a gravitational pull as strong as London's should weaken, but the city's moment will, inevitably, pass. Its core industry, financial services, grew because of the accumulation of capital and trade flows. These days, capital is accumulating elsewhere, and the fastest-growing trade flows are not between the rich world and emerging countries but between different parts of the emerging world.Yet London is not entirely at the mercy of external forces. Policies matter. Just as the British government unwittingly accelerated London's decline after the second world war, so politicians today risk driving away some of the people on whom this city, and this country, depend for their future prosperity.from the print edition | Special report。
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allocate/ˈæləkeɪt/ vt. 分配；拨出 function/ˈfʌŋkʃn/ n. 功能；运作
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This was a point made to the University of Chicago’s survey by one of the dissenting economists, who argued that it was fair to cap prices after a natural disaster. “Efficiency is less important than distribution under such transitory conditions,” said Angus Deaton, now a Nobel laureate. In a global health crisis, his argument is even more compelling. Conventional morality—the revulsion against price gouging—trumps conventional economics.■
phase /feɪz/ n. 月相；时期
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Profit, narrowly defined as the income earned from making masks, also fails to explain corporate motives. Regulation has been crucial. Companies in China could not resume operations until all their workers had masks, so automakers, phone manufacturers and oil giants all added mask-production lines.
To be clear, it is not that they want the public to miss out on life-saving products. Quite the contrary. They believe that soaring prices stimulate greater output, and that policies to cap costs might limit supplies and so do more harm than good.
revamp /ˈriːvæmp/ vt. 修补；翻新；修改 loth /ləʊθ/ adj. 不愿意的；勉强的 tamper/ˈtæmpə(r)/ v. 做手脚，破坏 inadequate /ɪnˈædɪkwət/adj. 不充分的，不适当的
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First, consider the manufacture of masks. They might look simple, but producers need sterile factories and sophisticated machinery to churn out melt-blown fabric. Upfront costs would be hard to justify if the virus were quickly snuffed out.
sterile/ˈsteraɪl/adj. 不育的；无菌的 churn out艰苦地做出；大量炮制 melt-blown熔喷 fabric/ˈfæbrɪk/ n. 织物；布
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So in January, the early phase of the outbreak, Chinese firms began by scouring the world for masks rather than by making more of their own. It took government action to change that. Officials offered subsidies to firms producing safety gear: promising not outsized gains but an avoidance of losses. China went from making 20m masks per day before the crisis—half the world’s output—to nearly 120m by the end of February.
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And big companies also want to look like good corporate citizens. Peter Navarro, a trade adviser to America’s president, accused 3M, one of the world’s biggest manufacturers of highend masks, of putting money before people. In fact, 3M has stuck to its list prices and doubled its production.
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Indonesian authorities seized 600,000 masks from hoarders. In Italy the government launched a probe into sky-high online prices for basic protective equipment. Such crackdowns are popular. Who could possibly endorse disaster profiteering? Many economists, as it turns out.
Indonesian /ˌɪndəˈniːʒn / n. 印尼人 hoarder /ˈhɔːdə(r)/ n. 贮藏者；囤积者 probe /prəʊb/ n. 探针；调查 crackdown /ˈkrækdaʊn/ n. 镇压 endorse /ɪnˈdɔːs/ vt. 背书；认可；签署
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See ya ！
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the Economist
经济学人 2020年
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Much about the pandemic sweeping across the world is unprecedented, but one aspect is all too familiar: price gouging in the wake of a disaster. In New York police arrested a man who had stockpiled medical gear, allegedly selling it for a 700% mark-up.
defend/dɪˈfend/vt. 辩护；防护 profiteer/ˌprɒfɪˈtɪə(r)/ n. （贸易）奸商，牟取暴利者 gouging/'ɡaʊdʒɪŋ/ v. 凿；乱要价 morality /məˈræləti/ n. 道德；品行 trump /trʌmp/ vt. 胜过 pandemic /pænˈdemɪk/ n. （全国或全球性）流行病 arrest/əˈrest/ v. 逮捕 stockpile/ˈstɒkpaɪl/vt. 贮存；储存 gear /ɡɪə(r)/ n. 齿轮；装置，工具 allegedly /əˈledʒɪdli/ adv. 依其申述；据说 mark-upn. 加价；提价幅度
cap /kæp/ vt. 覆盖；胜过
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In 2012 the University of Chicago surveyed 32 eminent economists about legislation that banned price gouging during a weather-related emergency. Only three supported the ban; more than half criticised it. Similar views have been aired in recent weeks.
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Pricing is usually the best way to allocate resources, by revealing who is willing and able to pay for something. But there is no doubt now that masks are most essential for medical workers. Ordering large supplies at fixed prices is the right policy. The public benefit of a functioning health system far outweighs any harm in impeding sellers from maximising their profits.
conservative /kənˈsɜːvətɪv/adj. 保守的 lamented /ləˈmentɪd/v. 哀悼 entice /ɪnˈtaɪs/ vt. 诱使；怂恿